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Two Forms of Racism and Their Related Outcomes: the Bad and the Ugly

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Two Forms of Racism and Their Related Outcomes: the Bad and the Ugly CJBS 36-3 6/22/04 2:42 PM Page 177 Two Forms of Racism and Their Related Outcomes: The Bad and the Ugly FRANCINE TOUGAS, University of Ottawa JEAN-CLAUDE DESRUISSEAUX, Université du Québec en Outaouais ALAIN DESROCHERS, LINE ST-PIERRE, ANDREA PERRINO, and ROXANE DE LA SABLONNIÈRE, University of Ottawa Abstract qu’ils ne méritent pas ou les tiennent responsables de Two experiments investigated the related outcomes of l’ensemble des problèmes sociaux. La conception des two forms of racism among college students (413 in the expériences amenait les participants à être confrontés à la first and 374 in the second experiment) enrolled in a pro- réalité et à reconnaître les problèmes raciaux rencontrés gram leading to careers in law enforcement such as police lors de la formation et du travail dans la sphère du main- officers. The two forms of racism were the overt, tradi- tien de l’ordre. Conformément à nos hypothèses, la pre- tional type whereby visible minorities are denigrated on mière expérience a démontré que, même si les deux the basis of innate characteristics, and the subtle type formes de racisme sont reliées, seul le néoracisme est called neoracism, which incorporates egalitarian values associé à des attitudes dissimulées (c.-à-d., réactions and negative beliefs in the blame of visible minorities for défavorables à l’équité en matière d’emploi) et le racisme undeserved gains and overall social problems. The traditionnel est associé à des intentions comportemen- design of the experiments allowed for a reality check in tales discriminatoires ouvertes. La deuxième expérience that they pertained to racial issues relevant to training porte sur les effets du déclenchement d’une réaction and work in law enforcement. Experiment 1 showed, as négative à l’endroit d’une minorité visible sur les liens hypothesized, that although both forms of racism are entre les variables. Dans de telles conditions, les liens linked, only neoracism is associated with covert attitudes observés suggèrent la présence d’une régression vers (i.e., unfavourable reactions to employment equity), and d’anciennes normes, car le néoracisme est alors relié à des traditional racism is related to overt discriminatory attitudes dissimulées et à des intentions comportemen- behavioural intentions. Experiment 2 investigated the tales discriminatoires ouvertes. Les questions à incidence impact of priming a negative reaction to a visible minori- théorique et pratique issues de ces résultats sont abor- ty on the pattern of these links. Under such conditions dées. the observed links strongly suggest that respondents regress to old norms as neoracism is then associated with both covert negative attitudes and overt discriminatory behavioural intentions. The theoretical and practical Welcoming numerous waves of immigrants is part implications of these findings are discussed. of the history of North American countries. In the last decades, however, important differences were Résumé observed in immigration trends in these and many Deux expériences ont examiné les résultats connexes de other Western countries (Bean, Cushing, Haynes, & deux formes de racisme chez des étudiants du niveau col- Van Hook, 1997; Quillian, 1995). The face of immigra- légial (413 dans la première expérience et 374 dans la tion has changed with the rising number of visible seconde) inscrits dans des programmes menant à des car- minorities, a generic term used to describe all non- rières rattachées au maintien de l’ordre, par exemple, les white immigrants (e.g., Blacks, Asians, Latino- forces policières. Les deux formes de racisme étudiées Americans, Arabs). For example, although the pres- étaient, d’une part, le racisme traditionnel, ouvert, qui ence of visible minorities in Canada was reported as vise les membres de minorités visibles et est fondé sur early as 1628 (Walker, 1980), it is only recently that an des caractéristiques innées, et, d’autre part, un type de abrupt surge in their number occurred (Statistics racisme subtil, appelé néoracisme, qui incorpore des Canada, 1993a, 1993b). Visible minorities accounted valeurs égalitaires et des croyances négatives qui blâment for half of the immigrants entering Canada in the les membres des minorités visibles de jouir d’avantages early nineties (Mercer, 1995), and it is estimated that Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science, 2004, 36:3, 177-189 CJBS 36-3 6/22/04 2:42 PM Page 178 178 Tougas, Desruisseaux, Desrochers, St-Pierre, Perrino, and de la Sablonnière their number should continue to increase to make up ings regarding traditional racism can easily be mis- 20% of the adult population by 2016 (Kelly, 1995; construed. The fact that fewer people openly deni- Statistics Canada, 1995). grate visible minorities does not necessarily mean There is some indication that prevailing beliefs in that this type of prejudice is dead and buried or can- Western societies are not propitious to visible minori- not resurface in some circumstances. Changes in race ties. For example, studies suggest that comfort rat- relationships caused by the introduction of new soci- ings and attitudes vis-à-vis visible minorities are etal norms and the promotion of egalitarian values more negative than toward Europeans (Berry & are recent. Survey data (Gallup, 1994; Les Associés de Kalin, 1995; Esses & Gardner, 1996; Lapinski, Peltola, recherche Ekos Inc., 1992, 1994; Tuch et al., 1999) indi- Shaw, & Yang, 1997). Yet, the expression of negative cate that differences between the host group and visi- views of visible minorities has changed in recent ble minorities are still considered as innate and years. According to opinion polls (Gallup, 1994; Les immutable. Moreover, residual blatant beliefs might Associés de recherche Ekos Inc., 1992, 1994; Tuch, still be found in others who are in the process of Sigelman, & MacDonald, 1999) and recent studies becoming more egalitarian. Changes in such deep- conducted in many countries, subtle prejudicial rooted beliefs do not entail immediate and complete beliefs have supplanted the older more blatant form elimination of old prejudicial views or behaviours of racist views (Ekehammar, Akrami, & Araya, 2000; (Devine & Monteith, 1993; Devine, Monteith, Kleinpenning & Hagendoorn, 1993; Leach, Peng, & Zuwerink, & Elliot, 1991; Rogers & Prentice-Dunn, Volckens, 2000; Pedersen & Walker, 1997; Pettigrew & 1981). Meertens, 1995; Sawires & Peacock, 2000; Sonn, The second type of prejudice, which is more Bishop, & Humphries, 2000; Tougas, Beaton, Joly, & prevalent in Western countries, is covert and insidi- St-Pierre, 1998; Walker, 2001). This change from overt ous in the sense that it is subtly expressed. Different to covert racist views is consistent with prevailing conceptualizations of covert racism have been offered social norms: Openly denigrating visible minorities is (Monteith, 1996) and these were variously named not only incongruent with strongly advocated values ambivalent (Katz & Hass, 1988), aversive (Dovidio, of equality in our societies, in some cases it is illegal. 2001; Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986), symbolic (Henry & One could ask whether this change in the expres- Sears, 2002; Sears, 1988), subtle (Pettigrew & sion of racist beliefs is good or bad for visible minori- Meertens, 1995), new (Barker, 1984; Hopkins, Reicher, ties. In this paper, we address this question in two & Levine, 1997) or modern racism (McConahay, 1982, ways. First, we carry out a direct test of the distinction 1983, 1986). In accounting for this type of racism, we between the two forms of prejudice and their associat- refer to McConahay’s (1982, 1983, 1986) seminal work ed attitudes and behaviours. To date, research has not on modern racism. By his definition, modern racism fully investigated the hypothesis according to which incorporates conflicting views such as residual anti- of these two forms of prejudicial views are related to minority group feelings, and egalitarian values in the different attitudes and behaviours. Second, we inves- perception that minorities demand and benefit from tigate the circumstances in which regression to old illegitimate changes in the racial hierarchy. For exam- attitudes and behaviours could occur. This issue is ple, through the implementation of affirmative action raised in light of prior studies investigating responses programs in the United States (known as to the negative actions of a visible minority. Employment Equity Plans in Canada), visible minori- Our investigation on racism was prompted by ties have made some important gains in the domain studies pertaining to both African Americans of employment and work-related mobility. These (McConahay, 1982, 1986) and visible minorities in dif- changes can be perceived by some as unwarranted ferent countries (Ekehammar et al., 2000; and in direct violation of basic social values, such as Kleinpenning & Hagendoorn, 1993; Pederson & equality of opportunity and the merit principle. This Walker, 1997; Pettigrew & Meertens, 1995; Sawires & perception plays an important role in the elaboration Peacock, 2000; Sonn et al., 2000; Tougas et al., 1998; of socially acceptable justifications of one’s discrimi- Walker, 2001). These studies confirmed the presence natory views of visible minorities (McConahay, 1983). of both kinds of prejudice. The first kind, which is Being “socially acceptable” can lead some to assume endorsed by a minority of people, refers to more tra- that their views, even the most negative ones, are ditional, overt or blatant prejudicial views. Two dis- prejudice free (Pérez,
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