The Use of Presidential Signing Statements Hearing

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Use of Presidential Signing Statements Hearing S. HRG. 109–1053 THE USE OF PRESIDENTIAL SIGNING STATEMENTS HEARING BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED NINTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION JUNE 27, 2006 Serial No. J–109–92 Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary ( U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 43–109 PDF WASHINGTON : 2009 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate Nov 24 2008 10:34 Apr 16, 2009 Jkt 043109 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 S:\GPO\HEARINGS\43109.TXT SJUD1 PsN: CMORC COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY ARLEN SPECTER, Pennsylvania, Chairman ORRIN G. HATCH, Utah PATRICK J. LEAHY, Vermont CHARLES E. GRASSLEY, Iowa EDWARD M. KENNEDY, Massachusetts JON KYL, Arizona JOSEPH R. BIDEN, JR., Delaware MIKE DEWINE, Ohio HERBERT KOHL, Wisconsin JEFF SESSIONS, Alabama DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California LINDSEY O. GRAHAM, South Carolina RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD, Wisconsin JOHN CORNYN, Texas CHARLES E. SCHUMER, New York SAM BROWNBACK, Kansas RICHARD J. DURBIN, Illinois TOM COBURN, Oklahoma MICHAEL O’NEILL, Chief Counsel and Staff Director BRUCE A. COHEN, Democratic Chief Counsel and Staff Director (II) VerDate Nov 24 2008 10:34 Apr 16, 2009 Jkt 043109 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 5904 Sfmt 5904 S:\GPO\HEARINGS\43109.TXT SJUD1 PsN: CMORC C O N T E N T S STATEMENTS OF COMMITTEE MEMBERS Page Cornyn, Hon. John, a U.S. Senator from the State of Texas ............................... 4 Durbin, Richard J., a U.S. Senator from the State of Illinois .............................. 5 Feinstein, Hon. Dianne, a U.S. Senator from the State of California ................. 18 Leahy, Hon. Patrick J., a U.S. Senator from the State of Vermont .................... 2 statement .......................................................................................................... 222 Specter, Hon. Arlen, a U.S. Senator from the State of Pennsylvania ................. 1 WITNESSES Boardman, Michelle E., Deputy Assistant Attorney General, Office of Legal Counsel, U.S. Department of Justice, Washington, D.C. .................................. 6 Fein, Bruce, Partner, Fein & Fein LLC, Washington, D.C. ................................. 24 Ogletree, Charles J., Jr., Professor, Harvard Law School, Cambridge, Massa- chusetts ................................................................................................................. 20 Rosenkranz, Nicholas Quinn, Associate Professor of Law, Georgetown Univer- sity Law Center, Washington, D.C. .................................................................... 27 Yoo, Christopher S., Professor, Vanderbilt University Law School, Nashville, Tennessee .............................................................................................................. 22 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Questions submitted by Senators Kennedy and Feinstein to Charles Ogletree (Note: Reponses to questions were not received as of the time of printing, April 16, 2009 ....................................................................................................... 39 Responses of Michelle Boardman to questions submitted by Senators Specter, Leahy, Kennedy, Feinstein and Schumer .......................................................... 41 Responses of Bruce Fein to questions submitted by Senator Kennedy ............... 71 Responses of Nicholas Rosenkranz to questions submitted by Senators Fein- stein and Kennedy ............................................................................................... 74 Responses of Christopher Yoo to questions submitted by Senator Feinsten ...... 85 SUBMISSIONS FOR THE RECORD American Bar Association, News Release, statement .......................................... 95 Boardman, Michelle E., Deputy Assistant Attorney General, Office of Legal Counsel, U.S. Department of Justice, Washington, D.C., statement ............... 98 Boston Globe, Boston, Massachusetts: April 30, 2006, article ....................................................................................... 109 May 3, 2006, article .......................................................................................... 119 Calabresi, Steven G., Professor of Law, Northwestern University School of Law, Yale University, statement and attachment ............................................ 122 The Constitution Project, Washington, D.C., statement ...................................... 200 Department of Justice, Washington, D.C., Memorandum for Bernard N. Nuss- baum ...................................................................................................................... 204 Fein, Bruce, Partner, Fein & Fein LLC, Washington, D.C., statement .............. 215 Ogletree, Charles J., Jr., Professor, Harvard Law School, Cambridge, Massa- chusetts, statement .............................................................................................. 227 Rosenkranz, Nicholas Quinn, Associate Professor of Law, Georgetown Univer- sity Law Center, Washington, D.C., statement ................................................. 234 Yoo, Christopher S., Professor, Vanderbilt University Law School, Nashville, Tennessee, statement ........................................................................................... 247 (III) VerDate Nov 24 2008 10:34 Apr 16, 2009 Jkt 043109 PO 00000 Frm 00003 Fmt 5904 Sfmt 5904 S:\GPO\HEARINGS\43109.TXT SJUD1 PsN: CMORC VerDate Nov 24 2008 10:34 Apr 16, 2009 Jkt 043109 PO 00000 Frm 00004 Fmt 5904 Sfmt 5904 S:\GPO\HEARINGS\43109.TXT SJUD1 PsN: CMORC THE USE OF PRESIDENTIAL SIGNING STATEMENTS TUESDAY, JUNE 27, 2006 UNITED STATES SENATE, COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY, Washington, DC. The Committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:02 a.m., in room SD–226, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Arlen Specter, Chairman of the Committee, presiding. Present: Senators Specter, Cornyn, Leahy, Kennedy, Feinstein, Feingold, and Durbin. OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ARLEN SPECTER, A U.S. SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA Chairman SPECTER. Good morning, ladies and gentlemen. The Judiciary Committee will now proceed with our hearing on presi- dential signing statements. The issue has come into sharp focus as a result of the extensive use by President Bush of signing statements. There have been many signing statements issued by Presidents in the past, and there are good purposes which are not subject to challenge; for ex- ample, if the signing statement is one which contains instructions to the executive branch as to how to carry out the legislation. But there is a sense that the President has taken the signing state- ments far beyond the customary purview as, for example, with the heated controversy on the issue of interrogation of prisoners and the alleged use of torture. When the Senate passed 89–9 a prohibition on that kind of inter- rogation practice, and after very extensive negotiations with the White House on the so-called McCain amendment, the President issued a signing statement which appeared to undercut what had been negotiated. In the PATRIOT Act, which was a measure which came out of this Committee, very extensively negotiated, unanimous on the Committee and the Senate bill, and without any dissent on the floor, went through on the unanimous consent calendar—rather un- usual. We did have some points of controversy when it got to the conference with the House of Representatives. And the administra- tion had every opportunity to weigh on in the provisions of the bill, but when the President signed it, he put a notation in that he could withhold information. We had put into the bill oversight pro- visions intended to make sure that law enforcement did not abuse the special terrorism-related powers to search homes and secretly seize paper. It also required the Department of Justice to keep a (1) VerDate Nov 24 2008 10:34 Apr 16, 2009 Jkt 043109 PO 00000 Frm 00005 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 S:\GPO\HEARINGS\43109.TXT SJUD1 PsN: CMORC 2 closer track of how often the FBI used the new powers and in what types of situations. The President then in his signing statement added an addendum that that disclosure would not be made if, in his judgment, it would ‘‘impair foreign relations, national security, the deliberative process of the Executive, or the performance of the Executive’s constitu- tional duties.’’ Now, if the President had intended to put that limitation into law, that is something I believe should have been submitted to the Congress. We should have weighed it. We should have evaluated it, and, if we under the exercise of our legislative powers granted in the Constitution, thought it appropriate, we would have put it in. But there is a real issue here as to whether the President may, in effect, cherrypick the provisions he likes and exclude the ones he does not like and add addenda as to what he may prefer. There is no doubt that the President’s constitutional power under Article II cannot be limited by statute. But as a matter of comity and negotiation, these are things which we would all be better served if they were brought to the attention of the legislative branch before the legislation is finished. Then, as we all know, the President has the option under the Constitution to veto or not. And the Framers, in leaving with the Congress the authority to legis- late, provided for an override of the veto, again, as we all know. And in the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the Chadha case, the Court said, ‘‘It emerges
Recommended publications
  • An Examination of the Call to Censure the President
    S. HRG. 109–524 AN EXAMINATION OF THE CALL TO CENSURE THE PRESIDENT HEARING BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED NINTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION MARCH 31, 2006 Serial No. J–109–66 Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary ( U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 28–341 PDF WASHINGTON : 2006 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2250 Mail: Stop SSOP, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate 0ct 09 2002 14:36 Aug 16, 2006 Jkt 028341 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 S:\GPO\HEARINGS\28341.TXT SJUD4 PsN: CMORC COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY ARLEN SPECTER, Pennsylvania, Chairman ORRIN G. HATCH, Utah PATRICK J. LEAHY, Vermont CHARLES E. GRASSLEY, Iowa EDWARD M. KENNEDY, Massachusetts JON KYL, Arizona JOSEPH R. BIDEN, JR., Delaware MIKE DEWINE, Ohio HERBERT KOHL, Wisconsin JEFF SESSIONS, Alabama DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California LINDSEY O. GRAHAM, South Carolina RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD, Wisconsin JOHN CORNYN, Texas CHARLES E. SCHUMER, New York SAM BROWNBACK, Kansas RICHARD J. DURBIN, Illinois TOM COBURN, Oklahoma MICHAEL O’NEILL, Chief Counsel and Staff Director BRUCE A. COHEN, Democratic Chief Counsel and Staff Director (II) VerDate 0ct 09 2002 14:36 Aug 16, 2006 Jkt 028341 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 5904 Sfmt 5904 S:\GPO\HEARINGS\28341.TXT SJUD4 PsN: CMORC C O N T E N T S STATEMENTS OF COMMITTEE MEMBERS Page Cornyn, Hon. John, a U.S. Senator from the State of Texas ..............................
    [Show full text]
  • War Powers for the 21St Century: the Constitutional Perspective
    WAR POWERS FOR THE 21ST CENTURY: THE CONSTITUTIONAL PERSPECTIVE HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND OVERSIGHT OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDRED TENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION APRIL 10, 2008 Serial No. 110–164 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/ U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 41–756PDF WASHINGTON : 2008 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate 0ct 09 2002 09:32 May 14, 2008 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 F:\WORK\IOHRO\041008\41756.000 Hintrel1 PsN: SHIRL COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS HOWARD L. BERMAN, California, Chairman GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey Samoa DAN BURTON, Indiana DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey ELTON GALLEGLY, California BRAD SHERMAN, California DANA ROHRABACHER, California ROBERT WEXLER, Florida DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York EDWARD R. ROYCE, California BILL DELAHUNT, Massachusetts STEVE CHABOT, Ohio GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York THOMAS G. TANCREDO, Colorado DIANE E. WATSON, California RON PAUL, Texas ADAM SMITH, Washington JEFF FLAKE, Arizona RUSS CARNAHAN, Missouri MIKE PENCE, Indiana JOHN S. TANNER, Tennessee JOE WILSON, South Carolina GENE GREEN, Texas JOHN BOOZMAN, Arkansas LYNN C. WOOLSEY, California J. GRESHAM BARRETT, South Carolina SHEILA JACKSON LEE, Texas CONNIE MACK, Florida RUBE´ N HINOJOSA, Texas JEFF FORTENBERRY, Nebraska JOSEPH CROWLEY, New York MICHAEL T.
    [Show full text]
  • Wikileaks, the First Amendment and the Press by Jonathan Peters1
    WikiLeaks, the First Amendment and the Press By Jonathan Peters1 Using a high-security online drop box and a well-insulated website, WikiLeaks has published 75,000 classified U.S. documents about the war in Afghanistan,2 nearly 400,000 classified U.S. documents about the war in Iraq,3 and more than 2,000 U.S. diplomatic cables.4 In doing so, it has collaborated with some of the most powerful newspapers in the world,5 and it has rankled some of the most powerful people in the world.6 President Barack Obama said in July 2010, right after the release of the Afghanistan documents, that he was “concerned about the disclosure of sensitive information from the battlefield.”7 His concern spread quickly through the echelons of power, as WikiLeaks continued in the fall to release caches of classified U.S. documents. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton condemned the slow drip of diplomatic cables, saying it was “not just an attack on America's foreign policy interests, it [was] an attack on the 1 Jonathan Peters is a lawyer and the Frank Martin Fellow at the Missouri School of Journalism, where he is working on his Ph.D. and specializing in the First Amendment. He has written on legal issues for a variety of newspapers and magazines, and now he writes regularly for PBS MediaShift about new media and the law. E-mail: [email protected]. 2 Noam N. Levey and Jennifer Martinez, A whistle-blower with global resonance; WikiLeaks publishes documents from around the world in its quest for transparency, L.A.
    [Show full text]
  • Presidential Signing Statements and Executive Power Curtis A
    University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Constitutional Commentary 2006 Presidential Signing Statements and Executive Power Curtis A. Bradley Eric A. Posner Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Bradley, Curtis A. and Posner, Eric A., "Presidential Signing Statements and Executive Power" (2006). Constitutional Commentary. 148. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm/148 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Constitutional Commentary collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Articles PRESIDENTIAL SIGNING STATEMENTS AND EXECUTIVE POWER Curtis A. Bradley* Eric A. Posner** A recent debate about the Bush administration's use of presidential signing statements has raised questions about their function, legality, and value. We argue that presidential signing statements are legal and that they provide a useful way for the president to disclose his views about the meaning and constitutionality of legis­ lation. In addition, basic tenets of positive political theory suggest that signing statements do not under­ mine the separation of powers or the legislative proc­ ess and that, under certain circumstances, they can provide relevant evidence of statutory meaning. Al­ though President Bush has raised many more constitu­ tional challenges within his signing statements than prior presidents have, at least on their face these chal­ lenges are similar to challenges made by other recent presidents, such as President Clinton. Whether Bush's views of executive power are significantly different from Clinton's, and if so, whether they are inferior, remain open questions, but these issues are independ­ ent of whether signing statements are lawful.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 1 US Torture Policy and Command Responsibility James P. Pfiffner Abstract: Civilian Control of the Military and Political Cont
    A revised version of this paper was published in Examining Torture: Empirical Studies of State Repression, ed. Tracy Lightcap and James P. Pfiffner (NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), pp. 103-126. US Torture Policy and Command Responsibility James P. Pfiffner Abstract: Civilian control of the military and political control of the executive branch are important constitutional principles upon which the United States government is based. After the 9/11 atrocities, President Bush used his power as president very effectively to pursue policies that would allow and encourage U.S. personnel to use harsh interrogation techniques to obtain intelligence in the war on terror. In implementing these interrogation policies, the Bush administration used legal arguments and the chain of command to ensure that the harsh interrogation policies would be carried out. In this process, the administration failed to heed the warnings of both civilian and military career professionals, and this led to the abuse and torture of detainees in the war on terror. This chapter will examine U.S. policy making on interrogation in the war on terror in light of several important principles of American government and international law: the politics-administration dichotomy, civilian control of the military, and command responsibility. President Bush used his power as president very effectively to pursue a policy direction that would allow and encourage U.S. personnel to use harsh interrogation methods to obtain intelligence in the war on terror. His aides marshaled legal arguments to support his position, despite serious objections from his Secretary of State, Colin Powell, and professional military lawyers in the Judge Advocate General Corps, among others.
    [Show full text]
  • How Presidential Signing Statements and Senate Bill 3731 Should Lead to a New Doctrine of Legislative Standing
    Catholic University Law Review Volume 56 Issue 4 Summer 2007 Article 6 2007 Raines, Raines Go Away: How Presidential Signing Statements and Senate Bill 3731 Should Lead to a New Doctrine of Legislative Standing Jason A. Derr Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.edu/lawreview Recommended Citation Jason A. Derr, Raines, Raines Go Away: How Presidential Signing Statements and Senate Bill 3731 Should Lead to a New Doctrine of Legislative Standing, 56 Cath. U. L. Rev. 1237 (2007). Available at: https://scholarship.law.edu/lawreview/vol56/iss4/6 This Comments is brought to you for free and open access by CUA Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Catholic University Law Review by an authorized editor of CUA Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COMMENTS RAINES, RAINES GO AWAY: HOW PRESIDENTIAL SIGNING STATEMENTS AND SENATE BILL 3731 SHOULD LEAD TO A NEW DOCTRINE OF LEGISLATIVE STANDING Jason A. Derr' Since taking office, President George W. Bush has exercised his execu- tive power to disregard over 750 laws.' In April 2006, Boston Globe re- + J.D. Candidate, May 2008, The Catholic University of America, Columbus School of Law, B.A., King's College, Wilkes-Barre, PA. First and foremost, the author wishes to thank the staff of the Catholic University Law Review for their expert editing of this Com- ment. The author owes an incredible debt of gratitude to Professor Heather Elliott for her invaluable guidance and expert legal analysis throughout the writing process, Professor Richard J. Peltz for his assistance in the initial stages of working with presidential signing statements, and his Note and Comment Editor, Kinari Patel, for her expert critiques and continual encouragement.
    [Show full text]
  • Telephone Justice, Pandering, and Judges Who Speak out of School Randall T
    Fordham Urban Law Journal Volume 29 | Number 3 Article 2 2002 Telephone Justice, Pandering, and Judges Who Speak Out of School Randall T. Shepard Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj Part of the Judges Commons Recommended Citation Randall T. Shepard, Telephone Justice, Pandering, and Judges Who Speak Out of School, 29 Fordham Urb. L.J. 811 (2002). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj/vol29/iss3/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Urban Law Journal by an authorized editor of FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. TELEPHONE JUSTICE, PANDERING, AND JUDGES WHO SPEAK OUT OF SCHOOL Randall T. Shepard* As Americans we pride ourselves on the rule of law and its sine qua non, an independent judiciary. In The FederalistNo. 78, Alex- ander Hamilton described judicial independence as "an essential safeguard against the effects of occasional ill humors in the society."1 In the course of reaffirming the special role of judicial indepen- dence in our own society, we routinely decry the "telephone jus- tice" practiced in some parts of the world. Before the Berlin Wall came down, crimes such as "infringing on the activities of the state" served as "the fig leaves of a system that didn't disguise its real purpose: executing the wishes of the state's Communist Party leadership and their secret police."' 3 Even as the world enters the twenty-first century, there are still nations where a judge can ex- pect to receive a call from a party boss or security officer with or- ders on how to decide a case.4 While most would agree that such overt interference is the an- tithesis of judicial independence, these are the easy cases.
    [Show full text]
  • Twelve Steps to Restore Checks and Balances Aziz Z
    TWELVE STEPS TO RESTORE CHECKS AND BALANCES Aziz Z. Huq Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER FOR JUSTICE The Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law is a non-par- tisan public policy and law institute that focuses on fundamental issues of democ- racy and justice. Our work ranges from voting rights to redistricting reform, from access to the courts to presidential power in the fight against terrorism. A singular institution – part think tank, part public interest law firm, part advocacy group – the Brennan Center combines scholarship, legislative and legal advocacy, and communications to win meaningful, measurable change in the public sector. ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER’S LIBERTY AND NATIONAL SECURITY PROJECT The Brennan Center initiated its Liberty and National Security Project three years ago as part of its Justice Program to foster better public understanding of the importance of accountability, transparency, and checks-and-balances in the formu- lation and implementation of national security policy. We have since been at the forefront of advocating for sound, rights-respecting policy based on broad public participation and informed discussion. Our staff engages in a spectrum of public education, legislative advocacy, litigation and scholarly activity. © 2008. This paper is covered by the Creative Commons “Attribution-No Derivs-NonCommercial” license (see http://creativecommons.org). It may be reproduced in its entirety as long as the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law is credited, a link to the Center’s web page is provided, and no charge is imposed.
    [Show full text]
  • September-17-CRP-Complete
    Praise for Restore the Constitution “ Bruce Fein is a no-BS constitutional textualist and originalist and, more importantly, an uncompromising constitutional patriot. He has been on the front lines of resisting the brutal Executive-branch usurpations and transgressions of the Trump presidency. In this remarkably comprehensive package, Fein offers provocative and impressive proposals not only to restore the much-trampled and much-surrendered powers of Congress but to restore the much- RESTORE THE abused liberties and rights of the people.” congressman jamin ben “jamie” raskin was also a professor of constitutional law at American University’s Washington College of Law for more than 25 years and the author of several books on law and public policy. CONSTITUTION “ Bruce Fein has meticulously diagnosed the fissures in the American Constitutional edifice and prescribed workable repairs. He brings a lifetime of scholarship and intense study to this task, Model Congressional Resolutions, focusing on recent instances of how the careful balance of power between our federal branches has come undone. From war powers to executive orders to unilateral decisions not to enforce the Rules, and Legislation to Reclaim the laws passed by Congress, Presidents have amassed power the founders never intended, and our Constitution from Unconstitutional country has suffered accordingly. Fein has devoted his prodigious talents and energy to crafting Executive Supremacy to Benefit the specific laws Congress should pass to reclaim the authority the Constitution uniquely gave it. Seldom has a constitutional text combined extensive learning with such practical applications.” Health, Safety, and Welfare tom campbell is the former Dean of Fowler School of Law, Chapman University, former Professor of Law, of the American People Stanford University, former US Congressman, and lead plaintiff in Campbell v.
    [Show full text]
  • Recent Signing Statement
    RECENT SIGNING STATEMENT OMNIBUS APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2009 — PRESIDENT OBAMA IS- SUES FIRST CONSTITUTIONAL SIGNING STATEMENT, DECLARES APPROPRIATIONS BILL PROVISIONS UNENFORCEABLE. — State- ment on Signing the Omnibus Appropriations Act, 2009, DAILY COMP. PRES. DOC. No. DCPD200900145 (Mar. 11, 2009). As the mechanism through which the President signals to Congress his intended nonenforcement of federal law, “constitutional” signing statements1 track a growing separation of powers conflict. In constitu- tional signing statements, the President claims the authority to deter- mine which provisions in an enacted law violate the Constitution and whether the executive branch will disregard or reinterpret such provi- sions. In contrast to “rhetorical” signing statements — those that “re- ward constituents, mobilize public opinion,”2 and reflect, generally, the President’s extralegal opinions and concerns3 — constitutional state- ments are a source of great legal and political controversy.4 In such statements presidents employ the canon of constitutional avoidance to save ambiguously worded legislative text or refuse to enforce altogeth- er those provisions deemed irreconcilable with the Constitution. On March 11, 2009, President Barack Obama signed the Omnibus Appropriations Act, 2009,5 into law. President Obama attached to the Act a constitutional signing statement,6 the first of his presidency. With it, President Obama became the latest President to signal consti- tutional objections to statutory provisions through rote and largely symbolic signing statements. This uniform practice is telling: institu- tional pressures not only mandate that presidents signal their disap- proval, but also militate strongly in favor of the signing statement as the default executive mechanism. Indeed, the sheer strength of these pressures helps explain why President Obama would continue to rely on signing statements given the heightened political costs.
    [Show full text]
  • National Security and the First Amendment (Program) Institute of Bill of Rights Law at the William & Mary Law School
    College of William & Mary Law School William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository IBRL Events Institute of Bill of Rights Law 1985 National Security and the First Amendment (Program) Institute of Bill of Rights Law at the William & Mary Law School Repository Citation Institute of Bill of Rights Law at the William & Mary Law School, "National Security and the First Amendment (Program)" (1985). IBRL Events. 23. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/ibrlevents/23 Copyright c 1985 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/ibrlevents "N ational Security and the First Amendment" A Symposium Sponsored by the Institute of Bill of Rights Law in the College of William and Mary MarshaJl- Wythe School of Law Williamsburg, Virginia March 29 and 30, 1985 ,'National Security and the First Amendment" FRIDAY, MARCH 29 Registration and Coffee, Law School Lounge, 8:00 - 9:00 a.m. Introductory Remarks, Room 119, Law School, 9:00 a.m. William B. Spong, Jr. Dean and Director of the Institute of Bill of Rights Law Session I, Room 119,9:30 a.m. - 11:45 a.m. Principal Remarks: "Embargoes on Exports of Ideas and Information: First Amendment Issues" Robert D. Kamenshine Professor of Law Vanderbilt University Visiting Lee Professor Institute of Bill of Rights Law Panelists: Allan Adler Counsel for Center of National Security Studies American Civil Liberties Union Jerry J. Berman Legislative Counsel American Civil Liberties Union Lynn Rankin Jordan Assistant Counsel Chicago Tribune Martin Redish Professor of Law Northwestern University Elizabeth Rindskopf General Counsel National Security Agency Moderator: James W.
    [Show full text]
  • U.N. Convention Against Torture (CAT): Overview and Application to Interrogation Techniques
    = __=43;*39.43= ,&.389=479:7*= a= ;*7;.*<=&3)= 551.(&9.43=94=39*774,&9.43= *(-3.6:*8= .(-&*1= 4-3= &7(.&= *,.81&9.;*= 99473*>= &3:&7>=,0`=,**3= 43,7*88.43&1= *8*&7(-=*7;.(*= 18/1**= <<<_(78_,4;= -,.-2= =*5479=+47=43,7*88 Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress __=a= ;*7;.*<=&3)=551.(&9.43=94=39*774,&9.43=*(-3.6:*8= = :22&7>= The United Nations Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT) requires signatory parties to take measures to end torture within their territorial jurisdiction and to criminalize all acts of torture. Unlike many other international agreements and declarations prohibiting torture, CAT provides a general definition of the term. CAT generally defines torture as the infliction of severe physical and/or mental suffering committed under the color of law. CAT allows for no circumstances or emergencies where torture could be permitted. The United States ratified CAT, subject to certain declarations, reservations, and understandings, including that the treaty was not self-executing and required implementing legislation to be enforced by U.S. courts. In order to ensure U.S. compliance with CAT obligations to criminalize all acts of torture, the United States enacted chapter 113C of the United States Criminal Code, which prohibits torture occurring outside the United States (torture occurring inside the United States was already generally prohibited under several federal and state statutes criminalizing acts such as assault, battery, and murder). The applicability and scope of these statutes were the subject of widely-reported memorandums by the Department of Defense and Department of Justice in 2002.
    [Show full text]