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Abstract the Rapid Expansion of Industrialisation in East Java During the Last Two Decades Has Caused Severe River Pollution

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Abstract the Rapid Expansion of Industrialisation in East Java During the Last Two Decades Has Caused Severe River Pollution Environmental Technology: Applications in Principle and Practice Some Impacts of Industry Pollution in The Brantas River, East Java, and Constraints on Efforts Towards a Clean-Up: An Overview Peter Koffel Research Staff, Institute for Science and Technology Policy, Murdoch University "If you want to destroy East Java, then you need only destroy the Brantas Basin". (Pak Soelarso, the former Governor of East Java, March, 1993.) "Why am I so 'lucky' to b.e at the centre of so much attention?" (Pak Ischak, Tannery owner, Malang, 1994) "Care for the river is very little. The river must flow to the sea, not be dammed, extracted or polluted". (Pak Usman, shrimp farmer, 1994) "Water management is as much about economics, socia~ and political policies and power as it is about hydrology and ecology". (Jol)nson et al: 1993: 85) Abstract The rapid expansion of industrialisation in East Java during the last two decades has caused severe river pollution. The Brantas River Basin constitutes the core of that industrialisation and the core of much of East Java's development activity. River pollution in some cases has impacted heavily upon riparian communities. Issues of riverwater quality and pollution control have become a focus for government, NCO's, media, educational institutions and foreign aid. These issues, and the focus they are receiving, have created complexities in the political, economic, social and environmental life of the Brantas Basin which are stretching the status quo. In the process of realigning these "life" forces towards a healthy river, inconsistencies and contradictions have become apparent. This paper aims to map out the issues of industrial pollution in the Brantas Basin by exploring the expansion of industry, the impacts it has had on communities and showing that their responses and protests have been an important catalyst in shaking up inertia, though not always with a desired end. It also aims to explore the river clean-up activities, and the conflicts and constraints between industries, communities, bureaucracies and NCOs (the stakeholders) that have emerged out of those activities. The Brantas Basin: geography, popUlation, and industrial deepening The above statement by the former Governor of East Java bears some fact. The basin has one main river, the Brantas with a length of 320km from its source to its outflow, 39 major tributaries, approximately 80 lesser tributaries, and others still which are seasonal. The Brantas flows in the form of an upside down question mark with much of the catchment located in the middle of the arc formed by steep mountains and volcanoes up to 2,800m high. The basin is also bordered by mountains at the western and eastern ridges, including Mt. Semeru, the largest volcano in Java at 3,60Om. The Brantas River starts north of Malang city flowing south through the city and then bending westwards into the Karangkates hydro dam complex and onto Blitar city and Tulungagung. From there it arches northwards to Kediri city and then arches eastwards to Mojokerto where the delta outflow begins. From Mojokerto the river splits and flows a further 60kms - northeast as the Surabaya River, eastwards as the Mangetan irrigation canal, and southeast as the Porong River. The Surabaya River further splits forming the Mas River flowing to the north, and the Wonokromo River flowing east. The Brantas basin has a major social and economic role to play in Indonesia. It is Java's second largest river with a catchment area of 12,000 sq.km and is heavily occupied by extensive upland agriculture, and intensive lowland sugar and rice agriculture and aquaculture. East Java's total rice production contributes 36% of the total national harvest (Dick et al: 1993: 122). In an area just one quarter the size of East Java, the Brantas basin produces around 35-40% of East Java's rice contribution, around 40% of the province's sugar harvest, contains 66% of its soya beans acreage, and a bulk of the province's production of corn, cassava, peanuts, coffee, clove, coconuts, meat products and shrimp (SLHJT: 1995. KSJT: 1994). With an irrigation network covering 375,OOOha, the Brantas 71 Environmental Technology: Applications in Principle and Practice River system is not only the source for a large part of the province's food supply, it is also the sole source of townwater supply for Surabaya, the provincial capital of East Java. East Java has a population of nearly 33 million, with a little over half living in the Brantas basin. While East Java population growth averages at 1.2%, growth rates in the Brantas basin stand much higher. It has on average the highest population density in Java, with of 1250 per sq.km compared to Java's overall average of 815 per sq.km. However, if one considers the "remote" mountainous area in the centre of the basin, as well as the strip development along the major transport lines, actual dwelling densities are much higher. The urban centres, especially in the kampung (urban village) areas have rates of up to 10,000 per sq.km. These density rates are reflected in the fact that the basin is also the most urbanised area in Java with approximately 50% of the basin's population living in towns and cities. Between 3 and 4 million live in the environs of Surabaya which is growing at a rate of 3.6% annually while some smaller towns are growing at about 2.9% (Dick et al: 1993: 33). Another 30% of the rural population is expected to migrate to the city by the year 2013. The Brantas River links five of the largest cities and towns in East Java. East Java demonstrated strong economic growth throughout the decade of 1975-85, averaging 7.3%. This above national average growth, was achieved without the advantages of natural resources (oil, gas, and timber), nor tourism and the massive foreign capital investment experienced in other regions of Indonesia. The main achievement in growth has come from rice agriculture, plantation and smallholder cash crops (Dick, et al: 1993: 24). Over the last decade industrial deepening has begun to "take-off" in East Java though it is difficult to place exact figures on the amount of investment. Official figures are unreliable as they register "approved" projects rather than "actual" projects completed and only around 40% of approvals materialise. However, if this average of 40% is applied to extrapolate actual projects developed and amount invested, then between 1986-1995, total foreign investment saw the establishment of over 500 industries valued at US$ 14.2 billion of which 70% (350 industries at $9.9 billion) were located in the basin. Total domestic investment between 1991-95 created nearly 190 industries valued at $4.2 billion of which 80% (150 industries at $3.4 billion) were located in the basin. The bulk of the projects were metals, chemicals, food processing, timber, pulp and paper, leather goods, textiles and apparel. Many of these industries are high strength polluters. Approximately 70% of the foreign came from Asia (BKPMD: 1991, 1995. KSJT: 1992, 1994). Indeed, mega projects have gone ahead - prime examples being Taiwanese investment in two pulp and paper industries, PT. Tjiwi Kimia, the largest pulp and paper mill in Southeast Asia with a production capacity of 360,000 tonnes per year, and PT. Pakerin, the second largest in East Java with a capacity of 220,000 tonnes per year. PT. Pakerin has a total foreign investment of over US$100 million, with a total paper export capacity of US$59 million annually (Bintoro: 1992: 29). In 1994, exports of paper products were 347,000 tonnes valued at US$ 261 million, an increase of 65% from on the previous year. This represents 8% of total export value out of East Java and the fourth largest export (SPLN: 1994). Clearly, industrial development is occurring at a staggering pace, with exports of manufactured goods increasing at 15% per year j:n the late 1980s (Dick et al: 1994: 23) and a further 23% for the first half of the 1990s. Export value increased from US$ 280 million in 1982 to US$ 3.36 billion in 1994 (SPLN: 1994). It is clear also that most of the industrialisation is mushrooming especially within the Brantas delta of Mojokerto, Surabaya and Sidoarjo which has been rightly labelled the "golden triangle"(Dick et al: 1993)1. The sheer number of factories (and their volumes of wastewater) makes the delta the most industrialised region per hectare in Indonesia (BPS: 1996). Water capacity and pollution loads in the Brantas Basin East Java's total river water reservoir capacity is 500 million cU.m per year, 75% of which is sluiced into irrigation systems. This figure is way below the total amount afforded to the other two provinces of Java. Central Java has a capacity of 3.5 billion cU.m per year, while West Java is blessed with 6.5 billion cU.m per year. The majority of this capacity lies in the Brantas basin with 9 major dams and barrages. However, by standard measurements of water quantity per capita, the basin is classified as "scarce' in water resources. Although 10 million basin inhabitants currently rely on well water for potable supplies, demand on piped urban supplies is estimated to increase by 100% by the year 2000, and treble by 2013, due to rural migration to the urban areas (Roedjito: 1993). Prospects for further water resource infrastructure development to enhance reservoir capacity are limited. 72 Environmental Technology: Applications in Principle and Practice Industry is not new to the Brantas River. Traditional Dutch processing plants such as foods, sugar mills, distilleries, breweries, abattoirs, tanneries, textiles mills, caustic soda plants and food processing plants have been operating since the early twentieth century and some of those same sugar mills, distilleries and breweries are still operating today.
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