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SOCIAL EXCLUSION AND THE LABRDOR EXPERIENCE: SHAPING THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LANDSCAPE By LISA DENSMORE Integrated Studies Project submitted to Dr. ANGELA SPECHT in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts – Integrated Studies Athabasca, Alberta FEBRUARY, 2013 Social Exclusion and the Labrador Experience: A Culture of Indifference Abstract This study began because I observed that many people in Labrador were forming specific interest groups in order to do three things: to counter the intent of government especially when government intent did not align with specific group intent; to hinder the advancement of other groups with whom one might have differing goals; and, to compete for potentially scarce resources. Formation of specific interest groups did aim to achieve social change but the competitive nature of group formation did not seem healthy, reasonable, or productive in achieving broader community goals. In this paper, I examine the complex historical, social and political relationships in Labrador to understand how complex and varied governance structures and social exclusion have contributed to this challenging political and social landscape in Labrador. In particular, this study has three goals: first, it examines how the political and social landscapes of Labrador have been shaped historically. Second, explores how varying levels of government responded to the many challenges created by community organizations and group affiliation; and third it critically interrogates the role that social exclusion has played in creating a political and social landscape that encompasses so many different groups and organization. Through careful review of the Labrador through the 70’s, 80’s and 90’s conference proceedings and the Provincial Northern Strategic Plan, I examine the complex relationships between historical, social, and political exclusion that has shaped and continues to shape Labrador’s social, political, cultural and economic landscapes. Dedication To Terra Brockett without you this paper would never have been written. Every page has your love and support. My husband, who never doubted for one minute that I would finish, I on the other hand had many doubts. To Cleon Moores who read every paper I asked and gave support and direction throughout the whole graduate process. To Dr. Angela Specht thanks for doing this not once but twice! ii Table of Contents Abstract ii Dedication iii Chapter 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Social and Political Landscape of Labrador 3 Chapter 2 Methodology 9 2.1 Assessing Government Response 11 2.2 Sources of Exclusion 13 Chapter 3 Analysis of Social Exclusion 17 3.1 Social Identity Theory 19 3.2 Framing the issues in Labrador 21 3.2.1 Creating our Identity 26 3.2.2 Access to Social, Political and Economic Life 29 3.2.3 Not Seen as full and equal citizens 36 Chapter 4 The Northern Strategic Plan 37 4.1 Access to Programming and Services 38 4.1.2 Aboriginal Partnerships 39 4.1.3 Working Together 39 Chapter 5 Conclusion 44 References 47 Appendix 1 Dimensions of Social Exclusion 51 Appendix 2 Map of Labrador 52 Appendix 3 Poem 53 iii Chapter 1. Introduction Living in Labrador I struggled with why there was so much conflict, friction and discontent amongst the people, and along with the discontent I also saw that it seemed impossible to get equal access to services (like a paved road). This frustration was not new or special to me. In trying to understand some of my own frustrations, I asked questions like: why do we have the political and community based organizations that exist today; and, how do people navigate the many systems of provincial, federal and quasi government programs and services that are in place? I looked at Labrador from a governance perspective but this public governance focus did not answer for me to the questions: why the social, political, and governance landscape looks the way it does; why was there need of a Combined Councils of Labrador; why is there a Labrador Party; and/or why did the provincial government put a Northern Strategic Plan in place? Then it struck me, there has to be a reason for so many organizations forming, all of which have competing and differing views about our one small region, and that this diversity is likely rooted in is social exclusion. “Social exclusion which can be regarded as a state and a process leading to deprivation” seemed to address the issue of why there were so many groups sharing a small space and so many groups responding to government (Chakravarty, 2002). These different groups were responding to inequalities that were developed and recognized over time and also impacted the region’s peoples daily lives through lack of political representation, lack of economic opportunity and a lack of access to information, education and services (see: Appendix 1 which contains a list of social exclusion indicators). In the 1970s people from across Labrador came together to hold a conference they called, “Labrador in the 70’s”, and then it was followed by “Labrador in the 80’s” and “Labrador in the 90’s” conferences. These conferences explained why there were so many groups and why it was becoming important for Labradorians to have voice in the shaping of their future. The recorded voices of many people from Labrador are captured in records from these conferences and are a treasure to have found with respect to understanding how contemporary Labrador has been shaped. In the documents one thing that stood out throughout the three decades was the empowerment that participants felt when they gained knowledge and also their willingness to tackle any issue with honesty and a sense of belonging to their communities. Through stand point theory this thesis reviews the material related to the conference reports as well as Newfoundland and Labrador Provincial Government’s response to Labradorian issues called: the “A Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador” (2006). I use discourse analysis to analyze these documents and through which to ask questions about social exclusion and the impacts of social exclusion in Labrador. I attempt to answer the second question of whether or not the “A Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador” is an adequate response to Labrador’s ongoing challenge of social exclusion. Finally, this paper will suggest ways to increase social inclusion to the benefit of all people in Labrador. 2 1.1 Social and Political Landscape of Labrador Labrador is geographically the largest portion 294, 330 sq. km (http://www.gov.nl.ca/aboutnl/area.html) of the province of Newfoundland and Labrador, but encompasses a modest population, over 26 000 people (Statistics Canada, 2008). It is a northern landscape bordered by Quebec in the west, the North Atlantic Ocean toward the east, and Newfoundland to the southeast (See: Appendix 2). The Labrador region, known as the Big Land, includes 32 communities: six northern communities and seven central communities whilst the rest of the sparse populations are spread across the southeast coast and straits of Labrador. This large geographical territory in combination with low populations makes working across Labrador communities very challenging. The largest towns and main regional service centres in the region are Labrador City and Wabush (population of about 9,000 combined in 2006) and Happy Valley-Goose Bay population of about 7,600 in 2006 (Regional Demographic Profile). Labrador has mining and hydro projects in Labrador West, Wabush, Churchill Falls and Happy Valley Goose Bay. In the north it boasts Voisey’s Bay Nickel and with the development of Lower and Upper Churchill hydro dams, near Happy Valley- Goose Bay and Churchill Falls. Labrador is considered the energy warehouse of the world. My study focuses on the community of Happy Valley-Goose Bay because it is at the intersection of all four ethnic and/or social groups (settler, Innu, Inuit and Metis) as well as it is the major service centre to the region. Happy Valley- Goose Bay began in the late 1940s as a Federal air base and currently there are four distinct ethnic groups 3 present: the settlers of European decent, the Innu, Inuit and the Métis (the Metis Nation in Labrador renamed itself Nunatukavut). Of the three aboriginal groups it is the Inuit who have completed their land claim process and formed the aboriginal government of Nunatsiavut. “The Newfoundland and Labrador House of Assembly passed the Labrador Inuit Land Claim Agreement Act on December 6, 2004 (Labrador Inuit Land Claims Agreement Annual Report, 2008). The Innu Nation consists of two communities, Natuashish and Sheshatshiu. Currently both communities have reserve status and are negotiating a Land Claim Agreement with the Federal Government. The Metis Nation is a mix of people with European and aboriginal descent. “The NunatuKavut Community Council is a registered, not-for-profit organization that represents our people” (Nunatukavut). Nunatukavut has submitted a Land Claims Proposal to the Federal Government. The submission is currently being reviewed but to date the Government of Canada has not recognized the Labrador Metis’ (Nunatukavut) claim for land or aboriginal status. With such diverse jurisdictions and communities, this region’s political and communal dynamic is complex, since most of these groups want or expect some form of autonomy with respects to governance, do have complex and legal relationships between them and the different levels of government, and are concerned about how best to govern themselves and the region. Labrador has many challenges to overcome and the friction that has arisen between the residents of Labrador and the many different and often competing governing bodies is often the topic of local and regional conversation. In looking at the history of how Labrador was formed it is easy to see how a culture of dependency or 4 even how structures of conflicting interests might develop.
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