SOCIAL EXCLUSION AND THE LABRDOR EXPERIENCE: SHAPING
THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LANDSCAPE
By
LISA DENSMORE
Integrated Studies Project
submitted to Dr. ANGELA SPECHT
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts – Integrated Studies
Athabasca, Alberta
FEBRUARY, 2013
Social Exclusion and the Labrador Experience: A Culture of Indifference
Abstract
This study began because I observed that many people in Labrador were forming specific interest groups in order to do three things: to counter the intent of government especially when government intent did not align with specific group intent; to hinder the advancement of other groups with whom one might have differing goals; and, to compete for potentially scarce resources. Formation of specific interest groups did aim to achieve social change but the competitive nature of group formation did not seem healthy, reasonable, or productive in achieving broader community goals. In this paper, I examine the complex historical, social and political relationships in Labrador to understand how complex and varied governance structures and social exclusion have contributed to this challenging political and social landscape in Labrador. In particular, this study has three goals: first, it examines how the political and social landscapes of
Labrador have been shaped historically. Second, explores how varying levels of government responded to the many challenges created by community organizations and group affiliation; and third it critically interrogates the role that social exclusion has played in creating a political and social landscape that encompasses so many different groups and organization. Through careful review of the Labrador through the 70’s, 80’s and 90’s conference proceedings and the Provincial Northern Strategic Plan, I examine the complex relationships between historical, social, and political exclusion that has shaped and continues to shape Labrador’s social, political, cultural and economic landscapes. Dedication
To Terra Brockett without you this paper would never have been written. Every page has your love and support. My husband, who never doubted for one minute that I would finish, I on the other hand had many doubts. To Cleon Moores who read every paper I asked and gave support and direction throughout the whole graduate process. To Dr. Angela Specht thanks for doing this not once but twice!
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Table of Contents
Abstract ii Dedication iii Chapter 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Social and Political Landscape of Labrador 3
Chapter 2 Methodology 9 2.1 Assessing Government Response 11 2.2 Sources of Exclusion 13
Chapter 3 Analysis of Social Exclusion 17 3.1 Social Identity Theory 19 3.2 Framing the issues in Labrador 21 3.2.1 Creating our Identity 26 3.2.2 Access to Social, Political and Economic Life 29 3.2.3 Not Seen as full and equal citizens 36 Chapter 4 The Northern Strategic Plan 37 4.1 Access to Programming and Services 38 4.1.2 Aboriginal Partnerships 39 4.1.3 Working Together 39 Chapter 5 Conclusion 44
References 47
Appendix 1 Dimensions of Social Exclusion 51 Appendix 2 Map of Labrador 52 Appendix 3 Poem 53
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Chapter 1. Introduction
Living in Labrador I struggled with why there was so much conflict, friction and discontent amongst the people, and along with the discontent I also saw that it seemed impossible to get equal access to services (like a paved road). This frustration was not new or special to me. In trying to understand some of my own frustrations, I asked questions like: why do we have the political and community based organizations that exist today; and, how do people navigate the many systems of provincial, federal and quasi government programs and services that are in place? I looked at Labrador from a governance perspective but this public governance focus did not answer for me to the questions: why the social, political, and governance landscape looks the way it does; why was there need of a Combined Councils of Labrador; why is there a Labrador Party; and/or why did the provincial government put a Northern Strategic Plan in place? Then it struck me, there has to be a reason for so many organizations forming, all of which have competing and differing views about our one small region, and that this diversity is likely rooted in is social exclusion.
“Social exclusion which can be regarded as a state and a process leading to deprivation” seemed to address the issue of why there were so many groups sharing a small space and so many groups responding to government (Chakravarty, 2002). These different groups were responding to inequalities that were developed and recognized over time and also impacted the region’s peoples daily lives through lack of political representation, lack of economic opportunity and a lack of access to information, education and services (see: Appendix 1 which contains a list of social exclusion indicators). In the 1970s people from across Labrador came together to hold a conference they called, “Labrador in the 70’s”, and then it was followed by “Labrador in the 80’s” and “Labrador in the 90’s” conferences. These conferences explained why there were so many groups and why it was becoming important for Labradorians to have voice in the shaping of their future. The recorded voices of many people from
Labrador are captured in records from these conferences and are a treasure to have found with respect to understanding how contemporary Labrador has been shaped. In the documents one thing that stood out throughout the three decades was the empowerment that participants felt when they gained knowledge and also their willingness to tackle any issue with honesty and a sense of belonging to their communities.
Through stand point theory this thesis reviews the material related to the conference reports as well as Newfoundland and Labrador Provincial Government’s response to Labradorian issues called: the “A Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador”
(2006). I use discourse analysis to analyze these documents and through which to ask questions about social exclusion and the impacts of social exclusion in Labrador. I attempt to answer the second question of whether or not the “A Northern Strategic
Plan for Labrador” is an adequate response to Labrador’s ongoing challenge of social exclusion. Finally, this paper will suggest ways to increase social inclusion to the benefit of all people in Labrador.
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1.1 Social and Political Landscape of Labrador
Labrador is geographically the largest portion 294, 330 sq. km
(http://www.gov.nl.ca/aboutnl/area.html) of the province of Newfoundland and
Labrador, but encompasses a modest population, over 26 000 people (Statistics Canada,
2008). It is a northern landscape bordered by Quebec in the west, the North Atlantic
Ocean toward the east, and Newfoundland to the southeast (See: Appendix 2). The
Labrador region, known as the Big Land, includes 32 communities: six northern communities and seven central communities whilst the rest of the sparse populations are spread across the southeast coast and straits of Labrador. This large geographical territory in combination with low populations makes working across Labrador communities very challenging. The largest towns and main regional service centres in the region are Labrador City and Wabush (population of about 9,000 combined in 2006) and Happy Valley-Goose Bay population of about 7,600 in 2006 (Regional Demographic
Profile). Labrador has mining and hydro projects in Labrador West, Wabush, Churchill
Falls and Happy Valley Goose Bay. In the north it boasts Voisey’s Bay Nickel and with the development of Lower and Upper Churchill hydro dams, near Happy Valley- Goose Bay and Churchill Falls. Labrador is considered the energy warehouse of the world.
My study focuses on the community of Happy Valley-Goose Bay because it is at the intersection of all four ethnic and/or social groups (settler, Innu, Inuit and Metis) as well as it is the major service centre to the region. Happy Valley- Goose Bay began in the late 1940s as a Federal air base and currently there are four distinct ethnic groups
3 present: the settlers of European decent, the Innu, Inuit and the Métis (the Metis Nation in Labrador renamed itself Nunatukavut). Of the three aboriginal groups it is the Inuit who have completed their land claim process and formed the aboriginal government of
Nunatsiavut. “The Newfoundland and Labrador House of Assembly passed the Labrador
Inuit Land Claim Agreement Act on December 6, 2004 (Labrador Inuit Land Claims
Agreement Annual Report, 2008). The Innu Nation consists of two communities,
Natuashish and Sheshatshiu. Currently both communities have reserve status and are negotiating a Land Claim Agreement with the Federal Government. The Metis Nation is a mix of people with European and aboriginal descent. “The NunatuKavut Community
Council is a registered, not-for-profit organization that represents our people”
(Nunatukavut). Nunatukavut has submitted a Land Claims Proposal to the Federal
Government. The submission is currently being reviewed but to date the Government of Canada has not recognized the Labrador Metis’ (Nunatukavut) claim for land or aboriginal status. With such diverse jurisdictions and communities, this region’s political and communal dynamic is complex, since most of these groups want or expect some form of autonomy with respects to governance, do have complex and legal relationships between them and the different levels of government, and are concerned about how best to govern themselves and the region.
Labrador has many challenges to overcome and the friction that has arisen between the residents of Labrador and the many different and often competing governing bodies is often the topic of local and regional conversation. In looking at the history of how Labrador was formed it is easy to see how a culture of dependency or
4 even how structures of conflicting interests might develop. As early as the 1800s the aboriginal people of Labrador began to depend on the fur trade and accept the
Moravian missionaries and Catholic Church into their way of living. Prior to 1949,
Newfoundland and Labrador was a British colony, and in 1949 Confederation took place joining the territory of Labrador to Newfoundland, and turning both into a province of
Canada. The people of Labrador were never asked if they wanted to join Canada nor were they asked if they wanted to be a part of Newfoundland during the political boundary dispute. Labrador’s contemporary political arrangements and geographical boundaries were shaped by outsiders, newcomers, and people with no attachment to the land or lifestyle. This outside influence of colonialism, Canadian federalism, and missionary zeal has had profound influences on how local aboriginal people have both been situated and situate themselves in attempts to influence Labrador’s complex political and social landscape. Social exclusion has been a significant factor in shaping the social and political landscape throughout contemporary Labrador’s history. Social exclusion has impacted basic human rights, influenced boundary decisions, how confederation was achieved, and caused disruptive social and cultural practices like the relocation of the Inuit and Innu into different communities. In response to all of these disruptive social and political events, the Inuit have begun to write their own history and post it to the worldwide web. Inuit relocation of Hebron (1959) and Nutak (1956) communities to locations further south had this impact:
The reasons given for the decision revolved around distance and money. Hebron was too far from the regional centre for medical and provincial services to be delivered, and it was too expensive to ship
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food to the store, so the community would be closed. Food quickly became an issue. In addition to the loss of their equipment hunters found themselves’ in unfamiliar territory, unsure where they should, or even could, find the country food they and their families were used to eating (ITK 2005).
Under these conditions despondency soon set in, and with it all of the social ills that walk hand in hand with that state of being – alcohol abuse, suicide, violence, and anger (ITK, 2005).
These were major events and the impacts of those events are still resonating today.
When Premiere Danny Williams went to Nain to apologize for relocation he said:
"Looking back, the closures were made without consultation with the Inuit of Nutak and
Hebron. As a result of the closures, and the way they were carried out, the Inuit of
Nutak and Hebron experienced a variety of personal hardships and social, family and economic problems. Some of those Inuit and their descendants continue to suffer difficulties," said the Premier (2005).
In the 1960s, similar relocation occurs for the Innu. The Innu were forced to settle in two villages (Davis inlet and Sheshatshiu) by Catholic Priests who thought they were bringing civilization and salvation to the Innu:
Silvestre (Innu elder): In the days before the priests arrived, the Innu were always in the country. When the priests arrived they went straight into the country to see the Innu people to try and convince them to become Christians. The Innu were finally convinced and some were married in the country. It was at this time that we started to lose our way of life - when the priests arrived. Before that time we really called ourselves the Innu; people who hunted in the bush, who were raised in the country; before there was government and before the white people came here (Andrew & Gregoire, 1984).
The Innu way of life was effectively amputated from the land they were so intimately familiar with and relied upon, and they were left wondering how to navigate
6 this new reality, the reality of being forced into settlements and forced into dependency for outside thing like food and shelter. Their children did not learn the ways of hunting and trapping or being in the “country” as the Innu say. A gap between the generation who lived in the country and the generation who were born in the village was created.
One generation could not relate to the other. The Innu language was not lost, however, and this may be because it was relatively late when they were settled into community life. The older people with memories of the country began to feel useless and depressed. Abuse of alcohol and drugs ran rampant as did suicide amongst the people.
This cycle began in the 1960s and progressed into the 1990s and is still pervasive in these communities today, “[t]he blame rests firstly with the priests who went from place to place in the country gathering the people to come into one place. And then the government came and tied the rope on us. We still can't untie ourselves today” (Andrew
& Gregoire, 1984).
Labrador’s landscape and culture continued to be impacted by the decisions of others and autonomy for the aboriginal populations would still not happen until the creation of Nunatsiavut in 2004. This long history of multiple external influences, local struggles and resistance has led to the contemporary formation of the multiple governance structures we see in Labrador today, and despite the external influences, the people of Labrador and their respective groups have been working to achieve social and political voice with respects to governance in the region.
In Appendix 3, the poem written by a local man named Bill Flowers expresses the evolution from the 70s to the 80s. In the 1970s when the first Labrador conference was
7 held it was an eye opening experience and very empowering for participants. The exclusion from making decisions in your everyday life had become normal as remote governments framed many local issues in paternalistic ways. The key aim was to stop locals from questioning of provincial or federal authority. Communities were isolated and people did not get to interact with each other often. When people met collectively in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s conferences, they began to question this dependency as well as this remote governance process that excluded them, “[w]e must take responsibility for our own future and that of our children. We must take the initiative, be innovative and industrious, so that we can become socially and economically self- reliant” (Labrador in the 90’s, 1990, p.60).
The focus of this project is to address the emergence of this multiple response to governance and social exclusion. I studied several entities: the Labrador Inuit
Association, Nunatukavut, Innu Nation, Combined Councils of Labrador and the Labrador
Party. All of these groups and organizations were created in an effort to gain autonomy and control over governmental destiny and the achievement of political voice(s) in the governing of the region. In particular, these groups emerged as a response with an aim to creating local control via the overarching provincial and federal government systems:
“[o]rganizations sprung up, which were community-oriented and offered the people the opportunity to speak out and express their opinions and provided a base from which action could be, and was, implemented to improve their existence” (Labrador in the 80
’s, 1980, p. 6). It is very important to recognize that the people of Labrador are mostly aboriginal peoples and that external influences (governmental, private sector, church
8 related, and so forth) acted upon the people, but largely excluded them from participating in the wider governing or decision making systems. They have historically and governmentally endured barriers not felt by the wider (non-aboriginal) populations of Newfoundland or Canada. This difference, this inequality of existence has positioned
Labradorians as the “other” as the people living in the margins of Newfoundland and
Canadian political history and governance, “[t]his is about understanding- understanding the different cultures, customs and lifestyles of the Labrador people” (Labrador in the
80’s, 1980, p.5).
Chapter 2 Methodology I used discourse analysis as a means to understand what was being said in both the conference reports and policy documents. I analyzed and coded the scripts of the respective Labrador in the 70’s, 80’s, and 90’s conferences and applied social exclusion theory to determine how the marginalized populations of Labrador decided to take control of their fate against the many historical, social, political and economic struggles that they identified. As Saloojee suggests, “[t]his dynamic process of being shut out can be diagnosed and measured as patterns of exclusion which affect individuals and groups in exclusion from goods and services; labor market exclusions; exclusion from land; exclusion from security; exclusion from macro-economic development strategy and exclusion from participating in all facets of political and policy life in contemporary society” (Inclusion and Exclusion, Saloojee, p.38).
I identified themes within the social and political discourses of Labradorians and their leaders as well as the discourses that emerged out of relevant public policy and
9 legislation to identify elements that are important in understanding how social exclusion operates. Seale offers several questions that are useful for interpreting the texts that I explored:
► What ideas and representations cluster around key themes? ► What associations are being established between different actors or problems? ► Are particular meanings and images being mobilized? ► How are different subjects spoken about and positioned within the text? (Seale, 2004, p.278).
The conference reports provide a road map of what was happening in Labrador for three decades. Through the analysis of language one can find themes and patterns and through the voice of the marginalized one hears the “Other” and how their lives have been shaped by these complex social, political, economic, religious and cultural situations of the past. The voice of the “other” is the voice of truth and through thematic analysis of the Labrador Conference Reports the impact of social exclusion in
Labrador can be measured relative to the how the literature defines social exclusion and how the government of Newfoundland and Labrador has chosen to respond to the determined cries of injustice from Labradorians.
There are shortcomings to be mindful of during the data collection and analysis. I am the researcher and I am from Labrador and my views are informed by personal experience and perception. My position in and across communities are productive for understanding what may be occurring in Labrador, but there is also the challenge that being an insider might cause me to miss some experiences because a particular topic or issue might just seem normal to me. Coding the data is a means to disrupt normal ways
10 of viewing and allow for scrutiny of trends and patterns in the community that might otherwise be overlooked, “[i]t needs to be asked how far the categories used in content analysis reflect the intentions of the author, the understanding of the reader, or merely the perceptions of the analyst” (Seale, 2004, p.373). The themes that I have identified are important because they emerge repeatedly in the data and do illustrate social exclusion and the effects of social exclusion on the community and in governance patterns. It is important to highlight these themes so that potential debate and action may result in productive change for Labrador.
2.1. Assessing Government’s Response
In conjunction to reviewing the “Labrador in the 70’s, 80’s and 90’s conference reports, I measure the response to Labrador through the Provincial government’s
Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador. The Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador is an important document because it is essentially the Newfoundland and Labrador provincial government’s guide to addressing development and governance in the region of
Labrador. In many ways it also emerged as a response to these Labrador conferences as well as other forms of political activism by people in the region. The data will be weighed by the relationship of the issues identified by the people and the quality of response made by the government.
The Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador is examined to see if the initiatives in the strategic five year plan can alleviate some of the impacts of social exclusion in Labrador and promote political influence for the people in the region. Premier Williams explained that; “[t]his is a great day for Labrador and indeed the province as a whole, as we
11 release a plan that clearly defines our vision for Labradorians and the role this region will play in the future success of our province.” He went on to say:
Our government recognizes the pivotal role Labrador plays in our province and the tremendous contributions of the region to the economic wellbeing of Newfoundland and Labrador. Implementation of the Northern Strategic Plan will serve to further invigorate the social and economic wellbeing of all Labradorians, and will lay the foundation for a brighter future for the people and communities of Labrador (Government News Releases, 2007).
Living in Happy Valley-Goose Bay presents interesting challenges at the governance level for people as well, because life operates across and through four different layers of government structures: Federal, Provincial, Municipal and Aboriginal. The complicated interplay between these structures has critical impacts on the people living and working in Happy Valley-Goose Bay. The impacts are largely seen by the public as promoting unequal access to programs and services, at best, and as a fragmented system that causes overlap and the waste of resources at worst, and serves as a significant reminder of the effects of social exclusion:
“[s]ocial exclusion is about more than income poverty. It is a short- hand term for what can happen when people or communities face a combination of linked problems, such as unemployment, discrimination, poor skills, low incomes, poor housing, high crime and family breakdown. This is an indication of how the mutually reinforcing nature of social exclusion works and illustrates that there are many ways to be excluded” (SEU, 2004).
The experience of exclusion in Labrador can be seen not only in the conference reports but also in the fact that there have been two Royal Commissions (Newfoundland and Labrador Royal Commission on Renewing and Strengthening Our Place in Canada,
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2003 and Royal Commission on Labrador, 1974) and the provincial, “Northern Strategic
Plan for Labrador”, oddly these reports and commissions seem to come every decade:
The concept of social exclusion resonates with many including those who (i) are denied access to the valued goods and services in society because of their race, gender, religion, disability etc.; (ii) lack adequate resources to be effective, contributing members to the political and economic life of society; and (iii) those who are not recognized as full and equal citizens and participants in society. (Inclusion and Exclusion, Saloojee, p. 10).
To be excluded within your society from participating fully in social and economic opportunities creates the need to find a system that can empower the marginalized population(s). In Labrador there have been many entities created as a response to exclusion: the Labrador Inuit Association, Combined Councils of Labrador, the Labrador
Party and indeed many more. “There is no single public sphere, no single acceptable notion of citizenship and no single notion of social cohesion. There are instead multiple
‘counter public’ spheres in which marginalized groups develop their own sense of cohesion to contrast oppression, discrimination and exclusion” (Social Inclusion, citizenship and diversity, Saloojee, p. 3).
2.2 Sources of Exclusion
Simply put Social Exclusion in Labrador can be defined as the fragmentation of communities that is mirrored in politics, services and culture. There can be no perception of equality with many groups availing of different programs and services,
“[o]ne of the most serious predicaments presently facing Labradorians is the fragmentation among individuals and special interest groups. The fact that certain granting bodies are providing financial support to
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certain groups exclusively, and not to Labrador residents as a whole, is breeding discontent and fostering discrimination amongst the people of Labrador” (Labrador in the 80’s, p.13). For example, there are differences in what job opportunities may be available to you; what access to services you may have; and even which play group your child can attend can be limited depending upon which group one is affiliated to within Happy Valley-
Goose Bay. These divisions are based upon which group you belong to and/or which level of government one may be affiliated with within the community. For example, even though daycare may be needed across groups, if funding is only coming from one specific group then others are not allowed in. So, how does one address communal needs when there are these kinds of limits based on affiliation, especially when the community is so small?
There is a perfect storm of circumstances that clash together to create exclusion before we even layer the landscape with politics, “[t]he link between social exclusion, citizenship and political participation hinges on the degree to which groups of individuals are denied or restricted from participating in the political life of society”
(Inclusion and Exclusion, Saloojee, p. 38). This blockage from full participation is important to recognize through the perception of the people who are being pushed out, the “…denial (non-realization) of the civil, political and social rights of citizenship”
(Inclusion and Exclusion, Saloojee, p. 42) and its causes are best understood by those who experience it: “[p]recisely because of the existence of discrimination and barriers all people in Canadian society do not start from the same spot, and do not compete on an equal footing with each other” (Inclusion and Exclusion, Saloojee, p. 42).
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After confederation and moving into the 1970s, the people of Labrador, specifically leaders for the north coast, came together to talk about what was happening in their respective communities. They were geographically cut off from each other and recognized the need to begin the process of mobilization. They did not like how the provincial government was doing business and they wanted a voice in the governing of their own lives: “[a]t Labrador in the 70’s, we talked about shaping the destiny of
Labrador. We must find a way to do that- we must set up structures that will help us – we must be organized” (Labrador in the 80’s, 1980, p.xi). This was the first conference of its kind in Labrador and two more followed, Labrador in the 80’s and Labrador in the
90’s, and within these conference reports lay the voice of the people. In these documents one sees that Labradorians have a very strong understanding of the political and social climate in which they live, “[i]f there is one thing that struck me about the
70’s it has been the coming to life of the people of Labrador. By coming to life I mean that the Labrador people are becoming outspoken, more ready to assume leadership roles. For such a long time it appeared that people from outside Labrador were the only ones heard and the ones making all the decisions, that’s over” (Labrador in the 90’s,
1990, p.7). The understanding of political exclusion and the broad impact it was having on the social, economic and political landscape of the region is well known. For example, in the late 1960s:
Tom Burgess, the MHA for Labrador West at the time, was already disillusioned with the attitude of the government and his own Liberal Party’s attitude towards his district. He entertained the idea of forming and leading a new party, whose aims and objectives would be solely the interest and
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betterment of Labrador and its people. This new party, called the New Labrador Party, was formed on November 10, 1969. The idea was quick to catch on, thus attracting ambitious and enthusiastic young men and women to its cause. The intent was to contest all three seats in the next Provincial election which was slated for 1971 (Labrador in the 80’s, 1980, p.4-5).
The status quo was clearly not working in the 1970s and the formation of the
Labrador Party is evidence that the people felt the provincial political system was failing to hear them or represent their best interests, “[c]hanges were happening which could be called Labrador’s Quite Revolution” (Labrador in the 80’s, p. 1980, p.23)
“…Organizations and leadership did emerge in the early 70’s. The New Labrador Party involved people from all parts of Labrador who had never taken part in a political organization before” (Labrador in the 80’s.1980, p.23). In the conference Labrador in the 80’s the Honorable William Rompkey said in his opening speech:
Labrador affairs and Labrador history used to be discussed by ‘visionaries’ and adventurers from the outside- people visiting, people who had a cause, people who wanted to be saviors for one reason or another. Now, the affairs of Labrador are discussed by Labradorians and their viewpoints are expressed in very strong terms. Labradorians are speaking out about their land and about their affairs and they are being listened to (1980, p.xi).
This insight into the lack of political influence for Labrador within the provincial political scene provided by the Labrador in the 80’s Conference Report illustrates that the public was aware of the need for a formalized structure and formalized opposition to respond to the political system and to the realization that the political system was not responding to the Labrador region. Social exclusion involves: “inadequate social participation, lack of social protection, lack of social integration and lack of power”
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(Popay, 2008, p. 14). This lack of political capacity is best described and spoken about from the stand point of Labradorians.
The gathering of people from across the communities was the first step in gaining a new voice and a new perspective on what was happening throughout the area.
The members of different communities spoke of hearing the challenges that others faced for the first time. This conversation was the start of gaining strength of forming groups of taking hold of their own destiny. When one is living in the peripheral of a community, and do not have equal opportunity to participate, one becomes very intimate with the challenges that keep one from full participation. Those who are not marginalized do not have the same view; they do not understand or experience the same struggles and therefore, cannot speak to the experience the same way.
Chapter 3 Analysis of Social Exclusion
The 1970s thru 1990s have been instrumental in shaping identity in Labrador and it is important to understand how group affiliation or group identities were coming together and being impacted by the larger population of the province of Newfoundland and Labrador. There were and are two consistent messages being conveyed to Labrador by the provincial government: 1) form a group that tells us what you want in regards to programs and services, and; 2) find a way for industry to pay for it. These two provincial focuses are underlying reasons why groups began to form but they are also the same reasons why people distrust the provincial government and believe that government will not make any commitments and follow through on the basic necessities needed in
Labrador. Unfortunately, the formation of groups made it is easier for the government
17 to point to conflicting views and priorities between groups in Labrador and subsequently use this notional of Labrador being factionalized as way to justify the provincial government’s own inaction, limited action, or in action in favour of the private sector. Ironically, the appeals for Labradorians to find fiscal solutions to social and communal needs were also hampered by the presence of large industries within the region. With large scale industry present in Labrador, the provincial government used the notion of local investments by SERCO and mining companies (like Voisey’s Bay
Nickel) as way to defer requested supports. Large scale developers, which are plenty in
Labrador, are expected to build the roads they need to complete mining explorations, and they also helped fund the new hospital in Happy Valley-Goose Bay but to date there are no clear plans completed by adjacent communities that demand certain input by these same companies into these communities. The only fiscal inputs are revenue for the Provincial and Federal Governments and payouts or transfers from the provincial and federal levels to the Inuit and Innu who have land claim rights. The challenge of relying on these companies when they have Impact Benefit Agreements with the
Aboriginal groups and profit sharing with the government often leaves communities/municipalities low on these private sector lists. In other words, even though there are private sector interests operating in Labrador, tax monies or royalty monies generated by them seldom find their way back into the local communities or regions in which these businesses operate. There is also a historical animosity between these private sector companies and local communities, as the local people feel that they are (and indeed often are) left out of the job pool for these mining companies and hydro
18 projects. There is a feeling that people from Newfoundland are hired over people from
Labrador and the headquarters for the large companies are all located in St. John’s. This private sector operational pattern is as prevalent in Labrador today as it was fifty years ago.
3.1 Social Identity Theory
Social identity theory was developed by Henri Tajfel and John Turner in 1979. Tajfel and Turner proposed that there were three mental processes involved in evaluating the other as “us” and “them” (i.e. “in-group” and “out-group”). They are: Social
Categorization – Social Identification- Social Comparison (McLeod, 2008). Social categorization helps one to understand where one belongs in relation to others, “[w]e define appropriate behavior by reference to the norms of groups we belong to, but you can only do this if you can tell who belongs to your group” (McLeod, 2008). Choosing and belonging to a group means you take on the beliefs and traits of that group. This group categorization allows us to socially identify who we are. For example, when the
Labrador Party was formed in 1969, as a response to political disenfranchisement for
Labrador within the current Provincial political party associations, it recognized a social comparison: the Labrador Party vs. other political parties. The establishment of the
Labrador Party recognized that it was difficult to influence political discourses that favored Labrador within traditional Newfoundland political parties. Since it was difficult for Labrador politicians to effect change within the traditional political party arrangement, a Labrador focused party was deemed a solution for establishing a provincial political voice for Labrador. The division from the traditional Provincial parties
19 helped to create a competitive mind set within provincial politics: Us/Labrador against
Them/Newfoundland (especially the ‘them’ as formed by the political power revolving around St. John’s).
Social categorization is also exemplified in the colonial relationships of Aboriginal to
Non-aboriginal colonizers. Aboriginal peoples were profoundly disadvantaged via colonization and through colonizing events like confederation (1949) and forced relocation. The Innu were settled on the Island of Davis Inlet in 1967 due to pressure from the Catholic Church. The location was chosen by a priest, not the Innu and it was soon realized what a mistake it was to settle on the Island. The people were cut off from their hunting grounds every year when the ice was melting. The dramatic change in lifestyle was not tolerated well by the people and many social ills were the result.
The reality that aboriginal peoples were moved around and disenfranchised via the political whims and needs of the Catholic Church and the Federal Government, illustrate social exclusion at work. A form of social exclusion that illustrated how power was centralized in places like St. John’s and Ottawa or an archdiocese and that had the power to impact the lives of people, especially Aboriginal People in Labrador.
Disenfranchisement was also particularly evident because the local Aboriginal people had virtually no say in things like relocation. It is clear why Aboriginal peoples in
Labrador would situate themselves as and “us” against the “them” of the colonizing agents.
The “them and us” mentally was voiced in the Labrador in 70’s conference. The conference participants were made up of many new organizations springing up and
20 motivated by the push for the peoples’ voice to be heard politically. The “othered”
(aboriginals and settlers) who lived in Labrador’s isolated communities began to respond to the larger society (Newfoundland and Federalist Canada). Political antagonism in particular was directed toward the provincial government and the culture of provincial political neglect that was being recognized by the people of Labrador. In the Labrador in the 80’s conference the Us vs. Them categorization continued and this question was put forth; “Are we going to be squeezed to fit into a system, or are we going to develop something that fits us for once?” (1980, p.13).
3.2 Framing the Issues in Labrador The cost of doing business in Labrador has become a dismissive catch phrase and answer to all rebukes. No matter the issue, the expectation is that we lower our standards and not be a burden on government resources. Framing is described by Rubin and Rubin as a way of looking at socially constructed problems and then framing them in such a way that it influences the action to be taken. The framings are communicated through typifications, a kind of story (Rubin, H. 2001, p.27). The cost of doing business became a typification, a way of framing different political, economic or social issues to allow for each level of government’s view to be accepted and seen as correct, no matter how detrimental it was to the people of Labrador. During the Labrador in the 70’s conference a panelist from Newfoundland speaking on behalf of the federal government made the following statement, “Dr. Pearson stated that Labrador, because of a very small population spread over such a large area, posed difficult problems when it came to providing essential services on an economic or efficient basis” (Labrador in the 70’s,
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1970, p.12). The framing here makes it hard to expect the same services as other places because of the geography of where we live in the province and we must accept that we are unlikely to receive better conditions because the limited population and vast geographic region of the area that makes it fiscally inefficient to provide similar standard services that are offered in the south. Asking for such services or even demanding them in this region is regarded as unrealistic, instead people from these regions are expected to do without, be pleased with what limited services they do receive, and/or leave the region (their homes) to access things like educational services, health care services or social services. Economic rationalization is a governmental tool that puts more services in larger centres as an economic choice but it does not necessarily address issues of social justice, citizen equality, or the development and stabilization of communities in the regions (i.e. it does nothing to really help build the capacity of the region –which is problematic given the resource rich and culturally rich nature of Labrador).
Labrador in the 70’s took place over three days, February 26-27, 1970 in Happy
Valley-Goose Bay. The conference was conceived “…to overcome the many obstacles impeding its development” (Labrador in the 70’s, 1970, p.2). The design of the conference was the same each day with a panel, a discussion and then resolutions based on those discussions. The themes were transportation, Labrador’s potential and
Labrador’s industries. The resolutions were placed in five overarching categories: 1)
Transportation and Communication 2) Education 3) Tourism 4) Environment and Human
Resources, and 5) Fisheries (Labrador in the 70’s, 1970). This conference was well
22 attended and there were many experts, politicians and community people who came to the conference. The presentations and panels were given by politicians and experts and people from outside Labrador. The impact of having decision makers in the room for the conference would have been positive but the air of paternalism and political control was still present.
The panel presentations were from politicians and experts from outside the region. There were no community panel presentations and the community did not get a chance to have their say as presenter which meant that they did not get to frame the issues as they affected them at the local level. The presenters framed the issues with the assumptions, paternal attitude and the potential outcomes they had in mind. This is a dangerous road for community members because many would not feel empowered to challenge what the outside experts and politicians were saying to them. These outside presenters still framed the issues in terms of economics and efficiency as a model for how or if people should have access to essential services or political power. The communication of the panelists was one-way, they presented information to the participant (which was good for the participants to hear) but the presenters still positioned the information in ways that made it sound like fact and not open to question or change. The participants did have question period after each presentation but there was a sense that local participants knew they should challenge what was said but that these locals did not necessarily know where their authority was positioned. The panelists were quick to respond to challenges in such a way as to make the participants limit their vision, they responded by saying only “reasonable” requests would be
23 considered, only what they (government) thought was affordable would be granted and there were no alternative solutions for greater political involvement. Labrador would remain of interest to the federal and provincial government only in terms of what resources could be extracted and not necessarily in terms of how community capacity could be developed or fostered. Thus turning the conversation toward the future measures of extracting resources from the region and the economic gains the province and region would likely receive.
This ongoing paternalistic response led the participants to recognize that capacity was not being built in the region for locals to avail of future economic opportunities. Mr. Woodward (a long time resident and entrepreneur) … “wondered if everything would continue to be extracted from Labrador and felt that in order to prevent this, people must group together, that unity was of vital importance if Labrador was to grow” (Labrador in the 70’s, 1970, p.27). The link was made between developing resources, educating the people to take advantage of job opportunities in relation to developing resources and the need for more local input in both areas. Mr. George Lee from Memorial University (St John’s, NL) spoke of his experiences at a larger conference in St. John’s where he heard a speaker present on the need for human resource development and this was the prerequisite to everything else (Labrador in the 70’s,
1970, p.28).
The call for forming groups to help make local decisions was discussed and the following was said: “…if people were to really participate in the political process then the first thing was to have common ground rules as to what that political process really
24 was” (Labrador in the 70’s, 1970, p.39). Conference participants were cautioned that realistic expectations must be made and that to expect the infrastructure of large city in
Labrador was not reasonable therefore the people must understand the limitations of a sparse population living in the north. This government set it up so people are in competition for “scarce monetary resources” with no regard for basic needs such as roads for access, education to achieve actual job opportunity and meaningful political communications for engagement in society. This appeal to ‘realistic’ goals and fiscal framing of Labrador simply re-entrenched the status quo and dismissed legitimate concerns from locals about how best to develop Labrador’s community needs, “[w]hat must be asked was whether or not people could devise a satisfactory way of life within the kind of environment with which they found themselves” (Labrador in the 70’s, 1970, p.42). The people had to consider that “…transportation and communication would have a very vital part to play once people decided to make and build this community and once they have generated a sense of identity and community involvement”
(Labrador in the 70’s, 1970, p.44).
Building on the focus of forming groups to advance community involvement in the political process many cautions were highlighted by Mr. Jamieson (Minister of
Transport): “[w]hat he was suggesting in terms of an organized group was not that it should form and arrive in Ottawa the next day, but, in fact, should come forward with a reasonable number of things that it believed could help the community. If this should happen any government member would be willing to work with such a group” (Labrador in the 70’s, 1970, p.60). This meant that if one presents what the government wants to
25 hear or with a very few potential requests then one will likely get something. There is a lot of power in the statements from Mr. Jamieson due to his position and he further cautioned… “[i]n terms of government there would be times when the experts knew better and would, in fact, suggest that a particular proposal was wrong” (Labrador in the
70’s, 1970, p.60). The paternalistic attitude was alive and well in the 70s and is illustrated by the unwillingness of both federal and provincial governments to listen to and then act on local needs, but at the same time suggesting that expertise from outside of Labrador was still beneficial to local development. As far as access to the political system it is evident that even with organization mobilization would still be a challenge. No supports were offered to increase access to political leadership or to help develop local leadership capacity, “[i]t was pointed out to the Minister, by a delegate, that there were very few opportunities for people on the coast to speak to their representatives” (Labrador in the 70’s, 1970, p.63).
3.3 Creating our Identity
The formation of many groups had impacts that we may not have anticipated and may have led to further fragmentation of political organizations within Labrador, as people organized around different values and goals. For example, different groups have tried to cut across agendas such as the Labrador Party and new groups like the Labrador
Movement and the Combined Councils of Labrador, attempt to bring competing visions for Labrador’s political future to the fore. The different groups represented recognize this fragmentation as problematic for achieving provincial influence. In fact, they have tried to unite through common issues but the fragmentation within Labrador also occurs
26 along identity and cultural positions (Innu, Inuit, Métis, and non-aboriginal settler) and not necessarily specific common issues. When the Combined Councils of Labrador was first established one of its goals was to “reach better decisions, find more acceptable solutions to problems or provide a formula that is more agreeable to everyone…”
(Labrador in the 80’s, 1980, p.12). This internal political fragmentation within Labrador has provided a divide and conquer opportunity for the provincial government
(irrespective of which political party is in power) and is reinforced through provincial programs and services as well as federal programs and services for Labrador that are group specific and that continue to separate people from each other. For example, child care services may be available relatively easily for the Innu and Inuit who receive federal funding, but for those who fall outside of these categories childcare options can be extremely limited. In this sense, “[e]conomic inequality denies people resources to fight back, while tensions between different cultural groups make it harder to build communities among those who share similar problems. Current organizing work must address both issues” (Rubin H. 2001, p.13). The competition for resources (unequal access) and competition between groups is another example of social exclusion and really is at the heart of the issue. To better alleviate the disparities in the region a two pronged approach that recognizes the commonalities between groups and places each group on equal footing would support social inclusion efforts for the region.
The competitive provincial system in Labrador works against groups finding a potentially united voice and/or common ground. Combined Councils of Labrador is still working toward a formula of cooperation today. Social inclusion could potentially help
27 these diverse groups in Labrador to find a way to unite, share resources and achieve common goals. Social inclusion might help the different organizations and build a larger community, one that crosses the vast geography and complex social and organizational issues that are currently operation in Labrador, especially since the fragmentation within Labrador has profound and real social effects for the people who live here.
“Social inclusion is a process which ensures that those at risk of poverty and social exclusion gain the opportunities and resources necessary to participate fully in economic, social and cultural life and to enjoy a standard of living and well-being that is considered normal in the society in which they live. It ensures that they have a greater participation in decision making which affects their lives and access to their fundamental rights” (Social Exclusion and the EU’s Social Inclusion Agenda, p. 4).
Social inclusion can be defined in terms of the success of one or more of the following four systems of ‘integration’: 1) the democratic and legal system which promotes civic integration; 2) the labour market which promotes economic integration; 3) the welfare state system promoting social integration; 4) and the family and community system, which promotes interpersonal integration. (Badelt, 1999, p.6).
Badelt’s four systems will be used to guide discussions throughout the analysis of the literature pertaining to the Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador. The Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador is the Provincial Government’s “official response to Labrador”, as quoted by then Premiere Danny Williams. This strategic plan and all follow-up reports, public consultations and information available are examined in light of the policies that either: enhance, support or allow for better inclusion into the four systems mentioned:
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Social inclusion is based on notions of belonging, acceptance and recognition and entails the realization of full and equal participation in economic, social, cultural and political institutions. It is about recognizing and valuing diversity; it is about engendering feelings of belonging by increasing social equality and the participation of diverse and disadvantaged populations. Issues of diversity and social inclusion have an impact on how programs and services are delivered to meet a wide range of client needs. As a result, the concepts of diversity and social inclusion have become critical to the evaluation of programs for governmental and community organizations. (York Institute for Health Research)
3.3.1 Access to social and political and economic life
Each of the Labrador in the conferences alluded to the differences amongst the groups and struggled with unity:
The desire to involve local people in developments and the cry for Labrador to be united, were the catch phrases of the 70’s. Organizations were born, a political party came and went and, above it all, a new flag. Changes were happening which could be called Labrador’s Quiet Revolution. People became involved, communities were heard from that most people didn’t know existed and it was common to hear, from government circles in St. John’s. What in the hell is going on up there anyway? (Labrador in the 80’s, 1980, p.23)
“In the last decade, Labradorians were introduced to the concept of local organizations as a means of expressing their ideas and voicing their opinions” (Labrador in the 80’s,
1980, p.25). Finding one’s voice is a powerful experience and the precursor to action.
With any call to action it is caused by pressure and many of these pressures were external, “[t]hrough demands placed on Labradorians by 20th century lifestyles, the seemingly passive, apathetic and indifferent people are being forced into being active and, sometimes, down-right aggressive participants in endeavors to shape their own destiny” (Labrador in the 80’s, 1980: Beatrice Watts, p.12).
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Social exclusion speaks to not having access to what is needed in order to fully participate in society. During each conference it was recognized that the reality of unequal access is created via structural barriers that in turn exacerbated cultural differences. It was recognized that the cost and challenges of living in a remote and vast geographical space have profound impacts on local communities, access to services and even capacity building. As well, the hardships experienced and lasting social, political and economic effects created by racism and colonialism still frame internal and external discourses about how best to develop Labrador and her communities. The lower standard of education being experienced in Labrador throughout the 1970s is significant in terms of its implications for social exclusion. 1 The impacts of lower literacy and economic status cut across all areas of person’s life, “Dr. Paddon (a local medical doctor) commented on remarks concerning secondary education, which he felt was a sore point to all people in Labrador. He pointed out that until the normal educational standards expected in other parts of the Province were met in coastal settlements of Labrador there was little benefit to be derived from vocational training in Labrador South”
(Labrador in the 70’s, 1970, p. 8-9). The conference report alludes to the disparities but does not directly address these concerns. As the conference report continues a Mr.
Coates asks if there are any other sources, beside the government, who could
1 Education is closely tied to socioeconomic status, and effective education for children and lifelong learning for adults are key contributors to health and prosperity for individuals, and for the country. Education contributes to health and prosperity by equipping people with knowledge and skills for problem solving, and helps provide a sense of control and mastery over life circumstances. It increases opportunities for job and income security, and job satisfaction. And it improves people's ability to access and understand information to help keep them healthy. http://www.phac- aspc.gc.ca/ph-sp/determinants/determinants-eng.php#education 30 contribute to providing resources needed for schools. Mr. Coates was the principal in
North West River and the fact that he asked if other sources of funding were available implies that he does not expect government to provide the resources required. Others felt industry should train the people for what they required, “Mr. G. St. John a local resident felt that the human resources in Labrador should be assessed first before people were brought in to fill the jobs available and where possible, Labradorians be trained elsewhere in the hopes that they would come back when needed” (Labrador in the 70’s, 1970, p.10). This statement is shocking and is saying; “Let’s just ship you out instead of bringing in rightful services.” It is the cultural divide shaped by the dominant forms of western culture where there is both a history of and expectation that people do leave to seek opportunity elsewhere. So, the external actors in places like St. John’s or
Ottawa or in corporate Labrador do think there is nothing wrong with leaving and coming back to Labrador as a contributing or entrepreneurial citizen; instead of these same people saying “yes it may cost more to bring this community up to the standard of a more populated south, but we are going to do it collectively because it is important for building this community’s and this region’s capacity without disrupting their communities and families in order to build capacity.”
Mr. Rompkey, representing the local Chamber of Commerce, felt local control was needed before plans could be made. No one actually spoke of the disparities and why they exist in the curriculum between Labrador and Newfoundland. This silence left nobody accountable. This example of failure to provide adequate resources, and equal access makes it impossible to be full and equal citizens and participants in society. Even discussing that Labradorians be trained elsewhere in the hopes they would come back
31 when needed is deplorable. Thinking about the impacts of this statement it is saying: you are not a community member, this is not your home and your attachment to this culture and its people is not recognized or important. In that one comment we are clearly told we are lesser people.
Looking back at the 1970s and forward to the 1980s, the Labrador in the 80’s conference began by reflecting back on the past decade. This document began as a series of essays from those who experienced the first conference. The essays followed the same themes of the 1970’s Conference and through these stories the true voice of
Labradorians could be heard. The 1980’s conference report provided rich content and a look into what the people thought and felt. A good summary was provided by Judy
Rowell when she pointed out three main concerns: 1) Local control 2) Resources
Development and 3) Polarization of views (Labrador in the 80’s, 1980), “[a]t Labrador in the 70’s, we talked about shaping the destiny of Labrador. We must find a way to do that- we must set up structures that will help us-we must be organized” (Labrador in the
80’s, 1980, p.xii). There was no clear successes outlined from the Labrador in the 70’s conference and the challenge of gaining a voice in the affairs of Labrador by the local population was still the undercurrent of the Labrador in the 80’s conference.
More interest groups formed over the last three decades and the pressure to organize to effect political, economic, and social change was clearly building. The development of specific Aboriginal groups is particularly salient. For example, a great deal of tension was developed in the 1970s and 1980s between various levels of government and Aboriginal peoples in Labrador. The tension was fueled by both the
32 federal and provincial government’s response to the different Aboriginal groups and how specific programs and services were offered and delivered to each respective group. In the 1970s groups were defined by one’s specific cultural heritage, and then further defined by the geography of Labrador (that is the specific location of said group).
The four groups: Innu, Inuit, Metis and non-Aboriginal settlers, all had their own agenda.
Winston White (Inuit Leader): “[l]ocal control means different things to different groups in Labrador society. To the Naskapi-Montagnais Innu Association, for example, it means a separate state based on land control and resources negotiated through land claims; to the white settler society, it means regional government representing all of Labrador”
(Labrador in the 90’s, 1990, p.6). All four groups were feeling excluded politically and othered by the larger population of Newfoundland, but they were also othered within the notion of being a unified group of people/citizens who collectively lived in Labrador; again, this complex social and group dynamic was compounded by the challenge of extensive and remote geography which also caused to separate people living in the broader region. The people in Labrador, no matter which group they identify with, felt a common social exclusion factor by the provincial government. Tony Williamson stated in
Labrador in the 90’s:
The juxtaposition between local interests and global needs, traditional economies and modern industrial economies; the balance between local control and external demands-appear to be the paramount issues…As Labrador people search for fulfillment and a good life in a world ever more independent, what will be lost and what will be gained? To what degree can Labrador people control the gains and losses? What trade-offs are acceptable and what are not acceptable? (p.6).
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The people in Labrador felt that the losses and gains had to be a choice made by them not for them. The Labrador Party and the Combined Council of Labrador were two groups that wanted to be a united voice for Labrador.
For example, with respect to the Combined Councils of Labrador (an organization that was only born in 1979, although the concept of which was around for a long time), one writer felt that it was the first real beginnings of a unified Labrador and that it was the most significant event, not only for the clout- the political clout- that it provided, but also for the sharing and social contact between communities. (Labrador in the 90’s, 1990, p.7).
At the same time that the Combined Councils of Labrador were calling for a unified political front for Labrador with the Province, the Inuit, Innu and Metis all had land claim issues and Federal rights that differed from the settlers in the region. Each group in
Labrador formed its own associations: The Innu formed the Naskapi-Montagnais
Association, the Inuit formed the Labrador Inuit Association (now the government of
Nunatsiavut) and the mixed heritage/settlers formed the Metis Nation (now
Nunatukvut). The other settlers who came to fish and work consider themselves more attached to the communities and regions that they were from originally. Then members of each of these previously named groups also joined pan-Labrador associations and this created a cross section of groups and cross-fertilization of ideas and issues. It was discovered that there was common ground amongst the different people and different organizations. This intermixing lead to the formation of the Labrador Party, the
Combined Councils of Labrador and others, people were self- identifying across many groups. Many hoped that this cross pollination would lead to the unification of
Labrador. This has yet to occur, there have been some achievements with these groups
34 and one outcome of the constant discourse has been the Northern Strategic Plan for
Labrador:
Competition between groups causes members to revert back to their primary group affiliation, in this case their cultural groups. With the groups being aboriginal and land claims and Federal programs means that there are pockets of programs and services that are only accessible by a few. This reinforced group identity and the important for remaining in particular group. The separate groups are being rewarded to stay separate and the needs of the whole are not taken into consideration. Labrador is separated and isolated not only by the differing interests and activities of its regions, but in the 80’s the matter of Labrador identity further divided it (Labrador in the 90’s, 1990, p.12).
“There are so many groups in Labrador doing so many different things that many people have turned their attention inwards towards the interest of a particular group which often results in the turning away from other issues which have larger implications and needs to be addressed” (Labrador in the 90’s, 1990, p.27). While there is power in organizing and mobilizing groups sometimes when groups come together for cultural reasons they inadvertency cause a divide, “[p]eople who come together because of an array of cultural, religious and historic linkages often become hostile to outsiders”
(Rubin, H. 2001) and “[t]here was also the problem of the wide differences in circumstances and culture of these people, for there were Eskimo, Indians, Settlers and workers from outside” (Labrador in the 70’s, 1970, p.36). Each of these groups needs to identify themselves differently to combat the adversarial nature that group affiliation can take when groups strive to protect their identity.
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3.3.2 Not recognized as full and equal citizens
As I have outlined the section regarding the formation of groups, it is obvious that groups in Labrador have been politically disenfranchised and have formed social and political groups to assert broader provincial political influence. The integration of groups, equal access to programs and services and the historical approach to governing
Labrador, in this section is examined from the perspective of community experience. If this cohesive affiliation is necessary for achieving change, then how can cohesion be created in a multi-group setting? Will identification of common issues or need be enough to motivate collective affiliation or change? How can groups achieve common goals when there are entrenched funding and policy schemes that are very much affiliated to belonging to a specific group at the exclusion of others; and, finally, does the Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador really address these complex political, social and communal structures in productive ways (i.e. ways that benefit the broader community of Labrador)?
Social inclusion theory is being talked about more and more as a response to social exclusion with the intention of exploring the benefits of applying inclusion to public policy. The struggle has been measuring social exclusion and inclusion. For example, when speaking about social exclusion in Labrador it is easy to say there are gaps and issues and government should do something about it. The Northern Strategic
Plan for Labrador was supposed to be that something. The plan, however, does not allude to social exclusion and social inclusion and certainly was not put together in the beginning with the intention of measuring social wellbeing and change along a line of
36 social inclusion. Critics of social inclusion maintain that while social inclusion is important it is not measurable, especially with respects to achieving program goals and outcomes. Therefore, building social capital, which is much more measurable, can be used as a tool to overcome these criticisms. Social Capital is the benefits that arise from groups or organizations working together to effect change, we would assume in a positive direction, and the capital built through networks can be manipulated and directed, “[s]ocial networks are not a natural given and must be constructed through investment strategies oriented to the institutionalization of group relations, usable as a reliable source of other benefits” (Portes, 1998). The construction of social capital can be used as the bridge between social exclusion and social inclusion.
Chapter 4 The Northern Strategic Plan
The Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador was created in 2005 as part of the Speech from the Throne. In that speech then Premiere Danny Williams announced a plan for
Labrador and gave the job of executing the plan to the office of Labrador and Aboriginal
Affairs located in Happy Valley-Goose Bay, NL. The office initialized what was said in the speech and went across Labrador inviting people to come out to consult on how this plan was to be developed. They completed group and one on one interviews with more than 300 people and accepted on-line submissions form citizens as well. They completed a discussion guide and then the strategic plan and posted it on the provincial government web site. The Provincial Government has identified four strategic directions in the Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador:
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1. Supporting equitable programs and services and improving infrastructure to facilitate enhanced accessibility for the residents of Labrador; 2. Fostering the progression of social development in Labrador; 3. Providing leadership and supporting maximization of economic development opportunities; 4. Encouraging communications and partnerships with governments, Aboriginal people, communities, organizations and other stakeholders. (2005)
Each direction has a set of goals and objections described by the plan. These goals and objectives are monitored by the Labrador and Aboriginal Affairs office through the spending habits of the line departments each of the objectives falls under.
There were eight themes identified throughout the consultation process, they were: 1)
Transportation 2) Natural Resources and Environment 3)Tourism and Cultural
Development 4) Education and Employment 5) Health 6) Access to Programming and
Services 7) Aboriginal Partnerships 8) Working Together. Looking at the last three themes as examples of how the plan was executed, we can see if there are impacts that may move Labrador toward increased social inclusion and how this could be achieved.
4.1 Access to Programming and Services
The Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador outlines the goals and objectives of this theme by setting the following goal: “Accessible and effective programs and services that reflect the unique challenges that face Labrador communities…” with the objective to ensure the unique challenges that Labrador’s communities face are reflected when implementing new or existing programming...” (A Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador: a progress Report, p.27). To summarize, the province: increased funding for the
Labrador Travel Subsidy, supported conferences and workshops, increased funding for
38 artists to travel, introduced the energy rebate, sent youth to a convention, and added some new support jobs in Justice. In addition to pre-existing funding there were feasibility studies (Feasibility study on Fibre Optic for Labrador and Needs Assessment for a regional sportsplex) developed as part of the Northern Strategic Plan.
4.1.2 Aboriginal Partnerships
The goals and objectives for this theme are “[a] respectful and cooperative relationship with the Aboriginal Peoples of Labrador” with the objective of “developing and maintain communication networks and partnerships with aboriginal governments and groups in Labrador” (A Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador: a Progress Report, p.33). To summarize, the federal government: negotiated Land Claims with the Innu (not complete), continue the devolution of services to Nunatsiavut, and both the province and federal governments allocate funding to various programs. There was little done in creating a new justice system response to the Innu of a Community Tripartite
Agreements under the First Nations Policing Policy with the Federal government. This is important to note because these two initiatives would provide the Innu and Inuit much more power to control the fate of their people.
4.1.3 Working Together
Working together as it is defined in the Northern Strategic Plan includes all stakeholders and the goal is the “continuation and expansion of partnership with all level of government and outside agencies” (A Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador: a progress Report, p.37). This theme fits nicely with where social inclusion can be enhanced and where the Northern Strategic Plan can make real change happen in the
39 region. The key is to understand social exclusion and how building capacity can help overcome some of the challenges and understanding group dynamic, protectionism, colonialism and disenfranchisement has impacted the region.
There is no policy on “enhanced accessibility” to steer the direction of this initiative. Indeed, all four of these strategic directions can be interpreted in many ways.
The Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador interprets these varying goals in a monetary sense but they do not necessarily lead back up to a policy shift or an action shift, in fact there are no changes in policy as a result of this plan. There are several ways the
Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador could measure success, aside from a list of money spent, and Population and Public Health Branch, Atlantic Region developed an Inclusion
Lens for Health Canada. This tool is for “analyzing legislation, policies, programs, and practices to determine whether they promote the social and economic inclusion of individuals, families, and communities” (Shookner, p.1). It was created to help policy makers and community members assess social exclusion and begin to know how to address social inclusion. In the next section I look more closely at the need to understand the difference between a strategy and a policy shift toward inclusion. Social inclusion should… “involve new kinds of people in the decision processes that impact on their lives, the system should not pressure those people to bracket their fundamental differences as if they didn’t matter, when they clearly do” (Cushing, 2003, p.3).
The Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador does not identify providing different supports to different groups other than saying it will encourage partnerships across stakeholder groups. There has been increased funding for services such as language
40 translation for the courts and more support for the justice system to serve aboriginal clients in isolated communities. These programs specifically address ways to achieve forms of social inclusion by addressing problems that may limit an individual’s or a community’s capacity to access resources or be treated fairly within the community; however, what is perhaps missing are initiatives that shift attitudes and practices toward social inclusion. This shift is about sharing power and potentially letting communities define and frame their own destiny. It should not be about how much money is spent or how many new jobs are created. While economic status is important to individuals in terms of accessing services and leading healthier lifestyles, I examine how the Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador, as a strategic plan to policy change, might help such diverse groups in Labrador achieve broader communal goals. Policy change is the key that drives altitudinal change and potentially helps to frame things in a different light. For example in Labrador we are taught to believe that if a need is expensive then we should not expect that need to be met. If we reframe our thinking and our policy goals to that of inclusiveness then the monetary cost would not necessarily frame whether a project is achievable or not. Instead, inclusion might be used to frame the problem and then be used to identify resources available across jurisdictions and then these ideals and resources would be used to move toward a solution that might meet the broader Labradorian community.
The four systems of inclusion are important to consider when one talks about how we collectively weigh/value things as imperative in our society. If not having equal access to health care and education is seen as unacceptable then we will allocate our
41 funds to that area., “[t]he demands are for more and better education facilities, airstrips, health care, communication systems and other community services, housing employment, returns from existing resource exploitation, and local control over our resources and land” (Labrador in the 70’s, 1970, p.36,). This is, in a nutshell, what
Labradorians want, what they feel will give them the resources they need to be equal citizens of Newfoundland and Labrador.
Policy development strives to manage change. Policy analysis takes time and considerable amount of planning. It is driven by experts but does allow for citizen input.
Policies created must be flexible and benefit more people than it adversely affects.
Policies regulate our society and sets down rules, regulations and consequences. A high level look at policy introduces the macro, micro and program level of policy. The macro level follows from and establishes relationships between government and citizens this is the level where citizen input on social issues is expressed. It sets out a broad value system of government and citizens which includes such things as statements around our values and beliefs. It seeks to balance economic, social, quality of life and political objectives that are often debated during elections.
The micro level considers a means to achieve broader policy objectives which include resource allocation. It also establishes courses of action and decision making processes within broader policy framework such as goals and objectives, outcomes and evaluation. The program level (on which the level the Northern Strategic Plan for
42
Labrador mostly impacts) designs, budgets, administers, and implements on the ground programs.
The three levels of policy direction attempt to regulate or manage change in our communities. It sets the direction in which we are going and usually reflects our beliefs and values of the time. Strategy has been defined as "that which has to do with determining the basic objectives of an organization and allocating resources to their accomplishment" (Strategic Planning Fact Sheet). A strategy determines the direction in which an organization needs to move to fulfill its mission. A strategic plan acts as a road map for carrying out the strategy and achieving long-term results Long term goals and a strategy to get there is key to making things happen in government but remember the goals of the Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador these goals were not linked to policies, in fact they seem to be stand-alone goals. Yes, these directions relate to the consultations and most would not argue that it would be of benefit to “encourage communications” and “foster the progression of social development” but without a policy statement and commitment to act on these statements this road can lead anywhere and be called success. The Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador does not promote the four systems of integration- firstly because it was not set up to measure social inclusion and secondly it was not set up to build social capital and participation.
This leaves the Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador falling short of a true response to
Labrador.
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Chapter 5 Conclusion
There is a history of social exclusion in Labrador as the many references to disparities have been described throughout the past fifty years. As I reviewed the documents it became clear that the issue was more than fragmented groups, geography, and high cost of providing services. There is a voice that states we are not important enough to need the same basic access as other Canadians. There is a framing of the issues that leads to people speaking in a self-defeatist tone. The legacy of paternalism sends the message that the people are not experts in their own lives and experiences and these paternalistic structures do not allow for human rights to be the centre of government policy making. Through building social capital we build up the people and communities so they can frame their needs, “[a] social problem is not something that exists as a natural thing on its own. Instead a problem is socially constructed as people share their understandings of what constitutes the matter, work out what its causes are, and then agree on what can and should be done about it”
(Rubin, H. 2001, p.26).
As with all three conferences and the Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador there is a long wish list of things to be done: roads to be paved, programs and services to be availed of, “[p]articipants commented that they had told governments over and over what they want, yet governments keep coming back and asking them. No matter how often Labradorians make their opinions known, government goes ahead and does what it wants to do anyway” (Labrador in the 90’s, 1990, p.30). It is clear that the same opportunities to see a doctor, go to work and get an education be afforded to members
44 of the province. Framing the level of service around affordability instead of health and welfare is no longer acceptable: “[t]o combat unfavorable typifications, activists must create alternative framings to communicate that those who suffer from problems are victims and not villains and are capable of helping themselves” (Rubin and Rubin, p. 28)
The Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador is not the initiative that will lead Labradorians to self-actualization and equitable treatment. Hopefully in the next 40 years these words will come true and the next statement should never be forgotten. "What happened at Nutak and Hebron serves as an example of the need for governments to respect and carefully consider the needs and aspirations of the people affected by its decisions”(Danny Williams, 2005).
A barometer of progress along a continuum of forty years would quickly show what has been accomplished in terms of industrial development and dollars spent, but does this speak to social inclusion? I would think that economic status is an important measurement to see if Labrador has truly felt some positive impact over the last few decades but from the 1970s to now the road Happy Valley-Goose Bay and Labrador
West as well as the road between Happy Valley-Goose Bay and the Straits of Labrador is still not paved. Thinking about measuring success in terms of social inclusion and equal access; the paving of the road is a living example or measure of how well things are going in Labrador. The road has become the bench mark, the only example
Labradorians need that illustrate their discontent and to show the world how they are treated within the political sphere of Newfoundland and Labrador and in Canada. This is a very powerful image. When people are not adequately connected it creates a barrier
45 to economic diversification and prosperity, “Labrador enjoys a gift of immense size and a wealth of resources, but it also suffers a penalty of it geography: the large distances separating the communities make it difficult to communicate effectively or to establish the same socio-economic standards in all areas” (Labrador in the 90’s, 1990, p.10).
A multi-pronged approach is needed to begin a meaningful dialogue of the issues with the community as the lead. There are capacity issues that have to be addressed, policies, and disparities between groups, geography and access to provincial, federal and aboriginal program dollars. In 2004, the Government of Canada “identified the social economy as a new priority, in recognition of its contribution to both economic growth and social development in Canadian communities” (Human Resources and Social
Development Canada's Cross-Country Policy Dialogue, 2005-2006).
Building the capacity of the many organizations through this kind of policy shift is essential. In the literature there is a common list of measurable areas that communities use to measure wellbeing and inclusion. The social economy consists of a range of community-based organizations (e.g., cooperatives, non-profits, social enterprises, and community economic development organizations) that draw upon the best practices of both the voluntary and for-profit sectors to provide innovative and entrepreneurial solutions to individual and community problems (Human Resources and Social
Development Canada's Cross-Country Policy Dialogue, 2005-2006). Social capital and the building up of disadvantaged communities have to be the new reality. “In Canada, as in many other countries, there is a growing interest in the role social capital might play in determining social, economic and health outcomes”(Bryant, 2002). Increasing social
46 capital and creating policies that support the social economy may be a more holistic approach to the complex issues that face Labrador.
A stronger Labradorian group identity would create protection and insulation against social exclusion factors and enhance social inclusion factors for the broader population. It is important to understand why groups formed in the first place and what holds these groups together today, in order to understand how potential links across groups might be encouraged in the future. A larger more unified collective of Labrador can potentially drive positive action and make better use of the limited human and financial resources that are currently being competed over or protected by these different groups.
The Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador did not create or change any policies, it heard a list of wants from the communities and then assigned each one the appropriate line department and then reported on how each department spent money in Labrador with some new funds added from the consultations. It did not… “create a new form of space or polity…in which the appropriate role of these differences can be honestly and openly negotiated through engagement, dialogue and compromise on all sides”
(Cushing, 2003, p3). The Northern Strategic Plan for Labrador illustrates where resources were allocated in Labrador, it did not speak to social inclusion nor does a fiscal plan increase social capital in communities. “To be successful, social inclusion requires changes in attitude, and power and resource-sharing on the part of the dominant group” (Cushing, 2003, p.3)
47
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Appendix 1
Table 1.1 Dimensions of social exclusion
Dimension Indicators
Economic Long-term unemployment Casualization and job insecurity Workless households Income poverty Social Breakdown of traditional households Unwanted teenage pregnancies Homelessness Crime Disaffected youth Political Disempowerment Lack of political rights Low registration of voters Low voter turnout Low levels of community activity Alienation/lack of confidence in political processes Social disturbance/disorder Neighbourhood Environmental degradation Decaying housing stock Withdrawal of local services Collapse of support networks Individual Mental and physical ill health Educational underachievement/low skills Loss of self-esteem/confidence Spatial Concentration/marginalization of vulnerable groups Group Concentration of above characteristics in particular groups: elderly, disabled, ethnic minorities
Janie Percy-Smith. (ed). 2000.
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Appendix 2
Map of Labrador
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Appendix 3
The Seventies in Retrospect With a glimpse Toward the Eighties Together we reflect on the last ten years Looking at our ups and downs Where we’ve succeeded Where we’ve failed One thing, we’re on common ground
It seems as we turned the last decade As people, we’d begun to awaken We began to raise questions about the system Saying: No more will we be taken
The NLP, the turning point The grassroots began to show Their dissatisfaction for St. John’s Really Mike, You were a hero
As time progressed, we witnessed The birth of organizations Like LIA, LRAC, We demanded consultation
So we are at a point Where now they know The wool they cannot pull Our eyes are open Our minds are clear Labradorians have been to school
But watch dogs are not enough for me As we look o the future years Labradorians must demand control So we can run our own affairs
And as they say- How times do change We have voices in Cabinet halls Let’s hope these voices echo our thoughts For our demands may not be small
But I’m optimistic, for our children As the 80s they unfold That at the end of Labrador’s rainbow They’ll find That long, lost pot of gold. -Bill Flowers
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