1 BLAR 851 w/c=8129, f/n,tables,figs=0 Football in Mexico: ‘A Paradise for Foreigners’? Keith Brewster and Claire Brewster Newcastle University Abstract: This article traces the development of Mexican football from its inception to the successful hosting of two World Cup finals. We place our analysis within a post-revolutionary context that exalted the virtues of self-discipline that sport could contribute towards the patriotic endeavour of “improving the race”. We argue that the character of the post-revolutionary state, in which a symbiotic relationship between public and private endeavours was encouraged, was reflected in the distinct way in which football developed in Mexico. Furthermore, it also influenced the way in which sporting culture contributed to the Mexican migrant experience in the United States. Key words: Mexico, football, nationalism, identity, media, Televisa 2 In the introduction to his book Mañana Forever, Jorge Castañeda reflects on ‘why Mexicans are lousy at Soccer’. Comparing Mexico’s international record in association football to that of its more illustrious Latin American neighbours he surmises that something in the Mexican character prevents players from firmly embracing a team ethos. Underlining that the sports in which Mexicans have enjoyed success are almost exclusively non-team events, he uses his somewhat light-hearted observations about Mexican sporting prowess as a starting point for a more serious analysis regarding the intrinsically individualistic nature of Mexican national character (Castañeda, 2011: 3-8). Closer scrutiny of Mexican football undermines Castaneda’s thesis. If success in football were only measured in terms of winning international tournaments, then Mexico would find themselves in good company: only eight nations, for example, have won the World Cup. What is remarkable about Mexican football is that despite its comparatively late adoption as a mass sport, it has for many years enjoyed a prominent position on the international scene. Mexico was the first nation to stage two World Cup finals; its national team regularly qualifies for the finals of international tournaments; and its record in them is every bit as good as more acclaimed football nations. Furthermore, for many years the international profile of Mexican domestic football has been one of the strongest in the Americas. Hence in this article, the question we consider is not why Mexicans are lousy at football but what made Mexican football different. Specifically, we focus on why Mexicans did not embrace football earlier, and what role the state and private sector played in promoting the game. We explore the extent to which such intervention shaped the distinct nature of football in Mexico and the way in which sporting culture contributed to the Mexican migrant experience within the United States. The means of shedding light on these issues are not readily available. Historiographical treatment of Mexican football is slight and tends to be highly narrative lacking verifiable sources (Ramírez, 2010; Meja Barquera, 1993; Bañuelos Rentería, 1998). Part of the reason for this has been the reluctance until recently to see sporting culture as a genre for serious historical analysis in Mexico (see the special issue in Hispanic American Historical Review, 1999 for an indication of the polemic surrounding the use of cultural history). 3 Another connected reason might be the lack of empirical evidence. The archives of the Mexican football establishment remain inaccessible while national archive collections contain surprisingly little. Evidence of football’s progression in Mexico does exist but only within an eclectic mix of scarce official publications, newspaper editorials, and secondary sources that focus, to a greater or lesser extent, on the development of the game in Mexico and elsewhere in Latin America. In some respects, then, our findings regarding the grassroots development of the game must remain tentative and are based as much upon what is not within the archives as what the few documents that are there actually say. We do, however, offer more solid analysis regarding the rise of Mexican football onto the international arena during the 1930s-1960s. We argue that the distinctive nature of the post-revolutionary state, which began to emerge in the late 1920s, provided space for both public and private sectors to contribute towards the formation of a new national identity. In the case of Mexican football, limited government involvement allowed the economic elite to govern and market the game in such a way as to facilitate a rise to prominence that mirrored the country’s rapid economic growth in the post WWII period. It was the entrepreneurial nature of football in Mexico that influenced its development within the country and allowed it to thrive beyond its borders. Sport within a post-revolutionary context In order to understand the development of Mexican football, it is useful to outline some post-revolutionary ideals and objectives. Importantly, the Mexican Revolution (1910-1917) was not fundamentally about clashing political ideologies. Middle class concerns regarding limited political and economic opportunities unleashed a plethora of popular uprisings against the incumbent regime. As varied as they were numerous, these contributed towards a violent civil war that divided regions, communities, and families. While the 1920s heralded a period of tentative calm, deep factionalism remained within Mexico’s predominantly rural population. The political elite charged with the task of steering the country towards lasting stability deployed diverse measures to contain the considerable threat that this represented. Selective provision of agrarian and labour reform, co-option of union leaders, and erosion of the Catholic Church’s power all 4 contributed towards the construction of a corporate state during the 1930s. Led by the Partido Nacional Revolucionario (predecessor of the Partido Revolucionario Institutional), the driving political rhetoric of this project was one in which the military, the urban and rural proletariat, and the business sector joined forces with the state in the patriotic endeavour of rebuilding the nation. The inclusion of the private sector was by no means an accident. While the Revolution may have dismantled the power of the landed elite, it had not been an ideological war against capitalism. Reflecting the background of many of the emerging political class, entrepreneurial skills were seen as vital for national redemption. What emerged was a project in which both public and private sectors deployed diverse initiatives to convince recalcitrant Mexicans that they all had a part to play in Mexico’s future. Our understanding of the dynamics of Mexico’s post-revolutionary project has been considerably enriched by the work of cultural historians during the last twenty years. Pioneering work by Ilene O’Malley, consolidated by Mary Kay Vaughan and Thomas Benjamin, show how the state deployed cultural strategies to sustain the rhetoric of post-revolutionary unity and national redemption (O’Malley, 1986; Vaughan, 1997; Benjamin, 2000). Reification of ‘La Revolución’ became a totem for nationalistic objectives. State sponsorship of monuments, commemorations, and public holidays were all designed to infuse a sense of gratitude towards those who had sacrificed all for the revolutionary cause, and loyalty towards a state that purported to safeguard the achievements of the Revolution. Importantly, rural education set about instilling these values within the younger generation. History and geography lessons were designed to create a sense of nationhood, while missionaries reached out to Mexico’s many indigenous communities simultaneously to celebrate and incorporate the country’s cultural diversity within a new shared national identity. The role of physical education and sport within such endeavours became increasingly recognised during the 1920s and 1930s. In common with other Latin American countries, Mexican intellectuals and pedagogues linked the developed world’s advancements to the way in which physical education inculcated moral and physical qualities within the younger generation. Gymnastics and basketball became intrinsic elements within the school curriculum and were integrated within the broader patriotic project of individual and communal development (Vaughan, 1997; Brewster, 5 2005; Brewster & Brewster, 2014). Yet developing an enthusiasm for football did not feature in these discussions. Whereas government bulletins actively disseminated instructions on how to teach children the rules of other sports, football remained largely absent from the curriculum and, consequently, from rural pastime activities. This lack of overt political involvement affected the way Mexican football evolved, the style of play that was adopted, and how the game was managed and marketed. It is to this that we now turn our attention. The consolidation of football in Mexico The early days of football in Mexico mirrored those of other Latin American countries. In common with the development of other modern sports, from the late nineteenth century to the outbreak of the Revolution, foreign colonies and elite country clubs led the way in formalising competition between football teams in Mexico City and beyond. The Mexican Amateur Football Association was founded in 1902 by an Englishman, Percy C. Clifford, and early football activities took place in expatriate sporting clubs such as Reforma Athletic Club and the Mexico Cricket