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'Here Chapman Billies Tak Their Stand': a Pilot Study of Scottish Chapmen

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'Here Chapman Billies Tak Their Stand': a Pilot Study of Scottish Chapmen Proc SocAntiq Scot, 120 (1990), 173-188 'Here chapman billie theik sta r stand' pilo:a t studf yo Scottish chapmen, packmen and pedlars Roger Leitch* INTRODUCTION Whereas kailyard literature has left a lasting, though somewhat stereotyped, picture of the travelling packman, his predecessor, the chapman, remains a marginal figure in Scottish society. At worst the chapman is completely ignored, his role often dismissed in a couple of sentences. The word 'chapman', meaning 'a pett itineranr yo t merchan dealer'r o t rars i ,Scotlan n ei d unti late lth e 16th century (DOST). The derivation is probably from the Old English chapman: ceap meaning barter or dealing bartero wh dealr ,n so thu ma s sa (OED). Variant wore th f dso have been trace Englann di d fro fas ma r nint e bacth s hka century (ibid). t woulI d thus appear unlikely tha Scottisa t h equivalent should only emerge seven centuries later. The Leges Burgorum and surviving fragments of ancient customary law contain references to chapmen prototypes known by interchangeable terms such as 'dustiefute', 'farandman' and 'pipouderus'. Skene interprets 'dustiefute 'ans a ' e pedde cremarr ro certain,a quhn s ahe e dwelling place quhare he may dicht the dust from his feet' (1774,432). This clearly indicates a form of itinerant pedlar or dealer in small wares. 'Pipouderus' is a Scotticism derived from piepowder, which in turn seems to have been an anglicization of the Old French for pedlar, piedpouldre. A note in Kames's Statute Law suggests that traces of the old piepowder court were found in Scotland (Kames 1774, 424). In view of the Anglo-Norman influence on early Scots Law and our institutions, it is a suggestion which merits further investigation. FAIRS Piepowder courts were hel t fairsda , some continuin existencn gi Englann ei d unti 19te th l h century (Addison 1953,12). According to Kames, these rendered justice in disputes between buyers and sellers. In fact, the fair court had a wider jurisdiction and power to deal with all manner of disputes and offences that arose on fair days, and was not simply restricted to mercantile quarrels (Moore 1985, 165-6) e courhallmarkes Th .wa t informalite th y db speed yan f procedur o d n i e securing redress. It was vital that matters be settled quickly before parties dispersed and any spark of unres defusee b t d befor t spilleei d into wider disorder which could disrup maie th t n functioe th f no fair, namely trade. For example, any summons had to be answered within an hour, and at most a day (Addison 1953, 12). Charles Rogers sociae th , l historian, suggests that dustyfoot traders enjoye limiteda d roln ei being abl traffio et t fairca s between Ascensio Lammasd an y nDa , latterly extende year-roundo t d * Roselea Cotage Statio0 2 , n Road, Methuen, Perthshire 174 | SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF SCOTLAND, 1990 trad differenn ei t burgh markets (Rogers 1884,1, 338). Along with burgesse merchantsd san e th , dustyfeet were afforded protection under the Merchants' Law when they passed beyond the burgh, or boundaries of the barony (APS, I, 726). In theory this enabled them to go about their business without disturbance evene th thef n o tI . m sufferin injuryy gan dustyfeee th , t clast tradef sno o s rwa denied acces litigatioo st n becaus failurs hi f fineo o e t d someon woulo ewh d pledg ecasa h suretn yo their behalf. Instead dustyfooe ,th t could initiat action ea pledginy nb foos ghi t (ibid, 1,725-6). Once summoned, the defender had until the passing of three tides to come forward and answer the charge. Undoubtedly the punitive undertones behind such a pledge resulted in few vexatious actions. A contemporary yardstick for settling matters at a fair can still be found at the annual Lammas Marke t AndrewsS n i t oldese t th remain I .f o t survivine son g street fair Britainn si . Each yean a r on-site meetin faie th r gf betwee o take d en s placnrepresentative a th t ea Showmen'e th f eo s Guild locad an l authority official fino st acceptabln da e figur compensatiof eo damagr nfo e cause kerbdo t s and pavement e vehicleth y pland b s an s t connected e questiowit th e fair y hthith n I .f wa sno compensation is settled before the traders and show people move to their next fairground location (NE Fife District Council information). In The Winter's Tale, Shakespeare's clown reminds us that pedlars in the Middle Ages haunted such event 'wakess sa , fairs bear-baitingd an , III)c S Scotland n , '.I (1611IV t ,Ac , fairs were attended b widya e cross-sectio societf no serve d maie yan th ns da mechanis attractinr mfo g longer-distance trade. Initially they were an important preserve of the royal burghs and the greater ecclesiastical burghs, generating revenue through business with foreign merchants. Describin pilgrimagee gth o st St Andrews, McRoberts refermerchante th o st itinerand san t provideshowmey da e lateo th dnn rwh i food, trad entertainmend ean visitine th r fo gt pilgrims (1976, 101). Fair sRooe sucth s dha Fair, Dumfries, coincided with the great feast-days and religious festivals. The link between business riding bace th f devotio ko n o n (and vice-versa stils i ) l see t Irishna , Italia Spanisd nan h pilgrimageo st shrines, transient pedlars being amongs concourse tth e with their religious knicknack charmsd san . The Scottish fairs afforded unfreemen a less restricted environment than the tightly controlled weekly markets. There was a chance to trade with dealers from other parts. Free trade stimulated mercantile interaction and benefited the burghs concerned since people came from further afield with different goods and the more important commodities. Different classes of trader moved between the principal fairs, amongst the travelline mth g chapme 16te 17td th han hf n o centuries followine Th . g descriptio Dundee'f no s principal fair reveal chango t sd thaha et ti locatio accounn no congestionf to : 'all cramers, chepmen and merchants - baith neighbours and strangers handling merchandise and small cramerie wares - wha use to stand in the mercat with tents and crames, come to the kirkyard, soute onth Ladr h sid theiOu y g f eKirko bi rd standan , tentd san s ther ' (Maxwel. e. l 1891, 305). It is important to distinguish these periodic market fairs from the regular weekly burgh markets. INFLUENCE TH BURGHE TH F EO S burghe Th s essentially controlled every aspecmarkee th f to t plac marked ean t trade, including the economic activities of those below the privileged class of freemen or burgesses. The market reflecte vestee dth d interests that attache positioe th o dt burgesf no guild san d brethren, whicht a , leas purposer tfo theif so r customary unfettered freedo accesf mo inlano st d trad freedod ean m from toll, wer samee eth virtualld . an e yon Burghe Th Laws wer best ea t 'a common cor customf eo regulationsd san ' selectively adopted by each burgh as it saw fit (Lynch et al 1988,7). For example, on market days different rates of custom coul leviecoveree e db th n uncoveredd o dan d stands use tradery db s (APS, Skenf 1,334c ; e37 ,c 1774 , LEITCH: 'HERE CHAPMAN BILLIE THEIK STA R 5 STAND17 ' 234, c 40). 'Bord penny' was exacted from those who traded from a table in the street; 'terrage' could be levied on those who displayed their wares on the ground. Any 'cremar' or stall-holder who owed an outstandin burgesgy deban o t s could hav goods ehi s poinde settlemenn di t (Skene 1774,240 63),c . The actual market day was staunchly protected against casual trading and the right to trade was sometimes further restricte guildry db y pronouncements r instanceFo . Junn i , e Stirlin e 1621th , g Guildry ordered chapme removed 'flio nt an t ' themselves fro gaie markemnoonn y th to b r y no , tda could they use 'tayled standis' (Cook & Morris 1916, 40). Any reference Scottiso st h towns must take into account their diversit theid yan r relationship with their hinterland. Recent researc highlightes hha dangere dth f generalizinso g about Scottish towns (Lynch et al 1988,7 & ch 15), and they must be viewed with regard to their regional character and economy, as well as their geographical situation. The 'four great towns of Scotland' - Edinburgh, Aberdeen, Pert Dunded han eremaine- leadine dth g towns for more than three centuries. Edinburgh is exceptional truln i , y reflectin urban ga n character, althoug tase hreflectinf th k o structure gth f eo any town is a difficult one before 1600 (ibid). In many of the small towns the burgesses were peasants first and only petty merchants or craftsmen as subsidiary occupations (Smout 1989,167). Perth as one of the larger towns in the late 16th century had a population in the region of 4500, its merchant community including chapmen, hucksters, carters, fish buyers and stablers (Lynch etal 1988, 271). In general, the guilds kept chapmen at arm's length. William Mentheit, a chapman at 'the burn of Cambis' was something of an exception, being admitted to the Stirling Guildry in 1615 on payment of £40 (Cook & Morris 1916, 36). If he were to marry a guild brother's daughter by Michaelmas, the entrance fee was to be halved. As early as 1509 however, several chapmen were listed as enjoying the freedom of the Dunfermline Guild, a small burgh with a higher percentage of Guild members (Torrie 1986, 48).
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