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ecolonially speaking, Euro- North American modernity Dunfolded in terms of the colonisation of space, time, being

© Shutterstock.com Eurocentrism, and even nature. It announced its presence through the usurping of world history by Europe and North America. It expanded, institutionalised Coloniality and and consolidated itself into a global phenomenon through mercantilism, the slave trade, , and . Economically, Euro-North the Myths of American modernity was carried forward and globalised by capitalism. At the spiritual level, it was propagated through Christianisation. At the Decolonisation epistemological level, Euro-North- American modernity consolidated itself through appropriation and monopolisation of all useful existing of knowledges as well as through the displacement, subjugation and silencing of other knowledges that challenged Eurocentrism. To survive until today, modernity evolved and unleashed a very persuasive global programme underpinned by discourses of democracy and human rights as it sought to routinise and naturalise itself as the only natural order of life. The long-term consequences of all these processes were far-reaching and devastating for Africa. They resulted not only in epistemicides but also in the re-articulation of modern in terms of the ‘Athens-to-Washington’ historiographical narrative as the logical consequence of the usurping of world history (Zeleza 1997; Ndlovu- Gatsheni 2013a;). Once world history was usurped, the Euro-North American world pushed for the globalisation of Eurocentrism and coloniality. This is why the philosopher of liberation Enrique Dussel categorised the constituent elements of Eurocentrism as including ‘Hellenocentrism’ which privileges and articulated Greece and Rome as the original centre of human civilisation; ‘Westernisation,’ which Fifty years after the celebration of decolonisation identifies Europe and North America the ‘European game’ which denied Africans as the centre of the world and the paragons of human progress; and agency continues to prevail. Coloniality remains ‘coloniality’ which underpins Anglo- Saxon claims to being superior human a reality. beings ordained by God and history to dominate and exploit other human beings (Dussel 2011). By usurping By Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni world history Europeans were able

34 THE THINKER POLITICS successfully gain ontological density and anti-colonial struggles, often having been created by it, are today as the only complete human beings these struggles became ensnared by adopted everywhere’ (Castoriadis while at the same time doubting the the same inventories and grammars 1991: 200). ontological density of all those peoples fashioned by the immanent logic of found outside Europe. modernity, imperiality and coloniality. African loss of ontological density Samir Amin defined Eurocentrism Ramon Grosfoguel argued that the idea Today Africans are entrapped as a modern construct that is of a decolonised world is one of the within a modern world system that constituted by a bundle of Western most powerful myths of the twentieth is racially hierarchised, patriarchal, prejudices with respect to other century which erroneously assumes sexist, Christian-centric, Euro- peoples. Eurocentrism became one that the complex ‘heterogeneous and American-centric, hetero-normative, of the banal forms of ethnocentrism multiple global structures put in place capitalist, and colonial in architecture informed by European mistrust of non- over a period of 450 years’ suddenly (Grosfoguel 2011). Denial of the Europeans and a discursive terrain of evaporated ‘with the juridical-political humanity of Africans was based on racism, chauvinism and xenophobia. decolonisation of the periphery over misreading the African being as lacking While Eurocentrism is a deformed the past 50 years’ (Grosfoguel 2007: souls, rationality, writing, history, ideology, it has been used to confer 219). civilisation, development, democracy, upon Europeans and North Americans Inevitably, African efforts to make human rights and ethics (Grosfoguel the right to judge and analyse others history are constrained by their 2007: 214). (Amin 2009: 177-178). entrapment in global coloniality. This At the institutional political level, as Amin added that Eurocentrism is means Africans are making history Euro-Americans were busy producing ‘expressed in the most varied of areas: modern nation-states in the wake of day-to-day relationships between Coloniality ‘is the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648 and individuals, political formations and recognising each other’s sovereignty opinion, general views concerning maintained alive and institutionalisation and ‘norming’ society and culture, social science’ in books, in the of a particular modern world order (Ibid 179). Eurocentrism gave birth as a juridical political formation, they to coloniality. Nelson Maldonado- criteria for academic continued to intensify expansion Torres defined coloniality as a global performance, in beyond Europe in violation of other imperial power structure that survived non-European people’s dignity and the end of direct administrative cultural patterns, in freedom. The most important point colonialism. Coloniality exists through common sense, in the is that under the Westphalian order, long-standing patterns of power which African people were not considered consistently work to define culture, self-image of peoples, part of humanity that was expected labour, intersubjective relations, and in aspirations of self, to enjoy national sovereignty. The knowledge production well beyond the of 1884-5 was strict limits of colonial administrations. and so many other the culmination of a long-process of He elaborated that coloniality ‘is aspects of our modern writing African people out of the ‘zone maintained alive in books, in the experience’. of being’ into a ‘zone of non-being’ criteria for academic performance, where they were available not only for in cultural patterns, in common enslavement but also for colonisation sense, in the self-image of peoples, in within a stage set by Euro-American (Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2013b). aspirations of self, and so many other modernity that was not of their making The Berlin consensus was in fact an aspects of our modern experience. In (Marx 1898: 12). Amin (2009: 13) agreement among European powers to a way, as modern subjects we breathe understood modernity to mean that divide Africa among themselves. While coloniality all the time and every day’ human beings armed with secular the institutionalisation of the slave (Maldonado-Torres 2007: 243). thought and science, ‘individually trade became the first manifestation The reality which is often missed and collectively, can and must make of the dark side of modernity, the by Africans is that the post-1492 their own history.’ But the ability of Berlin Conference of 1884-5 enabled modern world system is resistant to Africans to do so was doubted, as colonialism and laid a firm basis for decolonisation. The world orders it their humanity had been continuously global coloniality (Ndlovu-Gatsheni produced — such as the post-1648 denied to the extent of even being 20213a: 45-50). The scramble for and Westphalian order, the post-1945 reduced to commodities during the partition of Africa among European United Nations normative order and slave trade. The reality is that since powers amounted to an open disregard the post-1989/post- order 1492, Europe and North America and disdain for the African people’s — have all remained resistant to gained a long-lasting victory ‘not only dignity, rights and freedoms (Mazrui deimperialisation (Ndlovu-Gatsheni through the force of its weapons: it 2010: xi). The Berlin Conference was 2013b). This is why even though remains so through its ‘‘models’’ of hosted by the German Chancellor Africans launched some of the most growth and development, through Otto von Bismarck who is credited protracted and heroic anti-slavery the statist and other structures which, for unifying . The unifier of

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Germany presided over the process of breathing, as they do, modernity and American dominated modern world. the partition of Africa. coloniality every day. The institutions During the Congresses leading black The partition of Africa as noted by that were bequeathed by modernity on people consistently demanded an Mazrui ‘unleashed unprecedented the world such as the nation-state and end to racism and the abuse of black changes in African societies: political, the capitalist economic management people. The Pan-African Congress that economic, cultural, and psychological’ have somehow been naturalised. was held in 1945 in Manchester in (Mazrui Ibid xi - xii). African people Euro-normativity has routinised and Britain not only brought together pan- of different ethnic backgrounds were naturalised itself. Euro-North American Africanists from Africa and the diaspora forcibly enclosed into one of the epistemology has been globalised. but also made a bold statement demarcated colonial boundaries of African minds have been colonised. rejecting colonialism. Pan-Africanists the colonial state. At another level These imposed realities make it very made sure that whenever Europeans some African people with common difficult for Africans to exercise extra- and Americans met to decide the ethnic background were randomly structural agency. future of the world excluding black fragmented into different colonial But Africans have not given up the people’s views, they organised their states. struggle to regain their lost ontological own meeting to articulate black The Berlin Conference dramatised density. For example pan-Africanism people’s demands. Three important and confirmed the fact that Europeans emerged as a counter-hegemonic objectives of pan-Africanism could did not consider those people found international movement that sought be identified: pan-Africanism as a in Africa to be human beings that to contest articulation and projection protest against Euro-American racism deserved to be treated with dignity. that was ranged against The logic that informed the slave trade in the diaspora and on the African also informed the partition of Africa. Euro-normativity continent; pan-Africanism as a terrain It is a logic of dismissing not only the has routinised and for waging anti-colonial struggles; and humanity of African people but of naturalised itself. pan-Africanism as a dream for African considering them to be a ‘present’ that unity (Esedebe 1970). was ‘absent’ in considerations of world Euro-North American After the 1945 Pan-African affairs. This logic was informed by what epistemology has Congress the leading advocate of pan- J. M. Blaut calls the ‘myth of emptiness’ Africanism became which was constituted by four major been globalised. of . He convened the All-Africa Eurocentric propositions: that Africa African minds have People’s Conference in 1958 in Accra, was empty of people; that where Ghana. Two issues dominated the people were found they were mobile, been colonised. conference: the decolonisation of nomadic and wanderers without any These imposed Africa and the unification of African sense of political sovereignty and states and peoples into a territorial claim; that African people realities make it very of Africa. The conference became had no idea of private property; and difficult for Africans a precursor to the establishment of finally, that African people lacked the Organisation of African Unity in rationality (Blaut 1993: 15). to exercise extra- 1963 (Murithi 2009). However, pan- The long-term consequence of the structural agency. Africanism continues to intersect with Berlin consensus is that African people paradoxically as found themselves enclosed in territorial of Euro-American power and interest some Africans continue to be reluctant boundaries that were decided in at the expense of black people to sacrifice territorial nationalism for Europe. Attempts to exercise their (Lumumba-Kasongo 1994: 109). the greater goal of pan-African unity. political agency had to be performed Realities of the slave trade, imperialism within ‘iron cages’. But even within the and colonialism provoked the rise African nationalism and the confines of colonial boundaries,A frican of pan-Africanism in the Diaspora to challenge of coloniality people deployed pan-Africanism counter the dominant and hegemonic African nationalism has its social and nationalism as they fought to Euro-American worldview. Euro- base in Africa as well as a derivative project their agency in contesting the American racism produced the idea of genealogy (Chatterjee 1986). It is immanent logics of the slave trade, black people as a racial category that rooted in African realities of encounters imperialism and colonialism. was exposed to racial abuses (Ndlovu- with imperialism and colonialism. But Gatsheni 2013c). This is evident from the derivative component is equally Is extra-structural African agency the concerns of the series of Pan- important to note. Perhaps a balanced possible? African Congresses that were held assessment of the character of African Transcending the edifice of between 1900 and 1945. The main nationalism is to depict it as both a Euro-North American modernity, point about these Congresses is that derivative discourse as well as a new particularly its globalised grammars, they provided black people from the creation of the African people as inventories and rhetoric has proven diaspora and continent a space to they responded to colonialism. It was to be a major challenge for Africans, announce their presence in the Euro- never insulated from what Benedict

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Anderson (1983) termed ‘modular’ state. This led Basil Davidson (1992) to When eventually decolonisation forms made available by Europe write of ‘the black man’s burden’ and was realised from the onwards, and America. At the same time, ‘the curse of the nation-state.’ What the reality was that postcolonial states contextual African historical realities was at play was display of colonised were admitted into the lowest echelons and conditions dictated that producers imagination and constrained agency. of the hierarchised and asymmetrically of nationalism became innovative and organised global international system. creative as its grammar had to appeal to Myths of decolonisation Consequently, the decolonisation diverse African constituencies (Ndlovu- The post-1945 United Nations process ushered into the post-1945 Gatsheni 2009: 23). sovereignty replaced the Westphalian modern world order a group of the But the derivative character of sovereignty order that excluded smaller world’s weakest and most artificial African nationalism partly informed states of Eastern and Central Europe that states (Clapham 1996). The post-1945 Fanon who actively participated in subsisted under the imperial Romanov, United Nations sovereignty order the anti-colonial liberation struggle Hapsburg and other empires. Africa succeeded in accommodating some of in to warn of the mutating was not eligible for enjoyment of the anti-systemic movements that had quality of African nationalism into sovereignty. It was still enveloped in the arisen in the peripheries of the Euro- ‘ultra-nationalism, to chauvinism, paradigm of difference that informed American-centric world system. This is and finally to racism’ (Fanon 1968: direct colonialism. The other problem why Mamdani depicted decolonisation 125). Kuan-Hsing Chen amplified that Europe and North America wanted as a ‘preoccupation of two groups that Fanon’s argument when he noted to resolve was that of Adolf Hitler’s propelled the nationalist movement: that Third World nationalism became practice of racism at the centre of the intelligentsia and the political class. largely shaped by the immanent logic Europe, and its consequences. Hitler’s They set out to create the nation, the of colonialism, which made it fail to cardinal crime was that of importing former to give independent states ‘escape from reproducing racial and the paradigm of racial difference that a history and the latter to create a ethnic discrimination; a price to be was practiced in the and common citizenship as the basis of paid by the coloniser as well as the deployed it in the centre of Europe national sovereignty’ (Mamdani 2013: colonised selves’ (Chen 1998: 14). resulting in what became known as the 85). Coloniality and racism as driving ‘Holocaust’. But African nationalists used forces of the colonial state enabled It was the practice of racism in modernist inventories that denied colonialism to produce what Mahmood Europe rather than its practice in Africans not only history but Mamdani (1996) termed ‘citizens the colonies that provoked Western sovereignty and citizenship. Admission and subjects.’ Mamdani described powers to take such actions as the to the United Nations was part of the colonial statecraft as underpinned by production of the ; the process of realising state sovereignty. the practices of defining and ruling Nuremberg Trials; the formation of the The question that has always cascading from the fear of the ‘Indian United Nations; and the adoption of escaped proper analysis is that even disease’ where the attempt to introduce the Universal Declaration of Human at the United Nations the states are direct colonial rule premised on Rights in 1948. Hitler’s application to hierarchised with the Euro-American eradication of difference between the white people of colonial procedures powers monopolising permanent seats coloniser and the colonised provoked and technologies of subjectivation and the exercise of veto power. active resistance (Mamdani 2013). aroused the Western world to the The second issue that must be But what indicated that African dangers of narrow nationalism and raised is that the United Nations is part nationalism was more of a product racism as though they had not been of the Euro-American-centric world of modernity than revival of African practicing it against non-Western system constituting another world pre-colonial formations was that it peoples for centuries (Du Bois 1947: order accommodative of anti-systemic embraced modernist inventories and 230. political formations from the Global concepts such as universal franchise The rise of the post-1945 United South and in the process shielding the that cascade from Western bourgeois Nations sovereignty order provided world system from decolonisation and struggles of the seventeenth century. Africans with a platform to critique deimperialisation. The horizon of African nationalism and exposes the hypocrisy and double- When the Organisation of African was the production of a postcolonial standards of Western colonial powers Unity (OAU) at its formation in 1963 nation-state as part of existing Euro- (Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2001). Therefore the embraced the principle of inviolability American nation-states born out of struggles for decolonisation proceeded of existing boundaries in the process the Westphalian consensus. Africans as claims for inclusion of Africans in upholding the Berlin consensus 1884-5, could be said to have had three the post-1945 human rights normative it became clear that the decolonisation options: reproduce pre-colonial order. The Universal Declaration of struggle was permeated by practice formations; embrace existing colonial Human Rights of 1948 was closely of ‘repetition without change’ (Fanon states; or create a new pan-African studied by African freedom fighters and 1968: 23-25). Indeed ‘pitfalls of political formation. They settled for the its linguistic inventories were used to national consciousness’ and coloniality embracement of the existing colonial put pressure on Europe to decolonise prevented Africans from abandoning state as the template of the postcolonial Africa. the ‘European game.’ The crisis of

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‘repetition without change’ is in fact The Western powers’ economic grip Renaissance together with the New the crisis of agency and imagination. on Africa was intensified in the 1970s as Partnership for African Development they underwent prolonged recession. (NEPAD) was meant to be the basis for The Cold War as a site of imperiality The Washington Consensus emerged African drive to own its developmental and coloniality as a Western initiative of managing trajectory in the 21st century. These The Cold War provided Africans the economic recession. Western initiatives emerged within a context of with two ideological options: the welfarism informed by Keynesianism revival of pan-Africanism that witnessed capitalist path or socialist path within was replaced by neoliberal principles the transformation the OAU to the an un-decolonised modernist-imperial that privileged market forces in the (AU) in 2002 (Mathews world order. Africans tried to navigate struggle against inflation. 2007). The other initiative is that of this binary through such initiatives intensifying regional integration as well as the Bandung Conference of 1955 Coloniality of market forces as South-South solidarity that was laid that emphasised decolonisation as a The Washington Consensus was down by the Bandung Conference of central choice for the Global South; constituted by a set of ideas and 1955. South-South solidarity is taking the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM); institutional practices that began to the form of such blocs as the Brazil, the push for a New International dominate the from Russia, India, China and Economic Order (NIEO); the Lagos the 1970s onwards. The world order (BRICS). The objective is to speak with Plan of Action (LPA); Africa’s Priority brought about by the Washington one voice at such multilateral platforms Programme for Economic Recovery; Consensus became known as as the United Nations where Africa the African Alternative Framework is fighting for a permanent seat, the to Structural Adjustment Programme The two movements World Trade Organisation (WTO) and for Socio-Economic Recovery and others where global governance issues Transformation (AAF-SAP), the African – decolonisation and are discussed. Charter for Popular Participation for deimperialisation – All these initiatives are taking place Development; right up to the New intersect and interact, within a modern global order governed Partnership for African Development by what David Slater terms ‘imperiality (NEPAD). though very unevenly. of knowledge’ (Slater 2004). The These initiatives constituted what To put it simply, role of ‘imperiality of knowledge’ is (1967) termed Pax Africana that while it concedes to the ideas of (African solutions to African problems). deimperialisation is a difference and limited juridical-political The intellectual resource for these more encompassing , it does not concede initiatives was the category and a powerful to the right of peoples of the Global and the active agent was the United South and their leaders ‘to negotiate Nations Economic Commission for tool with which we can their own conditions of discursive Africa (UNECA) under the leadership critically examine the control, to practice its difference in the of Adebayo Adedeji. larger historical impact interventionist sense of rebellion and Adedeji explains that all these disturbance’ (Richard 1995: 211). This initiatives failed because they were of imperialism. means that imperiality of knowledge ‘opposed, undermined and jettisoned governing the Western initiatives can by the Bretton Woods institutions neoliberalism. What was distinctive only be changed through a radical and Africans were thus impeded from about neoliberal advance was its anti- double move towards decolonisation exercising the basic and fundamental statism philosophy which culminated and deimperialisation. right to make decisions about the in the introduction of Structural future’. He identified what he called Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) in Towards pluriversalism ‘the operation of the development Africa. The International Monetary Pluriversalism speaks of a world merchant system (DMS) under which Fund and the World Bank directly system in which different worlds are foreign-crafted economic reform intervened in African economies accommodated on an equal basis. policies have been turned into a through impositions of what became Such a world cannot exist without kind of special goods which are known as ‘conditionalities’ that eroded the completion of the decolonisation largely and quickly financed by the the social base of the postcolonial state and deimperialisation project. The operators of DMS, regardless of the and exposed it to attacks by the poor current world system, its global orders negative impact of such policies on African people (Laakso and Olukoshi and epistemologies have entered a the African economies and polities’. 1996). The imposition of SAPs took terminal crisis since the attacks of What emerges clearly here is that away the little that was remaining of September 11, 2001 and deepened what Adedeji describes as DMS carry African people’s control over economic with the global financial meltdown of coloniality which actively works to deny policy. 2008. This prompted Slavoj Zizek to agency to Africans to chart an Inevitably, the 1990s have become declare that liberalism died twice — as autonomous path of development dominated by new African initiatives to a political doctrine and as an economic (Adedeji 2002). regain the lost policy space. The African theory (Zizek 2009). These realities

38 THE THINKER POLITICS led such scholars as Patrick Chabal to and nothing to learn from other people Du Bois. W. E. B. (1947). The World and Africa. New York: International Publishers. write about ‘the end of conceit’ and to and their civilisations. Dussel, E. (2011). Politics of Liberation: A Critical World declare that ‘Western rationality must History: Translated by Thia Cooper. London: SCM Press. be rethought’. The end of conceit is Conclusion Esedebe, P. O. (1970). Pan-Africanism: The Idea and the Movement, 1776-1963. Washington, DC: Howard understood as taking the form of the Fifty years after the celebration University Press. ‘end of certainty: Western societies are of decolonisation the ‘European Fanon, F. (1968). The Wretched of the Earth. New York: no longer sure how to see themselves’ game’ which denied Africans agency Grove Press. Grosfoguel, R. (2007). ‘The Epistemic Decolonial Turn: (Chabal 2012). continues to prevail. Coloniality Beyond Political-Economy Paradigms.’ Cultural Studies, The West is beginning to feel and remains a reality. This is why this article 21(2-3), March/May, 2007: 211-223. Grosfoguel, R. (2011). ‘Decolonizing Post-Colonial Studies grudgingly accept the falsity of claims ends with a call for a simultaneous and Paradigms of Political Economy: Transmodernity, of being the centre of the world. process of decolonisation and Decolonial Thinking, and Global Coloniality.’ Transmodernity: Journal of Peripheral Cultural Production The forces of China are bringing deimperialisation. Deimperialisation of the Luso-Hispanic World, 1(1):1-34. ‘de-westernisation’ and the shifting of is meant to de-structure the racially Laakso, L. and Olukoshi, A. O. (1996). ‘The Crisis of the Post-Colonial Nation-State Project in Africa.’ centre of the world back to Asia as it hierarchised modern world system In Challenges to the Nation-State in Africa. pp 1-39, revives the ‘Sinocentric system’ (Chen and re-structure if not re-humanise Uppsala: Nordic Africa Institute. 2010: 5). the existing asymmetrical power Lumumba-Kasongo, T. (1994) Political Re-Mapping of Africa: Transitional Ideology and the Definition of Africa in Kuan-Hsing Chen is the proponent relations that facilitate the domination World Politics. New York: University Press of America. of the simultaneous processes of and exploitation of Africa by Maldonado-Torres, N. (2007). ‘On the Coloniality of Being: Contributions to the Development of a Concept.’ decolonisation and deimperialisation Euro-North-American industrialised Cultural Studies, 21 (2-3), March/May: 240-270. as portending a global future of genuine nations. Decolonisation remains a Mamdani, M. (1996). Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism. Princeton, NJ: democracy. To him decolonisation future that Africa must fight for, as it Princeton University Press. did not simply mean modes of deals with cultural, psychological and Mamdani, M. (2013). Define and Rule: Native as Political anticolonialism that were expressed epistemological aberrations. Without Identity. Johannesburg: Wits University Press. Marx, K. (1898). The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis mainly through the building of a these processes taking place, the Bonaparte. Translated by Daniel De Leone. New York: sovereign nation-state, but is also an possibility of African people exercising International Publishing. attempt by the ‘previously colonized to extra-structural agency remains ‘pie in Mathews, K. (2009). ‘Renaissance of Pan-Africanism: The AU and the New Pan-Africanists.’ In J. Akokpari, A. reflectively work out a historical relation the sky’. Deimperialisation entails the Nginga-Muvumba and T. Murithi (eds.), The African Union with the former colonizer, culturally, acceptance of non-Western people and Its Institutions. pp. 32-56. Johannesburg and Cape Town: Jacana Media and Centre for Conflict Resolution. politically, and economically. This as human beings with an ontological Mazrui, A. A. (1967) Towards a Pax Africana. Chicago: can be a painful process involving the density equivalent to that of European University of Chicago Press, 1967. practice of self-critique, self-negation, people. In short, both Africans and Mazrui, A. A. 2010. ‘Preface: Black Berlin and the Curse of Fragmentation: From Bismarck to Barack.’ In A. and self-rediscovery, but the desire to Europeans have to decolonise their Adebajo, The Curse of Berlin: Africa after the Cold War, form a less coerced and more reflexive minds if another world predicated on pp. v-xii, Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press. MignoloMurithi, T. (2009) The African Union: Pan- and dignified subjectivity necessitates pluriversalism and new humanism is to Africanism, Peacebuilding and Development. Aldershot: it’ (Chen 2010: 3). emerge.  Ashgate. Ndlovu-Gatsheni, S. J. (2001). ‘Imperial Hypocrisy, Settler Deimperialisation is a task to be Colonial Double-Standards and Denial of Human Rights performed by the former colonisers to Africans in .’ In N. Bhebe and T. Ranger References involving a genuine examination of (eds.), The Historical Dimensions of Democracy and Adedeji, A. (2002). ‘Wither Africa?’ (Keynote Address Human Rights in Zimbabwe: Volume One: Pre-Colonial ‘the conduct, motives, desires, and Presented at the Forum for Envisioning Africa, Nairobi and Colonial Legacies, pp. 53-83, Harare: University of Zimbabwe Publications. consequences of the imperialist history , 26-29 April). Amin, S. (2009). Eurocentrism: Modernity, Religion, and Ndlovu-Gatsheni, S. J. (2009). Do ‘Zimbabweans’ Exist? that has formed its own subjectivity. Democracy: A Critique of Eurocentrism and Culturalism. Trajectories of Nationalism, National Identity Formation New York: Monthly Review Press. and Crisis in a Postcolonial State. Bern and Oxford: Peter The two movements — decolonisation Lang. Anderson, B. (1983). Imagined Communities. London: and deimperialisation — intersect Verso. Ndlovu-Gatsheni, S. J. (2013a). Empire, Global Coloniality and interact, though very unevenly. and African Subjectivity. New York and Oxford: Berghahn Blaut, J. M. (1993).The Colonizer’s Model of the World: Books. To put it simply, deimperialisation is Geographical Diffusion and Eurocentric History. New York & London: Gilford Press, 1993. Ndlovu-Gatsheni. (2013b). ‘The Entrapment of a more encompassing category and Africa within the Global Colonial Matrices of Power: Castoriadis, C. (1991). Philosophy, Politics, Autonomy: Eurocentrism, Coloniality, and Deimperialization in the a powerful tool with which we can Essays in Political Philosophy. New York and Oxford: Twenty-First Century.’ Journal of Developing Societies, critically examine the larger historical Oxford University Press. 29(4), pp. 331-353. Chabal, P. (2012). The End of Conceit: Western Rationality Richard, N. (1995) ‘Cultural Peripheries: Latin America impact of imperialism. There can be after . London and New York: Zed Books. and Postmodernist Decentering.’ In J. Beverly, J. Oviedo no compromises in these exercises, if Chatterjee, P. (1986). Nationalist Thought and the and M. Aronna (eds.), The Postmodernism Debate in Colonial World: A Derivative Discourse? London: Zed Latin America. pp. 205-221, Durham and London: Duke the world is to move ahead peacefully’ Books. University Press. (Chen 2010: 4). Chen, K-H. (1998). ‘Introduction: The Ndlovu-Gatsheni, (2013c) ‘Pan-Africanism and the The deimperialisation entails Question.’ In K-H Chen (ed.), Trajectories: Inter-Asia International System.’ In T. Murithi (ed.), Handbook of Cultural Studies. London: Routledge. Africa’s International Relations, pp. 21-29, Oxford and abandoning the Eurocentrism and the Chen, K-H. (2010). Asia as Method: Towards New York: Routledge. spirit of imperial domination. It entails Deimperialization. Durham and London, Duke University Slater, D. (2004). Geopolitics and the Post-Colonial: Press. Rethinking North-South Relations. Oxford: Blackwell abandonment of the Western arrogance Clapham, C. (1996). Africa and the International System: Publishing. which breeds and perpetuates a feeling The Politics of State Survival. Cambridge: Cambridge Zeleza, P. T. (1997). Manufacturing and that Europe and North America have University Press. Crises. Dakar: CODESRIA Book Series. Davidson, B. (1992). The Black Man’s Burden: Africa and Zizek, S. (2009). First as Tragedy, Then as Farce. London everything to teach non-Europeans the Curse of the Nation-State. Oxford: James Currey. and New York: Verso.

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