DOCSLIB.ORG

ZIMBABWE: a POLITICAL BALANCE SHEET Part II: Party Politics and Foreign Affairs by J

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
ZIMBABWE: a POLITICAL BALANCE SHEET Part II: Party Politics and Foreign Affairs by J i I1 1981iNo. 15 1 Africa ZIMBABWE: A POLITICAL BALANCE SHEET Part II: Party Politics and Foreign Affairs by J. Gus Liebenow The Mugabe government's ability to carry out innovative domestic and foreign policies depends in great measure upon the Prime Minister's creativity in retaining the support of those who gave ZANU-PF its victory in the February 1980 elections. The American Universities Field INSTITUTIONAL MEMBERS American Staff, Inc.,founded in 1951, is a non- University of Alabama profit, membership corporation of Brown University American educational institutions. It Universities employs a full-time staff of foreign California State area specialists who write from UniversityIFullerton abroad and make periodic visits to California State member institutions. AUFS serves UniversityINorthridge the public through its seminar pro- Dartmouth College grams, films, and wide-ranging pub- Indiana University lications on significant develop- for Shipboard ments in foreign societies. Education University of Kansas Michigan State University University of Pittsburgh Ramapo College of New Jersey Utah State University University of Wisconsin System AUFS Reports are a continuing Associates of the Field Staff are series on international affairs and chosen for their ability to cut across major global issues of our time. the boundaries of the academic dis- Reports have for almost three ciplines in order to study societies in decades reached a group of their totality, and for their skill in col- readers-both academic and non- lecting, reporting, and evaluating academic-who find them a useful data. They combine long residence source of firsthand observation of abroad with scholarly studies relat- political, economic, and social trends ing to their geographic areas of in foreign countries. Reports in the interest. Each Field Staff Associate series are prepared by writers who returns to the United States periodi- are full-time Associates of the cally to lecture on the campuses of American Universities Field Staff the consortium's member institu- and occasionally by persons on leave tions. from the organizations and univer- sities that are the Field Staff's spon- sors. THE AUTHOR Association and a member of the Fellow at Harvard University; and re- Executive Council of the International ceived his Ph.D. in Political Science African Institute in London. from Northwestern University in 1955. A member of Phi Beta Kappa and Phi Professor Liebenow began his field work Kappa Phi, he taught at the University of in Africa in 1953, and he has spent 6 of Texas before coming to lndiana Univer- the past 25 years doing research, teach- sity in 1958. He was the first Director of ing, and service in tropical Africa. He is African Studies at lndiana (1960-1972) the author of Liberia: The Evolution of and served as Dean for International Privilege; Colonial Rule and Political Programs (1968-1972) and Vice Presi- Development in Tanzania: The Case of dent for Academic Affairs for the the Makonde; African Attitudes towards lndiana University system (1972-1974). Agriculture, Education, and Rural Trans- formation; and of numerous journal articles and chapters in edited volumes. Dr. Liebenow is a specialist on the prob- lems of local government; urbanization; management of the African environ- ment; politics of migration; and feder- J. GUS LIEBENOW, Professor of Polit- alism. ical Science at lndiana University, is one of the pioneers in the study of politics in Dr. Liebenow received his B.A. (summa cum laude) and M.A. from the Univer- @ 1981, American Universities Field sub-Saharan Africa. He is the immediate Staff, Hanover, NH Past President of the African Studies sity of Illinois; was a Goodwin Memorial 19811No. 15 by J. Gus Liebenow ZIMBABWE: A POLITICAL Africa [J G L-3-'81 I BALANCE SHEET Part II: Party Politics and Foreign Affairs The ability of Robert Mugabe's gov- from ethnic cleavages, conflicts be- Rhodesian Front Party, which won ernment to succeed in carrying out tween traditionalism and modern- the 28 seats reserved for whites, innovative domestic and foreign ism, contrasting ideologies, and - in Muzorewa became Zimbabwe's first policies depends in great measure many instances-simply person- African Prime Minister, a charade upon the Prime Minister's creativity ality.' Where African parties were that was destined to be short-lived. in retaining the support of those permitted to exist, the white settler There was a total absence of inter- who gave the Zimbabwe African group skillfully exploited factional- national diplomatic recognition, National Union-Patriotic Front ism up to the very eve of the pre- despite concerted right-wing pres- (ZANU-PF) its 57-seat majority in independence elections. sure in Britain, the United States the February 1980 elections. At the Senate, and elsewhere. Both Mu- same time Mugabe must success- In a crude way, there were parallels gabe's Zimbabwe African National fully placate the members of Joshua between the ethnic, ideological, and Liberation Army (ZANLA) and Nkomo's Patriotic Front (Zimbabwe personality conflicts within the Nkomo's Zimbabwe African African Peoples Union), PF (ZAPU), liberation struggles in Angola and in People's Revolutionary Army who captured 20 seats; the white Zimbabwe. In both the struggle was (ZIPRA) forces intensified their mili- supporters of the Rhodesian Front fragmented, with each group having tary struggle. Internal dissension Party, which won all 20 of the seats its distinct panoply of heroes, its among the collaborating blacks ulti- reserved for whites; and the rem- separate sources of external sup- mately undermined the myth of nants of Bishop Muzorewa's United port, its own way of relating to majority rule. The Reverend Sithole's African National Congress (UANC) white settlers, and its own military 12-seat party charged electoral who retained 3 seats in the new Par- wing. fraud and largely boycotted the par- liamentary deliberations. Later, liament. It is a difficult tightrope There were, however, important dif- Mugabe must walk. ferences. The first was the ability of James Chikerema, Vice Chairman of Muzorewa's party, broke with his The history of black African party the Smith regime to engage in negotiations with one or more of leader and took seven other mem- activity in preindependent Zim- bers into opposition. Muzorewa's the black leaders in order to weaken babwe is far too complex to recapit- reliance on white support was thus ulate in this brief study. Suffice it to support for the liberation effort. Having failed to make headway with all too transparent and became a say that since the early 1920s, when factor in leading the parties to the the educated African elite organized Nkomo at various times during the Lancaster House conference in the Rhodesian Bantu Voters' Asso- Emergency, Smith turned his atten- September 1979. ciation to secure voting rights for tion to Methodist Bishop Abel themselves, the Zimbabwean party Muzorewa of the UANC, the system has been kaleidoscopic in Reverend Ndabaningi Sithole of the The second major difference be- nature. Almost overnight, a party or old ZANU, and Chief Jeremiah tween the Angolan and Zimbab- movement would come into being, Chirau, who represented tribal tra- wean liberation struggle is that at a then quickly coalesce with other ditionalists. The white leadership critical juncture the two major Zim- similar groups, splinter into factions, succeeded in securing African par- babwean factions in the indepen- or disappear entirely. Given the hos- ticipation in drafting a new constitu- dence movement were brought into tility of the settlers and the colonial tion, which nominally allowed for a a political coalition. Under the regime to black political participa- black majority government but with prodding of the presidents of the tion, it is small wonder that African many significant areas of privilege frontline states, ZANU and ZAPU in political movements were highly reserved for Europeans. In the elec- 1976 agreed to participate in a unstable in organization, finances, tion of April 1979, which both ZANU Patriotic Front coalition, which and platforms. In addition to legal and ZAPU boycotted, the Muzorewa endured through the Lancaster restrictions, black political fragmen- party gained 51 of the 72 African House settlement of December tation reflected differences within seats in the 100-member assembly. 1980. Although their respective the African leadership group itself With the tacit support of Smith's armies continued to fight without coordination, the political coopera- press their decision to join ZANU-PF. Tekere (at least until his own polit- tion of Mugabe and Nkorno consid- In some cases the decision was akin ical and legal difficulties began)--in erably strengthened the hand of the to a religious conversion; in others, response seemed to have free rein liberation group in the negotiations the lure of Mugabe's patronage was to chide Nkorno. They attacked the in London. all too apparent. PF (ZAPU) leader for all allegations of police misbehavior since the The 17-year relationship of the two Despite the magnitude of Mugabe's police came under his Home Min- major Patriotic Front leaders was a electoral victory and his gestures of istry. The PF (ZAPU) leadership was microcosm of the broader history of reconciliation, party politics plagues accused of harboring sinister mo- black Zimbabwean politics. In the postwar reconstruction. Not only is tives because of the slow integration early 1960s Mugabe was Nkomo's Mugabe faced with factionalism of ZlPRA forces into the unified subordinate and ally within ZAPU. within ZANU-PF, but the marriage army. At various times Nkorno was For many reasons they parted com- of convenience with Nkorno also also attacked for currying favor with pany, and each assumed the leader- proved difficult-even before the the traditionalists by supporting the ship of a distinct political move- honeymoon had started! Despite his idea of chieftainship. Indeed, Sena- ment: ZAPU operating out of poor electoral showing Nkomo tor Nkala (who is Ndebele) actually Zambia and ZANU from Mozam- expected almost as a matter of right went to Nkomo's stronghold in bique.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Searching for a Common Idiom Among African
    Journal of Interdisciplinary History, xxxiv:4 (Spring, 2004), 595–599. AFRICAN TEXTS Robert I. Rotberg Searching for a Common Idiom among African Texts President Robert Gabriel Mugabe is remarkable for hav- ing transformed a well-managed, thriving, promising southern African country into a failed state—all within the last six years. In 2003, inºation in once wealthy Zimbabwe was racing along at 500 percent; staples and fuel were in short supply; unemployment reached 80 percent; hospitals barely functioned; and schools were without textbooks and teachers. Mugabe, a latter-day despot, had rigged a re-election in 2002, attacked civil society, killed and maimed opponents, suspended the rule of law, and thumbed his nose at President Bush and other foreign and local critics. In 2003, Mugabe had been a dominating prime minister and president for twenty-three years. Yet, before Zimbabwe’s inde- pendence in 1980, Mugabe had not always been the key ªgure in his people’s struggle against white-settler rule. Indeed, had one of his better-known competitors taken power, Zimbabweans could have avoided the home-grown tyranny under which they now chafe. First came Joshua Nkomo, but his easy-going and compro- mising ways led to a fratricidal battle; Ndabaningi Sithole, Herbert Wiltshire Chitepo, and Mugabe emerged from it as the leaders of a Shona-speaking nationalist movement called the Zimbabwe Af- rican National Union (zanu). Nkomo thereafter (from 1963) led the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (zapu). zanu was backed by China and zapu by the Soviet Union. Sithole and Mugabe were jailed for almost ten years, to late 1974, by the internationally illegal white-settler government of Rhodesia, which usurped power in 1965.
    [Show full text]
  • From Rhodesia to Zimbabwe.Pdf
    THE S.A. ' "!T1!TE OF INTERNATIONAL AFi -! NOT "(C :.-_ .^ FROM RHODESIA TO ZIMBABWE Ah Analysis of the 1980 Elections and an Assessment of the Prospects Martyn Gregory OCCASIONAL. PAPER GELEEIMTHEIOSPUBUKASIE DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE INSTITUUT MN INTERNASIONALE AANGELEENTHEDE THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Martyn Gregory* the author of this report, is a postgraduate research student,at Leicester University in Britain, working on # : thesis, entitled "International Politics of the Conflict in Rhodesia". He recently spent two months in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe, : during the pre- and post-election period, as a Research Associate at the University of Rhodesia (now the University of Zimbabwe). He travelled widely throughout the country and interviewed many politicians, officials and military personnel. He also spent two weeks with the South African Institute of International Affairs at Smuts House in Johannesburg. The author would like to thank both, the University of Zimbabwe and the Institute for assistance in the preparation of this report, as well as the British Social Science Research Council which financed his visit to Rhodesia* The Institute wishes to express its appreciation to Martyn Gregory for his co-operation and his willingness to prepare this detailed report on the Zimbabwe elections and their implications for publication by the Institute. It should be noted that any opinions expressed in this report are the responsibility of the author and not of the Institute. FROM RHODESIA TO ZIMBABWE: an analysis of the 1980 elections and an assessment of the prospects Martyn Gregory Contents Introduction .'. Page 1 Paving the way to Lancaster House .... 1 The Ceasefire Arrangement 3 Organization of the Elections (i) Election Machinery 5 (i i) Voting Systems 6 The White Election 6 The Black Election (i) Contesting Parties 7 (ii) Manifestos and the Issues .
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of the Patriotic Front in the Independence of Zimbabwe, 1976
    Z THE ROLE OF THE PATRIOTIC FRONT IN THE INDEPENDENCE OF ZIMBABWE 1976-1980 by NTHATHEDZENI NICHOLAS DANGALE Presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MAGISTER ARTIUM in HISTORY in the FACULTY OF ARTS at the RAND AFRIKAANS UNIVERSITY JOHANNESBURG PROMOTER: 1996 PROFESSOR H J VAN ASWEGEN DEDICATION Dedicated to my mother, who spent every cent she had to put me through school. May God bless you. _____,,..-----D- .0G--6=■. ii. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Thanks are due to my wife, Asnath Maano, and my two children, Urangani and Ipfi, who gave me unqualified support throughout my years of study; to Prof H J van Aswegen, who tirelessly made this mini-dissertation a success and to my friend Dr Deon Gouws, who always encouraged me to work hard. OPSOMMING (SUMMARY) Hierdie mini-verhandeling beskryf die rol van die Patriotiese Front in die bevryding van Zimbabwe tussen 1976 en 1980. Die presidente van die frontlinie-state het 'n beroep gedoen op die twee Zimbabwiese nasionalisteleiers, Joshua Nkomo van ZAPU en Robert Mugabe van ZANU, om 'n alliansie te vorm sodat hulle met 'n verenigde front die regime van Ian Smith kon pak. Hierdie alliansie het op 9 Oktober 1976 tot stand gekom, met die seen van die presidente van die frontlinie-state. Die alliansie het ekonomiese, militere en politieke steun geniet van die internasionale gemeenskap, die OAE en die frontlinie-state, en is beskou as die enigste mondstuk van die verdrukte massas Afrikane in Zimbabwe. Die leiers van die PF het, nieteenstaande verskille in ideologie, dieselfde oogmerke nagestreef. Hulle wou albei Zimbabwe bevry van die Ian Smith-regime.
    [Show full text]
  • The Zimbabwean Nation-State Project
    The Zimbabwean Nation-State Project DISCUSSION PAPER 59 THE ZIMBABWEAN NATION-STATE PROJECT A Historical Diagnosis of Identity and Power-Based Conflicts in a Postcolonial State SABELO J. NDLOVO-GATSHENI NORDISKA AFRIKAINSTITUTET, UppSALA 2011 Indexing terms: Zimbabwe Nationalism State Political conflicts Political development Political leadership Elite Ethnicity National identity Nation-building Post-colonialism The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Language checking: Peter Colenbrander ISSN 1104-8417 ISBN 978-91-7106-696-1 © The author and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2011 Production: Byrå4 Print on demand, Lightning Source UK Ltd. The Zimbabwean Nation-State Project Contents Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................................4 List of Acronyms ...............................................................................................................................................5 Foreword .............................................................................................................................................................7 1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................................9 2. Defining the African National Project ................................................................................................18
    [Show full text]
  • The Rhodesian Crisis in British and International Politics, 1964
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository THE RHODESIAN CRISIS IN BRITISH AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICS, 1964-1965 by CARL PETER WATTS A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham For the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY School of Historical Studies The University of Birmingham April 2006 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract This thesis uses evidence from British and international archives to examine the events leading up to Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) on 11 November 1965 from the perspectives of Britain, the Old Commonwealth (Canada, Australia, and New Zealand), and the United States. Two underlying themes run throughout the thesis. First, it argues that although the problem of Rhodesian independence was highly complex, a UDI was by no means inevitable. There were courses of action that were dismissed or remained under explored (especially in Britain, but also in the Old Commonwealth, and the United States), which could have been pursued further and may have prevented a UDI.
    [Show full text]
  • OTHER ISSUES ANNEX E: MDC CANDIDATES & Mps, JUNE 2000
    Zimbabwe, Country Information Page 1 of 95 ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT OCTOBER 2003 COUNTRY INFORMATION & POLICY UNIT I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT II GEOGRAPHY III ECONOMY IV HISTORY V STATE STRUCTURES VIA HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES VIB HUMAN RIGHTS - SPECIFIC GROUPS VIC HUMAN RIGHTS - OTHER ISSUES ANNEX A: CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B: POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE PAST & PRESENT ANNEX D: FULL ELECTION RESULTS JUNE 2000 (hard copy only) ANNEX E: MDC CANDIDATES & MPs, JUNE 2000 & MDC LEADERSHIP & SHADOW CABINET ANNEX F: MDC POLICIES, PARTY SYMBOLS AND SLOGANS ANNEX G: CABINET LIST, AUGUST 2002 ANNEX H: REFERENCES TO SOURCE MATERIAL 1. SCOPE OF THE DOCUMENT 1.1 This country report has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a wide variety of recognised sources. The document does not contain any Home Office opinion or policy. 1.2 The country report has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum / human rights determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum / human rights claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The country report is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. 1.4 It is intended to revise the country report on a six-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum-seeker producing countries in the United Kingdom.
    [Show full text]
  • Ron Marillier on Wednesday the 30Th of September 2009 in Bristol
    © University of the West of England Do not reproduce or redistribute in part or whole without seeking prior permission from the Rhodesian Forces oral history project coordinators at UWE Ronald D. Marillier ~ Note from Ronald Marillier: The footnotes made here under are made to clarify points arising from the interview below. I feel these are necessary in that there are several places in the interview where the transcript has become incoherent, mainly due to the colloquialisms used by myself and ‘beating around the bush,’ and I fear that the true meaning in many instances may have been lost. Additionally, it was not always possible in the interview to give the full picture or background relating to some of the questions asked. In other areas I felt it was necessary to support the transcript with explanatory notes and have done so where necessary. ~ Parents born Southern Rhodesia. Born in Southern Rhodesia himself. Joined Rhodesian Army 1967. Left Army 1982. Moved to South Africa following divorce. Moved back to Zimbabwe and remarried. Moved to UK in 2006. This is Annie Berry with Mr Ron Marillier on Wednesday the 30th of September 2009 in Bristol. Thank you very much Mr Marillier for your journey to Bristol today. Thank you Annie, it’s a pleasure to be here. Could we begin by discussing how you came to be in Rhodesia initially; or would it have been Southern Rhodesia perhaps? I was born in Southern Rhodesia; my parents were both born in Rhodesia as well. My grandparents came from South Africa, our roots on the Marillier side originally came from France.
    [Show full text]
  • MDC – Harare – Bulawayo – Council Elections 2006 – Gukurahundi
    Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: ZWE31570 Country: Zimbabwe Date: 20 April 2007 Keywords: Zimbabwe – MDC – Harare – Bulawayo – Council Elections 2006 – Gukurahundi This response was prepared by the Country Research Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Questions 1. Does the MDC have an office in Harare? 2. How many branches are there in the province of Bulawayo? 3. How many wards are there? 4. Can you provide information on the leaders of the MDC in the province of Bulawayo? 5. Can you provide information on the activities of the MDC in the province of Bulawayo in 2006? 6. Can you provide information on council elections in Bulawayo around October 2006? 7. Did Zanu PF lose seats in the council elections in Bulawayo in October 2006? 8. Can you provide information about Gukurahunde? RESPONSE 1. Does the MDC have an office in Harare? The MDC headquarters are located in Harvest House, the corner of Angwa Street and Nelson Mandela Avenue in Harare. Angwa Street is parallel to First Street. Attached is a map of Harare, showing Angwa Street, First Street and Nelson Mandela Avenue (Africa South of the Sahara 2003 2003, Europa Publications, 32nd edition, London, p.1190 – Attachment 1; Mawarire, Matseliso 2007, ‘Police left a trail of destruction at Harvest House’, Zimdaily.com website, 29 March http://zimdaily.com/news/117/ARTICLE/1480/2007-03-29.html – Accessed 30 March 2007 – Attachment 2; ‘Harare’ 1998, Hotels-Tours-Safaris.com website http://www.hotels-tours-safaris.com/zimbabwe/harare/images/citymap.gif – Accessed 30 March 2007 – Attachment 3).
    [Show full text]
  • Other Developments Among African Nationalists Inside Rhodesia
    Keesing's Record of World Events (formerly Keesing's Contemporary Archives), Volume 23, November, 1977 Rhodesia, Page 28648 © 1931-2006 Keesing's Worldwide, LLC - All Rights Reserved. Other Developments among African Nationalists inside Rhodesia At a press conference on Sept. 2 Mr Smith did not reject the proposals out of hand but was highly critical of many of their features. The plan appeared to him to be “a very cunning scheme” to put the Patriotic Front in power; it was, he said, a “crazy suggestion” that the “terrorists” fighting against his Government should form the basis of the future security forces; to surrender power to some such organization as a United Nations peace-keeping force during the transition was to him “an almost insane suggestion”; and he went on: “It seems to me almost a crazy suggestion to ask a Government and people to dissolve themselves, to surrender, without even knowing what their replacement is going to be.” In his view the whole plan was “not only ill-conceived, it was rushed”. He added, however, that after the proposals had been analysed by a subcommittee, “we will give it [the analysis] serious consideration and a careful and considered reply to the proposals”. Mr Mark Partridge, then Rhodesia's Minister of Defence, said on Sept. 8 that neither he nor his Government would accept the disbandment of the Rhodesian Army or the incorporation into it of “terrorists”. Mr Ian Smith, accompanied by Mr David Smith (the Rhodesian Deputy Prime Minister), held talks in Pretoria on Sept. 12 with Mr Vorster and Mr R.
    [Show full text]
  • I Nterviewwith E Nos N Kala
    Oral Histories of Imprisonment, Detention and Confinement during Zimbabwe’s Liberation Struggle, 1960-1980 Enos Nkala (Leading Nationalist and Founding Member of ZANU) Interviewed and Transcribed by Munya Munochiveyi, Central Bulawayo, Zimbabwe MM: … (Interview starts with an ongoing discussion) My first question for you is, before you went to prison or before you were detained, where were you living and what was your job? How would you describe your social life before imprisonment: were you married, with children? EN: Okay, I went to Harare (Salisbury was the colonial name) in 1953 to work as a clerk for a company called TA Holdings. I was coming from the rural areas – I grew up in rural Filabusi and I am Ndebele. I went to Salisbury because I knew some of my former school-mates who had gone there to work. As a young man, I also felt I had to get out from a familiar environment and old associates, some whom I thought were un-ambitious people. So I went to Harare, and met up with some Ndebele boys who had come from this region (Matebeleland). One of them was a clerk at TA Holdings, and he is the one who got me a job there. I lived in the African township of Mbare, which was a crowded neighborhood. When I lost this job, I worked for a newspaper called the Daily News as a vendor for two months. However, because I had some education, I was promoted to become a writer for of the newspapers that this media stable published which was called the Bantu Mirror.
    [Show full text]
  • 2GECOU Does Democracy Matter?
    TheOpen University UBRARY DEVELOPMENT POLICY AND PRACTICE1 FOk.SNDATK)N OF AnRICULTURALG1ANtsdNi ECONOMiCS 2GECOU FUNDED BY THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL RESEARCH COUNCIL'S GLOBAL ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE PROGRAMME Does Democracy Matter? Pointers from a comparison of NGOs' influence on environmental policies in Zimbabwe and Botswana Alan Thomas June 1995 ©MK c7- M am©CDL _7CD mnrkfia 17/, GECOU is a research project based at the Open University. It consists of six researchers from five different disciplines: four from the Faculty of Social Sciences, namely Professor David Potter (Political Science), Professor Andrew Blowers (Geography), Dr Bernard Eccleston (Social Sciences), and Dr David Humphreys (Political Science); and two from the Faculty of Technology, namely Dr Susan Carr (Systems) and Alan Thomas (Development Studies). The project examines the advocacy work of environmental NGOs (non- governmental organisations) and their role in the policy processes which directly affect global environmental problems. GECOU forms part of the UK Economic and Social Research Council's Global Environmental Change Programme. For more information contact: Dr David Humphreys, Research. Fellow, Faculty of Social Sciences, Open University, Walton Hall, Milton Keynes MK7 6AA. Tel: 01908 654480 Fax: 01908 654488 E.Mail: [email protected] Previous GECOU Working Papers Annie Taylor, "Setting Environmental Agendas: NGOs, Democracy and Global Politics, A Framework and Methodology for the Research", GECOU Working Paper No. 1, October 1993. David Potter, "Democracy and the Environment in Asia", GECOU Working Paper No. 2, January 1994. David Potter, "NGOs and Forest Management in Karnataka", GECOU Working Paper No. 3, January 1995. DEVELOPMENT POLICY AND PRACTICE The Development Policy and Practice Research Group was set up in the Open University towards the end of 1984 to promote research on development issues.
    [Show full text]
  • Nuzn 1 9 7 0
    o'T o'T bit to AVIAO ........... sn' -.' 4 Agt My 1 It, 'A" A7 "4 X", VW, WM tots tj O sl fti b to I Ili th Nrt We the pio I0a to the ~ fthe 7 &1,tat laity tt pnitY: IARE RESOLUTION The Constitution of the Zimbabwe African National Union approved at'the people's inaugural congress held at Gwelo on May 21-23,1964 states that one of the central objectives of the party is "to promote national consciousness and the unity of all the people"- In persuance of that policy in June 1964 a ZANU delegation led by the Secretary-General, Robert Mugabe, told the O.A.U. Reconciliation Committee in Lusaka that the Party stood firmly for the unity of the peo people of Zimbabwe and that it was willing to discuss with the rival ZAPU ways of reconciling our differences. This has remained the policy of the Party. It has been reflected in memoranda to the O.A.U., policy statements and directives to party organs and members. In keeping with this policy, Herbert Chitepo, National Chairman, made a clarion call for the unity of the Zimbabwe people in his Africa Day Speech in May,1970. That policy means first and foremost unity of the five million Zimbabwe people in a common struggle against a common enemy; secondly, unity behind a dedicated leadership and, thirdly, unity for the common purpose of liberating our country. ZANU is determined to strive for and achieve unity that meets these requirements. The main obstacle to unity between ZANU and ZAPU since 1964 Was the refusal of the ZAPU leadership to consider or even discuss the subject with us.
    [Show full text]