CHAPTER NINETEEN

CHINESE CHRISTIAN COMMUNITIES IN

Chinese Christians are found all over the vast Indonesian archipelago: from strongly Muslim Aceh in the west to the mixed Muslim-Christian society of the Moluccas, in the outspoken Protestant Minahasa as well as in dominant Catholic Flores. In this chapter we will mostly concentrate on the distinct Chinese Protestant churches of , with additional notes about the pres- ence of Catholic Chinese in Java. For areas outside Java we add comparative notes, stressing the discrepancy between the Chinese majority communities of West Indonesia as diff erent from the much smaller groups in East Indonesia. Christianity in Indonesia has only in a few places (West Kalimantan, the islands of the Riau archipelago) a dominant Chinese face, but in most regions where the Christians are a minority, the Chinese are a signifi cant segment of this community. Th is also has strengthened the idea of Christians in Indonesia as somewhat richer than the average Indonesian, because of the larger number of rich people among the Chinese in general and also among the Christian Chinese. Although a Chinese ethnic identity cannot be concealed, and ethnic- ity remains a very important factor in Indonesian society, there never was a development towards a truly contextual Chinese Christianity because church leaders did not like to stress this identity.

Javanese Chinese: from integration into a Muslim society to the preservation of an distinct culture

Relations of trade and partly also of religion have for a very long time been established between China and Indonesia. In the cultural and religious fi eld Indonesia has been the receiver (as was also the case with infl uence from India and the Middle East). Chinese Buddhist pilgrims and even many more traders came to India through the Indonesian archipelago from the third century CE. Quite well documented are the Chinese Buddhist monks who came in the seventh century to the capital of Sriwijaya (now Palembang) to learn in the well-established monasteries before they continued their journey to India. One of the sources for the arrival of in the archipelago, especially on the north coast of Java, was the Muslim community of southeast China. Most Chinese, however, who arrived in the archipelago were not Muslims, but until the beginning of the nineteenth century most of them converted to Islam if they stayed for any length of time. An eighteenth century Chinese traveller to Java, Ong Tae-hae, remarked:

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When the Chinese have settled for several generations in foreign countries without ever returning to China, then they easily forget the teachings of their ancestors and Chinese sages. Th ey adopt the way natives eat and dress, read their books. Th ey do not object to call themselves Javanese and become Muslims.1 Th ere were several reasons why, from the nineteenth century on, conversion to Islam became less and less the rule. A majority of Chinese retained their own identity and a small but increasing number of them accepted Christianity as their new religion. Th is process was strengthened in the early twentieth century when Chinese women also migrated in larger numbers. Aft er the independence of Indonesia in 1945 the massive migration of Chinese for trade, and for work as coolies in the mines and plantations of western Indonesia, stopped, but the communities consolidated. Th ey remained an important fac- tor in Indonesian Christianity. During the colonial period the Chinese were oft en not identifi ed as ‘indig- enous’ and are to be found in the statistics on religion with the Europeans. Aft er Indonesian independence all Christians, Catholics and Protestants alike, have stressed local Indonesian identity. But the Chinese could not easily gain this privilege of a local expression of their Christian identity. Th is was most diffi cult in the , as Boelaars states, “We may suggest that the Chinese communities were asked to be more outspoken Indonesian than the other ethnic groups of Indonesia.”2 Th e only example of inculturation for Chinese that he could remember was the use of a typical Chinese sign of reverence: to show the right hand as a closed fi st, supported by the left hand. For the Protestants it was Hendrik Kraemer who wrote in the 1933 about ‘the Chinese problem’ To them masuk Islam meaning “embrace Islam” implies become native, and that they do not want. Th ey do not want it, because, being Orientals, they consider a change of religion a change of their socio-religious group. Th us, to embrace Islam means renouncing their Chinese identity for their Chinese identity and the socio-religious imprint they have received at birth are identical to them.3 Th e word ‘Orientals’ (Dutch: Vreemde Oosterlingen) as used here by Kraemer was the special legal category in the Dutch colony for Arabs and Chinese since 1854. Th e two groups were not identifi ed with Europeans or with the indigenous Indonesians. Th ey had a special status, some privileges, but also many limitations (like the prohibition to buy land in Java). On the whole their situation became uncertain with the rise of the nationalist movement aft er 1912. Th eir distinct position brought the Chinese in any case closer to

1 Quoted in Ong Hokham 1982:278. 2 H. Boelaars 1991:346–347. 3 Kraemer 1958:151.

K.A. Steenbrink and J.S. Aritonang - 9789047441830 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 06:19:11PM via free access chinese christian communities in indonesia 905 the dominating colonial European class than to the indigenous. At least dur- ing the late colonial period this was an obstacle for them to embrace Islam. Also during the second half of the twentieth century, in the independent Indonesian Republic, there were few conversions of Chinese to Islam, but many more to Christianity. On the whole, in all these periods Chinese preferred to remain somewhat independent from the leadership of their new religion when they converted to Christianity. In the Catholic Church they oft en established since the 1970s kelompok doa, charismatic prayer groups, under responsibility of lay people, as part of the charismatic movement. In chapter eighteen we have seen a num- ber of diffi cult incidents between Catholic Chinese and the clergy during an earlier period. Also among Protestants we will notice that Chinese preferred to organise things by themselves. When possible this was done in harmony with the European missionaries, but eventually they took their own decisions, in full conviction of being Christians. A quite strong example of this love for an independent direction was the foundation of THHK, Tiong Hwa Hwee Koan, the vibrant Chinese cultural organisation that since 1901 set up a large number of modern Chinese schools aft er the model of the schools of the Protestant mission. Th e fi rst school was constructed in Batavia/Jakarta in 1901. Its founders had studied at Protestant schools and they loved this style of school, so diff erent from the traditional Chinese system of learning. THHK schools introduced fi rstly, a new empha- sis on Mandarin for all young people of Chinese descent (no longer Hokien, Hakka or other dialects that were used in the ); secondly, a modern Western curriculum as it was in use in modern education in China and Japan; and thirdly schools for girls. In 1908 there were already 75 THHK schools with 5,500 pupils. Th ese numbers rose to 442 THHK schools in 1915 with 19,636 pupils and 848 teachers, most of them educated in China and invited to the Dutch colony with a contract of labour.4 Th e government and the mission had to fi nd an answer and opened the HCS, Hollands-Chinese School, a school for Chinese pupils, where the language of instruction was not Malay (as for the indigenous population), but Dutch as used for the Europeans in the colony and for the highest class of the indigenous population. THHK schools were direct rivals of the mission and government schools, but they were not exclusive in the fi eld of religion. eTh fi rst Methodist missionaries could make contact in Medan (and make a living) thanks to teaching positions in English at THHK schools (see chapter thirteen). On the percentage of Chinese in general, and of Chinese Christians in particular, there are no hard fi gures. In the 1930 census the 1,233,214 Chinese

4 Groeneboer 1993:357.

K.A. Steenbrink and J.S. Aritonang - 9789047441830 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 06:19:11PM via free access 906 chapter nineteen of the colony counted for 2.03% of the population. Foreign minister Adam Malik mentioned in 1973 a number of 5 million (out of a total of some 125 million) in that year, and since then this has oft en been repeated with a percentage between 4–5%. Serious researchers, however, suppose a declining percentage close to the 1.5% in 2000 or somewhat more then 3 million. One of the uncertain factors is the defi nition of ‘Chinese’ that is oft en taken very broadly. Even if only one in four grandparents is a true and full ethnic Chinese, a person oft en is taken as such. Until the late 1950s there were still 120,000 children in Chinese-language schools. Aft er the 1965 turn in politics these schools were closed, assimilation was required, and many received Indonesian citizenship. Th is was also the period when the new discriminative terminol- ogy of non-pribumi (non-indigenous) became common, replacing the Dutch ‘foreign Easterners.’ Somers Heidhues estimated that in the 1990s well under 10% of ethnic Chinese still lacked an Indonesian passport. When we look to the fi gures, of the 0.92% Buddhists and 0.82% Confucianists in the 2000 census (nearly all Chinese) we may ask how many of the ethnic Chinese are Christians? Or should we also here accept some kind of double loyalties?5 For the Catholic community Boelaars mentions that in 1980 the Chinese were 58.5% of the Catholics of the Archdiocese of Jakarta (down from 87% of the non-European Catholics in 1940). Out of the new converts in Jakarta of the period 1975–1980 even 67% were of Chinese descent. For the same period, of the new Catholics in Ambon 26.3% were also of Chinese descent. Adult conversions between 1975 and 1980 in all Indonesia were 16.2% or more than 42,000 new Catholics. For the whole of Indonesia Boelaars estimated that in 1980 7.3% of the Catholics were of Chinese descent. Th is would bring the gurefi for Chinese Catholics in 2000 to about 430,700 or slightly more than 10% of all Indonesian Chinese.6 If we would assume that about the same number of Chinese descendents have become members of one of the Protestant churches, this would mean that about 20–25% of the Indonesian Chinese has accepted Christianity. All these fi gures have to be taken cautiously. For the general public the modern Chinese are much more related to Christianity than to Islam. Th e movement towards Islam (with Yunus Yahya and PITI, Persatuan Islam Tionghoa Indonesia, Th e Union of Chinese Muslims of Indonesia) has been insignifi cant compared to those Chinese who converted to Christianity in Indonesia.

5 Somers Heidhues 1998:166; Suryadinata 2003:73–79. 6 Boelaars 1991:158, 169–180.

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Chinese Protestants between missionary control and autonomy: 1620s–1945

Th e fi rst Protestant missionary who addressed the Chinese population of Batavia was Rev. Justus Heurnius (1587–1652) aft er his arrival in Batavia in 1624. He prepared a Dutch-Latin-Chinese dictionary and translated the Heidelberg Catechism into Chinese. He also translated texts like the Nicean Creed and basic prayers into that language. Aft er he moved to Ambon in 1632 he concentrated on Malay. It has to be regretted that his work was not continued. We do not know the results of his work. Th e Church Council of Batavia was in general only negative about Chinese and considered their faith as paganism, an attitude that still was common among missionaries in the twentieth century. Niemeijer found in the archives of the Batavia Church Council a number of converted Chinese.7 Like the freed slaves (Mardijker) they had exchanged their Chinese names for Christian ones. It appeared that more women than men converted to Christianity, probably because conversion for them was an opportunity to leave the Chinese cultural bounds that constricted them, like the possibility of becoming a second wife or a concubine. In that time conver- sion to Christianity was an absolute rupture with Chinese traditional culture. It is no surprise therefore that no Chinese Christian community could grow, because the converts had lost totally their identity and had merged into the new Eurasian community in Java. During the English interregnum (1811–1816) several European missionary societies sent evangelists to the Indies. Missionaries like Robert Morrison, William Milne and Walter Medhurst worked for some time in Malaysia and Indonesia but they were waiting for the fi nal purpose of their mission: to enter China. Only Medhurst saw the fulfi lment of his hope: with the opening of the fi rst harbours in China aft er the First Opium War he moved to Shanghai in 1843 (see also chapter fourteen). In the 1830s a series of new rules made the position of Chinese in the Dutch colony more and more diffi cult. In 1838 the principle of geography was established. All those who were born from parents that were residents of the Dutch Kingdom and its colonies would henceforth be considered as Dutch citizens. In 1854 a new constitution of the colony divided its population in three groups: Europeans, indigenous and Vreemde Oosterlingen. In 1892 the Chinese were, for many aspects of law, put on the same level with the indig- enous people, while the Japanese were put on one level with the Europeans, but the division into three legal groups remained. Th e ethical policy that began in the late 1890s included many measures in favour of the indigenous

7 Niemeijer 1996:163–165.

K.A. Steenbrink and J.S. Aritonang - 9789047441830 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 06:19:11PM via free access 908 chapter nineteen population and restricted the right of the Chinese in respect to travelling, trade and the possibility to buy land. All these measures intensifi ed the diff erence between the Chinese and the indigenous Indonesians. Most Chinese who did not return to their homeland, but found a spouse, married and had children, fi nally became integrated in their new home. Th ey and their off spring are labelled as peranakan or integrated Chinese. In the midst of the nineteenth century transport between China and Java became much easier and cheaper. This caused a new stream of Chinese migrants. Many of them arrived with their families, or at least a wife. Th is created the totok Chinese communities or those who did not integrate into Indonesian societies, but remained faithful to the Chinese language and tradi- tions. Th ey continued to foster good relations with their homeland and from time to time returned to China. Th e mainstream Protestant Church of the Indies, or Indische Kerk, concen- trated in Java on the pastoral care for the Europeans and Eurasians. Th e first to start a special missionary work for the Chinese aft er the VOC-period was Frederik Lodewijk Anthing (1818–1883), a member, and later vice-president, of the supreme court of the East Indies (see also chapter fourteen). He founded in 1851 a missionary society in Batavia, GIUZ, Genootschap voor In- en Uitwendige Zending and invited a Chinese Christian from Amoy, Gan Kwee, to work as an evangelist among Chinese in Java. Gan was an ambulatory type who never stayed long in one place, but travelled all along the island of Java until he moved to Singapore in 1873. Th e oldest congregation for Chinese in Batavia, Patekoan, as well as the Chinese congregation of Probolinggo in , are the result of his work. We do not have much information about the way Gan Kwee spread the Gospel, but we know that only aft er twelve years of work in Batavia (1856–1868) some results could be seen. Only in 1868 could the fi rst twelve converts be baptised. Th is was the humble beginning of the congregation of Patekoan. Th e family of Gouw Kho became later quite important in this community. Gouw Kho was already a Christian when he arrived in Batavia in 1874 from China to start a trading business. He provided the facilities for the continuing evangelisation. In 1884 his house on Jalan Patekoan no 1 was donated to the congregation. Th is building was extended and in 1889 it was formally recognised as a church under the name De Evangelische Gemeente tot Uitbreiding van Gods Koninkrijk (Evangelical Congregation for the Expansion of God’s Kingdom). Khouw Tek San became on the northern coast of Central Java the active successor of Gan Kwee as an evangelist, aft er he was baptised in in 1866. In 1867 already 68 people were baptised, the fi rst fruit of his missionising. An important event also was the conversion of Ang Boen Swie in Indra- mayu, 1858. Th e story of this event was stored in the mission archives in the Netherlands and published in the book commemorating the 50 Years

K.A. Steenbrink and J.S. Aritonang - 9789047441830 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 06:19:11PM via free access chinese christian communities in indonesia 909 anniversary of the Synod of the (Chinese) Christian Church of West Java.8 Ang Boen Swie was about 40 years old when he experienced much trouble in his life. People suggested to him that he should embrace Islam, but he could not read the Qur’an and there was at that time no Javanese translation avail- able. Th erefore he rejected that proposal. Th e encounter with Christianity occurred through a meeting with an anonymous Dutchman who gave him the Old Testament in Javanese. He read it during ten days and then he started to understand and became aware of the proper answer to his diffi culties. He communicated his understanding to his family and friends. He met a Dutch minister for the second time in December 1858 and during this meeting he was baptised, together with 13 other Chinese from Cirebon. He established the oldest Chinese Christian congregation in West Java and probably for the whole of Java. It still exists to this day. Th e missionary society that became active in West Java was the Nederlandsche Zendingsvereeniging, the NZV. Th e rstfi missionaries of the NZV arrived in Java on 5 January 1863 with the intention to preach the Gospel to the Sundanese, the indigenous population of West Java. In Batavia they met the missionary of the Chinese congregation in Patekoan. Th ey could not start work, because they still lacked the special permit for missionising among the indigenous people of West Java issued only by the colonial administration. In 1877 the fi rst Sundanese were baptised in Bandung. Others followed later. In this region the fi rst Chinese was baptised only in 1888. Th is was in Bandung, in the house of Th ung Goan Hok, where the following year 27 Chinese were baptised. NZV later constituted congregations in West Java as the fruit of their work, in Bandung, Sukabumi and Tasikmalaya. Th e Chinese Christians became members of the mixed Sundanese-Chinese congregations. Initially the missionaries concentrated mostly on the indigenous Sundanese. Only in the twentieth century did they give more serious attention to the Chinese of West Java. Their work resulted in two distinct churches: the Gereja Pasundan or Sundanese Church for the indigenous Sundanese and the THKTKH KH WD or Tiong Hoa Kie Tok Kau Hwee Khu Hwee West Djawa, the West Javanese Chinese Church. Th e Chinese congregations remained very small until the last decade of the nineteenth century. Since then they have been growing steadily. Initially they were not formal congregations, and they received mostly minimal attention from the missionaries who were focused on the indigenous population. In the case of Ang Boen Swie in Indramayu the initiative was totally on the Chinese side. In Bandung we could see it as a phenomenon that started as an extension of Western missionary activities among the Sundanese. In the next phase the

8 Van den End 1990.

K.A. Steenbrink and J.S. Aritonang - 9789047441830 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 06:19:11PM via free access 910 chapter nineteen initiative was again more in the hand of the Chinese Christians themselves. Th is was also a process of ripening to create a kind of Christianity that would not destroy the Chinese identity of the converts. Th e Chinese who converted to Christianity did not move to special villages, as was the case with Javanese converts in many regions of Java, who in that way lost their roots. Th is was caused by the fact that the Chinese Christian communities were begun in urban areas, while most Javanese and specially the Sundanese Christians were from rural regions. In the villages the family ties, the connection between local customs and religion, were much stronger and the indigenous Javanese Christians were therefore in a more diffi cult situation. Th is does not mean that there were no problems for the Chinese Christians. Th ey also had to experience a process of theological, social and cultural struggle in order to fi nd their place. Th e Chinese national feeling that fl ourished in the Chinese communities in Java in the fi rst decades of the twentieth century gave birth to various Pan- Chinese organisations. Th e most prominent was the THHK, since 1900 as already mentioned above. It founded many schools. In the same atmosphere we must see the start of Chinese Malay newspapers and magazines for Peranakan Chinese, besides Chinese-language publications. Totok Chinese were certainly most passionate about the Chinese movement but others joined also. Schools were established from 1901 on and in 1908 the colonial government opened the fi rst HCS as a reaction against this nationalist enthusiasm. Th e missionaries and the Chinese congregations also felt the rivalry of the Neo-Confucianist movement that started through THHK, especially its schools. Th e Protestant mission had mostly worked in West Java among the poorer Chinese, while the wealthy Chinese supported THHK. Th e Methodist mission was an exception, because in the period 1910–1921 they could establish a good relationship with THHK in the care for the schools. Th e proposal of the Dutch missionaries to THHK to start a common organisation for poor Chinese was not accepted by the Chinese organisation. THHK was a much larger, dynamic and comprehensive organisation than the small missionary society. In this period two new measures were issued that infl uenced the status of Chinese in the Dutch East Indies. Th e Chinese Empire announced a Law on Citizenship (1909) that declared all off spring of male Chinese to be Chinese citizens. Th e following year the Dutch colonial government issued a Wet op het Nederlandsch Onderdaanschap (WNO) that gave Dutch citizenship to all people in the East Indies, including the Chinese. In that year, 1910, the newspaper Sin Po had become a strong supporter of Chinese nationalism in the Dutch East Indies. Until 1919 this newspaper strongly protested against the ruling of WNO. Th e most practical issue was the obligation to enter the army in case of war. With the fall of the Qin dynasty in 1911 China entered a period of uncertainty that lasted until 1928. Notwithstanding the weak condition of

K.A. Steenbrink and J.S. Aritonang - 9789047441830 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 06:19:11PM via free access chinese christian communities in indonesia 911 the Chinese state, there was still the hope that China would interfere in the Dutch colony, in favour of the supporters of its national pride. In 1918 there were ethnic clashes in Kudus (including the eff ort to make Chinese enforced converts to Islam). Th ese confl icts did not spread widely to other places, but urged many Chinese to move to bigger cities. Until the end of the nineteenth century there were Chinese Christian com- munities only in West Java (including Batavia) and Central Java, Tegal. In the fi rst decades of the twentieth century new congregations started in the region of Mount Muria, east of (later to become the Gereja Kristus, the Gereja Kristus Muria and the GKI Jawa Timur). Th e American Methodist Mission started its work also in the fi rst decades of the twentieth century, in Batavia, Buitenzorg (Bogor) and East Java (Surabaya). Diff ering from the Dutch missionaries, they concentrated only on the Chinese, with more interest for the totok, the Chinese-speaking newcomers, than for the peranakan. Th ey could establish a good cooperation with the THHK by the use of the English speaking missionaries as teachers in THHK schools. But in the late 1910s the Methodists retired from Java in order to concentrate on their work in (Medan), although Ms Mary Myers continued her work at the Batavia THHK school and in the congregation of Mangga Besar that was formally entrusted to the Dutch NZV missionaries. Th e Dutch Mennonite Missionary Society Doopsgezinde Zendings veree ni- ging, DZV, was present in Java since the mid-1850s. Th ey worked in villages along the north coast of Central Java and like the other Dutch societies, they concentrated on the indigenous Javanese. Missionary Pieter Jansz in Jepara gave some attention to the Chinese, aft er he experienced that work among the Javanese was not successful. In 1873 there was in Jepara a mixed congrega- tion of 800 baptised: Javanese, Malay and Chinese. Th ey all spoke Javanese, mixed with Malay. Chinese-speaking Gan Kwee who came as an evangelist to this region could not do much here because of the language. Th e same was the case with China-educated evangelist Yap Boen Pho who came to Java on behalf of the DZV. In this region one Tee Sien Tat from Kudus came into contact with the Salvation Army, Adventist preachers and the Dutch Salatiga Mission. In the end he decided that the Mennonites of the DZV were the most suited for him and he was baptised in 1918. From 1920 on the DZV worked in Kudus, where they counted already 103 members in 1926. In East Java a central fi gure was Oei Soei Tiong. He was baptised in 1898 together with some other Chinese in Malang. Also in Sidoarjo a community started. Th ey spread Christianity in their own environment and constituted in this way new congregations. Even aft er these conversions the missionary societies were not really interested in this process, the Methodists for a short period being the exception. Still, the missionaries sent very hopeful reports

K.A. Steenbrink and J.S. Aritonang - 9789047441830 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 06:19:11PM via free access 912 chapter nineteen to Europe about the zeal and devotion of these Chinese converts. Also they paid attention in their reports to the Pan-Chinese, Neo-Confucianist and later also Communist movements, but they found no way to be actively involved themselves in these internal Chinese aff airs. From the 1920s on the Chinese Christian congregations could be understood as fully grown-up and mature. In 1926 the fi rst congregation of Mangga Besar in Batavia, installed a Church-Council and became known as the Methodist Church of Mangga Besar. One year later the Methodists withdrew from Java, leaving their congregations to the NZV and NZG (East Java). But the Chinese congregations had already established their own association by that time. In 1926 in Cipaku (Bogor) a Bond Kristen Tionghoa (BKT) had been founded, in Chinese the THKTKHTH as mentioned above. In 1927 a similar union started in Cirebon. Several meetings between the various BKT started, not to establish a union between the local Chinese churches but in order to support their individual work. In this whole process the role of the congregation of Mangga Besar was very infl uential, because the chairman and secretary of the BKT, Pouw Peng Hong and Khoe Lan Seng, were from this congregation. Th e congregation of Mangga Besar was, until 1927, not directed by the Dutch missionaries, and aft er the mission was transferred from the American Methodist to the Dutch NZV missionaries, the Chinese Christians remained rather critical of their new supervisors. Th ey could choose between independence and some relationship with the NZV missionaries. In 1928 they decided to become independent under the name Tiong Hoa Kie Tok Kau Hwee Mangga Besar. Th ey had no minister of their own yet and therefore asked the NZV to pro- vide a minister for them, to administer the sacraments and give them advice, without further obligations. Th is cooperation continued until 1935, when the Church Council of Mangga Besar could not accept the minister proposed by the NZV. Th eir need for a minister could be supplied by cooperation with other Chinese congregations. Aft er the conference of BKT in 1928 this union was not further developed until 13–15 July 1934 when a Movement towards a United Chinese Church (Gereja Serikat) was established during a conference in Cirebon, bringing together congregations from West and Central Java. Th is development towards a united body revealed also the great diff erences between the Chinese congregations. Th e Batavia congregations of Mangga Besar and Tanah Abang opted for a centralistic model, rather top-down. But the other congregations in Batavia and West and Central Java wanted to start with districts that would be formed by the local congregations. Only later a synod and similar bodies would be needed. Th is diff erence of opinion sepa- rated Mangga Besar from most other congregations. In 1939 Mangga Besar did not join the West Java district, or classis, that was formally set up in 1940. But all congregations were quite hesitant to accept help and cooperation from the Dutch missionary societies.

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Th e congregation of Kudus in North-Central Java was in fact the fi rst to become independent, in 1925, and was recognised as an independent body by the colonial government. Th eir move was an incentive for other congregations to become independent from the Mennonite society, DZV. In 1927 this caused some tensions between the DZV and the Chinese Christians. Th e congregation of Kudus started the building of their own church without fi nancial help of the DZV. In 1932 the Chinese church services were revived in Jepara and by the following year they could use their own church building. In 1935 Jepara also was recognised by the colonial government. Chinese Christians in Jepara became excluded from their own community. Th ey had to leave the THHK and could no longer send their children to these Chinese schools. Th ey were also excluded from social organisations that arranged marriage ceremonies and burials. Th e Reformed missionary in Solo, A.K. de Groot, took an initiative to look for teachers, while the Mennonite congregation of Jepara provided a school building and other facilities. Th is young congregation was forced to be independent, with or without the help of the missionary societies. Th e very dominant role of Tee Siem Tat, the charismatic leader of the Kudus congregation from 1918 until 1940, became the cause of stagnation in the process towards further maturity of the organisation of this church. Although the congregation of Kudus was the fi rst THKTKH to receive government recognition, the formation of a district (classis) could only be realised in the 1940s. It was a quite common feature in the formation of the Chinese Christian communities that one strong person or one family would have a dominant role. Th ey gave the facilities to the congregation to grow and sometimes this ‘fi rst family’ operated in rivalry with other members of the congregation and with the European missionaries. Outside the outspoken independent congregation of Mangga Besar in Batavia, most Chinese congregations in Java were somewhat undecided between loyalty towards the missionaries and implementation of their wish to become independent. In 1922 a National Council of Churches was established in China, followed in 1927 by a Church of Christ in China that became the example for the BKT and the Chinese Christians in Java, moving towards unity but within the Chinese ethnic boundaries. Th ere were two great hopes: fi rstly they were conscious of the danger of denominationalism that was so disastrous for the western churches that were divided again and again. Th ey hoped therefore for a true unity. Secondly, they hoped that Christianity would become another major religion in China, as the foreign had become many centuries earlier. In order to establish independence and unity the congregations outside Batavia opted for a bottom-up approach. Th e plans for a united church, Th ay Hwee, as a union of all Chinese congregations, was proposed by the leaders of Mangga Besar and Tanah Abang at conferences in Cirebon (1934), Bandung

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(1934) and the most vivid of all, in Purworedjo (1937). Th is was rejected by the Patekoan congregation of Batavia, by that of Senen and by the districts of Central and East Java, because it was considered to be too centralistic. Th e protagonists of the centralised church (Mangga Besar c.s.) in 1939 even changed their name in Chung Hua Chi Tuh Chioa Hui in order to stress their diff erent position. Th is was the name of the United Church in China, although it was in a dialect somewhat diff erent from that of the established THKTKH of the other congregations. Th ere was also a struggle about language in these congregations: some using Malay, other Chinese. In East Java the Mandarin-speaking congregation seceded as the Gereja Kristus Tuhan. Th e Mandarin-speaking congregation in the classis of West Java came together as a special district. Th e schools that were founded by these congregations were quite important as a tool in the propagation of the new faith among the Chinese. Th e decid- ing motivation for parents to send their children to the Christian schools was that they wanted to give them a thorough and open-minded Western style of education. It has still to be researched how this all had worked, but it is quite sure that there was some kind of rivalry between the more westernised schools of the Chinese congregations and the missionaries, as opposed to the more China-orientated schools of the neo-Confucian THHK. If we look more closely at the curriculum of the schools, it has to be recognised that the THHK schools also concentrated on a rather modern and westernising content of learning. Th ere was in the same style a quite clear rivalry, as we also could see in the reformist Muslim organisations like Muhammadiyah that established modern western-style schools to fi ght the ‘danger of Christianisation’ by the missionaries in Java. Th e Dutch missionaries themselves gave various reasons for their style of education. For the lower class Christians they defended this type of education as “the necessary opportunity for them to have possibilities for development in society. Otherwise they might be lost for Christianity.” In another argumentation it was stressed that this was the proper method “to reach the higher social class.” In the late 1930s a quite important development took place with the arrival of the Chinese Evangelist John Sung (Song Shangjie). He preached for the fi rst time in Medan, 1935. He made longer tours in July 1937 and September 1939. During these last tours he preached in many places in Java, as well as in Makassar and Ambon. He arrived at the invitation of the Pentecostal community of East Java and caused quite a transformation in the Chinese perception of Christianity. Until then the common opinion was that Chinese who converted to Christianity had to renounce their Chinese roots and were removed from their community. With his arrival it became slowly realised by the Indonesian Chinese community that Chinese Christians could no longer be considered people who had no respect for the traditions of their ancestors.

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Th is also caused a new challenge for the Chinese churches themselves that had to redefi ne their position towards the traditional Chinese customs. Since the commencement of the Chinese mission by Mr. Anthing and the Dutch missionaries it was always felt that it was very important that Chinese themselves should do the actual missionary activity. Th is started with the work of Gan Kwee. Also the person of Tee Siem Tat as the initiator of the congre- gation of Kudus and the spread of Christianity among Chinese in the Muria region is an interesting example. In Jakarta the Gouw family is still honoured as the founder of the Patekoan congregation. Th ese founding families oft en were economically strong and they had a prominent social position in their communities. Most members of their congregations were rather poor and oft en dependant upon them. Well-educated Chinese ministers as leaders of the congregations only appear on the eve of World War II. Until then it were evangelists (guru injil) who helped the Dutch ministers. Th e fi rst candidates for the ministry started their study in the fi rst year of the Th eological School (HTS, Hogere Th eologische School) in Batavia in 1934. Th e fi rst class graduated in 1940 and immediately was ordained for the district of West Java. Th e first three were Tjoa Tek Swat (Jakarta), Oei Bian Tiong (Indramayu) and Pouw Boen Giok (Sukabumi). Gouw Khiam Kiet (in the 1960s David Timothy Gunawan) had started as a local leader in Patekoan in 1926 and had been ordained a minister in 1934. During the Japanese occupation the fi rst three graduates of 1940 were put in prison, but Tjan Tong Ho could be ordained for Jakarta and Gouw Gwan Yang for Bandung. Until now not much has been written about the spirituality and theology that was developed by this fi rst generation in order to combine Christianity with those Chinese cultural roots that could be maintained at the same time. How did they relate to traditional Chinese culture? How did they deal with the Christian western culture? Th is further research must ideally be based on private notes or the private correspondence of the fi rst Christian leaders, and reports of meetings and activities in this early period. Th e diff erence between Patekoan and Mangga Besar were quite evident. Patekoan used Hokian and Malay, while Mangga Besar spoke Mandarin and English. Th eir diff erence, however, is much more complicated than that between the integrated second or later generation peranakan and the totok newcomers. Th ey had also a dif- ferent cultural policy, that later developed in independent Indonesia. Th is was the time of ripening for the Chinese churches that had to fi nd their way in a free Indonesia.

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A Church Union as a rare ecumenical event amidst a multiplicity of Chinese churches, 1934–1988

Th e 1934 conference in Cirebon was just one step in a quite complicated process of reorganising the congregations into greater units: from single congregations into a classis, from several classes into a synod and fi nally into one Chinese Church for the whole of Java. Th is development created in 1950 a Council of Chinese Churches in Indonesia with, as members, the Synod of Central Java with 14 congregations, the West Javanese classis with 14 congre- gations, the classis of East Java with 17 congregations, including one in Bali, a classis around Mount Muria in northern Central Java with 6 congregations, three congregations in Bangka and Belitung, two congregations in Makassar, three congregations in Kalimantan, two congregations in Ambon and Saparua. Th is list gives a good idea of the spread of members of the later GKI. In 1954 this bottom-up project resulted in three churches with similar names, but diff erent regional indication: THKTKH for West, Central and East Java. Th ey all had relations with diff erent Dutch missionary societies, who were related to Dutch Reformed churches of quite opposing views in the fi eld of church order. Th is was not really helpful for their cooperation, but they founded, in 1954, an Assembly for Consultation about Church Union. It decided that the fi rst steps should be: creation of a common liturgy, hymn book and catechism, research into the proper Christian attitude in the case of burials, and a publication on the history of all Christian (i.e. Protestant) Chinese in Java. In the 1950s the three churches also changed their Chinese names into Gereja Kristen Indonesia (GKI, Christian Church of Indonesia, but all three still with the addition of their region). In 1962 the three churches held a general synod. Th en the activities were halted, because of political instabil- ity, until 1970. In 1971 the process was resumed with another general synod. Aft er several other setbacks, at the Seventh Synod of the GKI in Ciawi, 24–26 August 1988, the union of the churches could be celebrated. In the following years still more work was to be done, like the writing of a new church order, that GKI should send only one representative delegation to outside contacts, the establishment of one common magazine and similar activities. At the general assembly of the Indonesian Union of Churches of 1994 the GKI was represented by one delegation. Its most important leader, Dr. Natan Setiabudi was even elected chairman of this Union for the period 2000–2004, but not all Indonesian Christians were happy with his policy in this period, as is described in chapter seventeen. Th e GKI was, with 178,990 members in 2002, by far the largest Chinese Christian Church, although the name ‘Chinese’ has been removed since the mid 1950s. Th ere are many smaller churches for people of (mostly) Chinese

K.A. Steenbrink and J.S. Aritonang - 9789047441830 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 06:19:11PM via free access chinese christian communities in indonesia 917 descent. Th e congregation of Mangga Besar that had strong links with the Methodist mission developed into a church of its own, Gereja Kristus (1958) while in East Java a Gereja Kristus Tuhan (Church of Christ the Lord) split from the GKI over the language issue. Th e Chinese congregations in Makassar, Ambon and Bangka-Belitung also developed into distinct churches. In the period 1965–1998 there was a rather strict ban on expressions of the Chinese language. No Chinese characters were allowed, all Chinese newspapers and magazines were forbidden, Chinese schools were closed and the build- ings confi scated. Aft er 1998 there was some kind of a revival of Mandarin among the Chinese community in Indonesia, including in some churches. At several places services in Mandarin have (re-)started, preachers from China were invited and there are plans to start a theological school in Mandarin somewhere in Indonesia. With approval the idea of some evangelical circles was quoted that, “if Jesus will not return earlier, the 21st until the 24th cen- tury will be the age of China!”9 In the Evangelical and Pentecostal Churches of Indonesia we fi nd many Chinese. One of the larger Chinese churches of Java is the Gereja Isa al Masih that started in 1946 as a schism within the GPI, the largest Pentecostal Church of Indonesia. It has a fl ourishing theological school in . Another theological school, mainly for Chinese, is SAAT, the Seminari Alkitab Asia Tenggara in Malang. On the whole, these churches spend much energy and money for theological education, whereas their social service (schools, clinics) is rather limited. More on these communities is pre- sented in chapters fourteen (Java) and seventeen (Pentecostalism). A quite peculiar Chinese Indonesian theologian is the Mennonite Yahya Wijaya. His 2002 dissertation (Leeds) does not concentrate on churches, but on economic and family issues. He wants to seek the middle position between the outspoken anti-capitalist Th eology of Liberation and the pro-capitalist theories of Max Weber, Michael Novak and Brian Griffi th. He makes an attempt to formulate a balanced theology on the position of the family in Christian theology and within the church, as well as to describe the political-economic implications of this theology. Wijaya is close enough to Reformed Christianity to reject an easy theology of success. He seeks connections to the family values of traditional and the turn towards individualism in modern society. His theology is a sound reaction to traditional Reformed individualism and is at the same time a rare example of theologising in the diffi cult situation of the Indonesian Chinese diaspora of business families.

9 Tim GKBJ 2003:163.

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Catholic developments prior to independence with some notes about recent decades

Th ere were (and are) three regions outside Java with a strong Chinese pres- ence: West Kalimantan as the mining district for silver and gold (eighteenth century) and a fertile territory for plantations (nineteenth century onwards), Bangka, Belitung and the islands of Riau as mining areas for tin, and Deli, East Sumatra, a booming plantation region since the 1860s. In chapter twelve and thirteen we have sketched some of the features of the Chinese Catholics in these regions. We can fi nd there some of the same features as in the case of the Chinese Protestant congregations of Java. Quite oft en the rstfi initia- tive was with the Chinese converts themselves. Th e Chinese doctor Tsen On Njie was the leader of a congregation in Bangka, Sungaiselan, before a priest arrived, and he remained an important fi gure within that community. Within the Chinese communities the position of the catechist was much more prominent than elsewhere. In several places the sensang was a more or less independent leader of the congregation. In many cases he knew Chinese and the local circumstances much better than the priest who came visiting only occasionally. He therefore could be considered oft en as the proper leader of the congregation. Th irdly, initiatives for schools and clinics could come from the local community. Because in various places the Chinese were much wealthier than the indigenous population, they could pay for a school building, the salaries of the teachers and could organise this also by themselves. Quite diff erent from the Protestant churches was the policy of the clergy towards Chinese. Th e Catholic priests oft en took the trouble to learn proper Chinese. In early 1851 Jan Langenhoff went to Penang to study Chinese. Jesuits who served the station in Bangka later also learned some Chinese from local people. Th e most intense training took place between 1920 and 1940 when the Capuchin Friars and the Sacred Hearts Priests sent some 25 young Dutch priests to Malaysia (Ipoh and Penang) and later also to main- land China for the proper study of Chinese. Th e idea probably came from the Capuchin Father Aloysius van Heertum who studied Chinese at Leiden University with J.J.L. Duyvendak in the early 1920s. He received advice to go to Swatow (Shantou) for the study of Hakka, because that should be the best place for this dialect that could not be studied in Leiden. Van Heertum lived in the Vicariate Apostolic of Canton amidst 25 Chinese priests, while there was not yet a single Indonesian priest at that time. Th e Dutch priests realised that those Chinese who migrated to the Southeast Asian archipelago were not among the most civilised and well educated of their nation. Th ese young priests learned, besides the language, also respect for the superior achieve- ments of Chinese civilisation. Older students instructed beginners that they should earnestly learn their lessons, never take a seat before the teacher was seated, and off er the left side to the honoured person.

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One of the strongest peranakan communities of long-standing, well-inte- grated Chinese was in Padang. Th e Capuchins of Padang began in 1934 the publication of a Chinese Catholic bi-weekly Kong Po. Its language was partly Dutch, partly Malay. Only in 1941 were some pages printed in Chinese. But there was not much interest for the Dutch East Indies in the magazine. Th ere were many reports about Catholicism in mainland China. To give an example: much attention was given to the murder of the leader of Catholic Action in China, Lo Pa Hong, in late 1937. On 3 Jan. 1938 a mass was said for him in Padang. Events like this were elaborated in these magazines, but there was sel- dom any news about Christianity in other parts of Indonesia: even these well- integrated, Dutch and Malay speaking Chinese, were still culturally focused upon China, where the Catholics could also fi nd their counterparts.10 In 1742 Pope Benedict XIV had forbidden all Chinese rituals for Catholics. Any public debate on this policy also was forbidden due to the internal mis- sionary strife on this issue during more than a century. Th erefore the answer by Bishop Luypen of Batavia was negative when in 1914 a Chinese convert from Semarang asked him whether he was allowed to burn joss sticks in respect for his ancestors at home. Only in 1936 did the Vatican come to a more indulg- ing position for Japanese civil or quasi-religious rituals. Th is was elaborated for Chinese rituals in December 1939.11 Th e higher clergy of the Indies knew of this development and at their regular 5-yearly meeting in August 1939 the Chinese identity was discussed. Th ere was at that occasion a curious diff er- ence of opinion amongst to Capuchin Friars. Bishop L. Brans of Padang was in favour of an open and lenient attitude and he wanted to permit the practice of Chinese civic rituals to the urban, western-educated and integrated Chinese of his region. Father Caesarius (J.Th . Ram) of Singkawang protested against this openness. In the name of Bishop Tarcisius van Valenberg of Pontianak he expressed as his opinion that most Chinese of West Kalimantan fostered close relations to China and had a deep religious idea about ceremonies in honour of their ancestors that should be strictly forbidden for Catholics. Th e conclusion was that local diff erences could be admitted, that changes should be introduced slowly and that some individual freedom should be given to priests and to the Chinese Catholic laity themselves. Th e new policy was not universally accepted immediately!12 In October 1940 Jesuit L. Zwaans formulated detailed rules as guidelines for Catholics present at Chinese religious ceremonies in Batavia. Th e general policy was to defi ne the boundaries between religion and culture. As long as practices could be seen as merely cultural they could be accepted. Th e

10 Steenbrink 2001. 11 Steenbrink 2007–II:chapter II and Documents 36 and 39. 12 Muskens 1974–IIIb:1457–1458.

K.A. Steenbrink and J.S. Aritonang - 9789047441830 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 06:19:11PM via free access 920 chapter nineteen guidelines were quite liberal. Bowing before an image of Confucius could be considered as respect for a great son of the Chinese nation in the same mood as bowing before a picture of Sun Yat Sen, the founding father of the new China. For photographs of a dead common person the same bowing and even unadorned kneeling down could be accepted. But this should not be done for a full Sien Tjie or statue of a deceased person. A true Catholic prayer (Our Father, Hail Mary) should accompanied the burning of joss sticks for the deceased and no suggestion should be given that the spirit of the dead was honoured. No food should be off ered, but eating of food presented by other people should give no problems, as long as the Catholic Chinese should explain to other people that they participated in popular traditions without any deep religious meaning. A visit to a grave of ancestors should be seen as a good Catholic tradition and prayers for all deceased could be said in these places. A family altar could be maintained, but no visit to a formal Chinese temple of klenteng could be allowed.13 In regions outside Java there were parishes where sermons were delivered in Chinese and that were in fact considered Chinese communities, such as the church on Hakkastraat (now Jalan Pemuda) in Medan. In Java there were reservations against anything special for Chinese alone, because the Catholics should be united as one community. In the early 1930s there was much upheaval because the Malay-speaking Eurasians wanted separate organisations from the pure white Europeans. Th is caused much debate among the clergy and fi nally some kind of compromise was taken on the basis that there should be an undivided unity amongst the Catholics (see the debate about De Backere in chapter fourteen). In 1936 two Chinese ladies of Batavia asked recognition and support from bishop Willekens for their club of Chinese Catholic ladies, the La Pa Hong Club. Some clergy wanted to reject the idea absolutely. Jesuit H. Awick stated that the Catholic mission already had made a mistake in giving privileges for the , putting the Javanese Catholics in an isolated position. Willekens consented in their idea of a group that should bring converts and should stimulate joint prayers and communion: But how should this take place? It is certainly specifi c to the character of the Catholic Church that various ethnic groups should be brought together in the same building and to make them members of the same religious association, if possible.14

13 From a document in the archives of the Jakarta Archdiocese. Published in Steenbrink 2007–II:520–522, document 36. 14 Letter of Bishop Peter Willekens to Mrs. Sie Ing Hoen and Ms. Dr. Ong Ki Ong, Batavia 4 March 1936, from the archives of the Jakarta Archdiocese: Steenbrink 2007–II:74.

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Th e fi nal solution was only formulated on 28 May 1939 with the Bondsinstelling voor Chineesche Aangelegenheden or the ‘Body for Chinese Aff airs’ within the Katholieke Sociale Bond, the Social Union of Catholics. During the last year of the Japanese occupation there was a curious contact between a fervent Chinese Catholic and Bishop Willekens of Batavia. One Tan Giok Sie had some problems with the coincidence of Catholic Lent and the festive celebration of Chinese New Year in 1945, a fact that occurred every three or four years. He suggested to the Bishop that the Sunday sermon in this period should pay attention to this Chinese celebration and in order to help the bishop he had already written a sermon (with some Chinese phrases put into the Malay text). Th e bishop dated his answer 21 February 2605 (according to the Japanese calendar obligatory at the time) and replied that the Vatican in 1868 had given a permit to postpone the fasting, but the Catholic bishops of China had discussed the matter in 1924 and decided that the implemen- tation of the universal Catholic rule should prevail. In this condition, with no possibility to consult the Vatican, there was no other way than to stick to common Catholic law. In the fi rst years of the New Order, General Ali Moertopo established the CSIS, the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, as the think tank for the new government. Among major businessmen and intellectuals behind this important policy forming body were some Chinese Catholics, the best known the brothers Jusuf and Sofj an Wanandi (Liem Bian Kie and Liem Bian Kun). Jusuf was a lecturer in the law faculty of the Universitas Indonesia of Jakarta in 1965 and founded the CSIS. Sofj an, a businessman, was one of the mem- bers of the board of CSIS. Th ey became in Indonesian society the emblem of the cooperation of Soeharto’s New Order with Chinese business in general and more specifi cally with the Catholic Church. As the spiritual father of the Wanandi’s the Jesuit Joop Beek, a staunch anti-communist conservative, is mentioned, who organised Kasbul, or Kaderisasi Sebulan, quasi-military training sessions in the Catholic Centre of Klender, Jakarta until the later 1970s. Together with Benny Moerdani, the most prominent Catholic in the army in this period, they promoted the anti-communist and also anti-Muslim character of the New Order government. Th ey came into trouble with more left -wing Catholics, among whom the Chinese who established the newspaper Kompas were quite prominent (see chapter twenty-one on the media). But to the general public these activities were seldom known under a Chinese label, because from the late 1960s all Chinese names were changed for Indonesian sounding ones. Aft er independence the Catholic Church was even more hesitant to give special privileges to the Catholic Chinese. Was this the reason for so many Chinese joining the charismatic movement and acting independently from

K.A. Steenbrink and J.S. Aritonang - 9789047441830 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 06:19:11PM via free access 922 chapter nineteen the clergy within this movement? As we have seen above in chapter eighteen, the leaders of the Catholic Church, and even the clergy in general, had since 1975 many problems with the Charismatic Movement that was oft en a haven for Chinese to develop a spirituality of their own. Only in May 1998, aft er the cruel attacks on Chinese quarters of the capital Jakarta (following the resignation of Soeharto as President) was there more specifi c attention from the side of the Catholic Church to the diffi cult place of this Chinese minority in the country. One of the most prominent Catholic theologians since the mid-1990s is William Chang (Tshang Jit Meuw), a Capuchin Friar of Chinese descent born in 1962 in Singkawang. Chang wrote his doctoral dissertation in the Philippines on Pancasila, like that other important theologian of Chinese descent, Eka Darmaputera (for him see chapter sixteen). He continued as lecturer and soon as dean of the Graduate School at the Major Seminary Pastor Bonus in Pon-tianak. Chang is a modern Indonesian intellectual, who can express his ideas through the idiom of the social scientists, emphasizing for his region of West Kalimantan the multiplicity of its inhabitants. Not only Chinese, but also Malay, Madurese, Javanese and many other groups have joined the original Dayak. He is quite outspoken in labelling corruption as the major disease of modern Indonesian society and in promoting an ethics of responsibility, dialogue and solidarity as its only solution.15

Yusak Soleiman and Karel Steenbrink

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