BORNEO RESEARCH BULLETIN I INFORElATION FOR AUIHORS

Research Notes: These should be concerned with a smumy of research on a particular subject or geographical area; the results of recent b1. 13, No. 2 Septgnber research; a review of the literature; analyses of the state of.research; i and so forth. Research Notes dizfer from other contributions in that Notes fran the Editor: "Feast and Famine;" List the mterial covered should be based on original research or the use of Fellows; Contrl tions for-& support of the of judgplent, experience and personal howledge on the part of the Borneo Research Cbuncil; Financial Report .... author in the preparation of the material so that an original conclu- sion is reached. Research Notes ,Origins Borneo Brief Connnmications: These differ from the foregoing in that no S- Notes on the of the 'Fmm" of --CTorlgmal wnclusions are drawn nor any data included based on original ...... CarlL.Hoh Wonm, Men, and Time in the Forestls of East Kali- reskch. They also differ in consisting primarily of a statanenE of -tan ...... Carol J. Pierce Colfer research intentions or a sum~aryof news, either derived from private Tne Journey to Paradise: Amerary Rites of the sources or smmrized from items appearing in other places that my Benuaq Dayak of East Kalimantan.. Andreas Massing not be readily accessible to the readers of the Bulletin but which On Nya a8 Direct Quotation Her in Bruneilvblay They w~~cludedwith have an interest and relevance for them. Linda Amy Kimball the contributor's name in parentheses following the itan to indicate ...... the source. Surmaries of news longer than one or tm paragraphs will appear with the contributor's m under the title and prefaced by "Ran". News and Announcemts Biblio a hic Section: A Bibliography of recent publications will Borneo News +-appear m eac issue of the Bulletin, and, consequently, reprints or other notices of recent p-om would be gratefully received Book Reviews, Abstracts, and Bibliography by the Editor. 4 Maxwell, Allen Richardd< Vrang Darat : An Ethnographic Other Item: Personal news, brief surmnries or research activities, Study of the Kadayan of Labu Valley. Brunei .... Gtwications, and other brief items will appear without the Reece, R. H. W. : "Preface," Lawyer in the Wilderness source specifically indicated. The Editor urges those contributing Bibliografi Kalimantan Timur ...... such news items' to send them in the form in which the contributor Blust , Robert : "Notes on Proto-Malayo-Polynesian wishes then to appear rather than leaving this to the discretion of Phratry halism" ...... the Editor. Blust, Robert: "Early Austronesian Social Organization: The Evidence of Language" ...... All contributions should be sent to the Editor, Borneo Research Ross, M. S. : "The Role of Land Clearing in Indonesia's Bulletin, c/o Department of Anthropology, Colleg~illhand Transmigration ProgrBrnner' ...... Em,Williamsburg, Virginia, 23185, U. S. A. ..m Bibliography ...... --STYLE FOR COmmONs The Borneo Research Council ...... Please submit all contributions double spaced. Research Notes and Monmtim for Authors Brief bmnications should be limited to approximately eight double- ...... spaced pages. Footnotes are to be avoided wherever possible. Biblio- graphies should be listed alphabetically by author at the end of the The Borneo Research Bulletin is published twice yearlx. (April contributions: author should appear on a separate line, then date, a.--d September) by the Borneo Research Cauncil. Please address title of article, journal, volune her, and pages. For books, al 1- 9uiries and contributions for publicatim to Vinson H. include place of publication and finally publisher. References in Su Ulve, Jr., Editor, Borneo Research Bulletin, Department of the body of conbributions should be cited by author's last name, 'Anthropology, College of William and Mry, Williamsburg, Vir- date, and page number as follows: (Smith $50: 36-41). For punctuation €5&, 23185, U.S.A. Single issued are available at US$ 2.50. and capitalization refer to Bibliographic Section. Nmsmentioned in the News Section and other uncredited contributions will be capitalized and underlined. RESEARCH NOTES

Sutmission of "Feast and £mine1' mll describes the Editor's situation. SaME NOTES ON THE ORIGINS OF reports= recent fieldmrk has provided rich fare for readers of the OF BORNEO Bulletin. These reports are encouraging, they clearly justify and enhance ?HE "PW' -etin, and we continue to urge readers to sutndt Fnfonnation for the Carl L. Hofh appropriate sections. University of Pennsylvania .Contributions We have not fared as well, howwer, in financial support. ~indeAugust 1980 I have been conducting an ethnographic survey on groups have remained stable, but we have not been able to keep pace with rising of present or former mdic hunters-and-gatherers known generally as costs of printing and postage. bbrecmr, we now are mailing ahst 600 'Tunan." % work thus far has taken me to Kerntans Tanjmg Palas, Peso, copies of each issue, but onLy 156 individuals and institutions paid Kayan Hulu, and Minau in Kabupaten Bulungan; and to Kecamatan Gmung subscription fees and made contributions during the past year. Tabur in Kabupaten Berau, East Kalirnantan. We are including the Financial Report for the past 11 mnths here, rather Anthropologists working in Kalimantan and Sarawak have had difffculty than on a separate sheet which is too easily read and discarded. We believe rraking sense of the Punan for one fimdamntal reason: They have insisted the Wllletin provides an inportant form for the exchange of information of upon seeing the Punan as scarehow outside and apart from the general pattern interest to Borneanists. Lacking institutional support, it is dependent upon, of Borneo's traditional life--"strange, unkmm, derers of the deep our cormrm support. Ths, if you haw contributed in the past, w@ encourage do forest, etc." Yet, closer and mre detailed examination of the problw you to continue to so. If you have not, please consider begjnning m. reveals that the Punan are "strange" and "unknm" far mre to anthropo- logists than to the numrous settled groups wbhave, to a great extent, After rmch consideration, we have decided not to publish the 'Tist of Fellows1' This d ended upon the scattered and diverse groups of forest specialists known as part of the Bulletin, but rather to make it available upon request. byas ''Punan." Thus. I propose that the Punan can indeed be decision will save us ahst $400. The List is alrady prepared, and will be "explained" and that the key to the pmblen my be fod in an inspection miled to anyone raquesting it frcm the Editor. of the economic frarmmrk of traditional Borneo life.

Our sincere appreciation to the following persons for their contributions to , Upon considering the distribution of groups hm as 'Rman," one is the mrk of the @mcil: Dr. & Mrs. George N. Appell , Helen Appell, J. B. Ave, imnediately s-k by the fact that Punan groups appear to crop up ahst Richard B. BaldaGf, Jr., Ian Black, Mr. &Mrs. Peter Burrough, Jonathan D. Cole, everywhere. One is meaver intrigued by the fact that these groups do William L. Collier, Colin N. Crisswell, Wayne T. Frank, Jack Golson, A. John not wander across the length and breadth of Borneo. Rather, each group Hepburn, John K Hobday, Erik Jensen, Victor T. King, Michael Leigh, A. R. G. stays within a fairly ciramscribed area--always within reasonable distance I-brrison, J. R. Palmer, Anthon J. N. Richards. Werner F. and Elsa Sdmeeberger, of one or mre (usually several) settled village groups, to whcan the local C. H. Wake, Joseph A. ~einsto&,Herbert and Patricia Whittier, Leigh wght, "Punan" group is well kncrwn. The local Punan group is nwer a mystery to and Inger Wulf f. its settled neig~.Individualmembers of the Punan group are horn to name, and their ...... d?...... the settled villagers by the latter often refer to local Fbnan as saudara kami , "our brothers." I-brm, any one "Eynan" group is Financial Report, Decanber 1, 1980 to Nwember 1, 1981 ahst al.'kwys closer in language and customs to its neighboring settled groups than it is to other "F'unan" groups living som distance away. Begjnning Balance $433.37 Income 2,588.05 Thus, in the Peso District of the hwer Kayan River, I heard Kayans refer Fees and contributions 1,428.05 to the Punan Berun as "our younger brothers;" in the Apo Kayan I was told Interest on Enhmmt 360.00 by Kenyahs that the Punan Oho descend from the saxe ancestor that they are Transfer frm Midland Bank 800.00 descendants of; while in the Malinau District I was informed by both Tebi-

-2 -2 .. ~ luns and Maps that the local "Punan" are "the same as we, same people," Ekpenses (typing, art work, $3,169.75 a judgnmt with which wery Punan group I visited there concuz~ed. printing, postage) Deficit $148.33 Compare various "Punan" groups across different regions, lxxwer, and one is struck inmediately by the wide and considerable differences in language, ...... as well as custcms relating to virtually everything, including methods of hunting and patterns of mveuent. Finally, I ddlike to note that 'Tunan" in any one district almost never lhe Chinese have gotten these it- fran the settled Dayaks of the long- laow or have contact with the ''Punml' of other regions, and they are often I houses and the kampung, in exchange, primarily, for gongs and jars, along igmrant of the existence of 'RIMTI'' groups .in adjacent districts. I with salt, tobacco, cloth, and miscellaneous item at hand. This trade will never fbrgese look of total am- on the face of aRman Benn persists to the present day, altbugh cash has long since taken the place of the Peso District whm I told him I had just been with the PUMKISajau of gongs and jars in mst transactions. in neighboring Kewmatan Tanjmg Palas. "Are there Punan over there?" he asked me, quite bewildered. And the -5 of the Apo Kayan insisted I mnder, bwever, just how myof these Chinese traders dow~through that I describe the customs and way of life of the punan Berun, shaking the centuries have known that these forest products gotten from the settled their heads in astonisht as I did so. In Winau, a densely populated groups are not gathered by the sedentary people themselves. I think very area (for Kalimantan) where Funan groups are correspondingly numxous, the few Chinese traders have lamwn that these itm are brought to settled Punan expressed an almost arrogant disinterest in the "Punan" groups I had groups.by local mdic groups of forest specialists knom to the settled seen in other areas, feeling no sense of -hip with then whatsoever. villagers as '!Punen''.

The question that thus merges--one that is beginning to seen meand mre While settled'villagers can and do seek such things as gold and rattan to rn as a central issue in the ethnography of Borneo as a whole--is, "Jut themselves, the other itans are found only deep in the jungle, requiring who are these people and what are they doin here?" The best way to deal the expert skill and knowledge of forest s ecialists. The porcupine, for with the question, I think, is to ignor& F'unan for just a bit and concen- exauple; is a mctmrd whose "stoniisought only at night. trate mtarily upon the various groups of village-dwelling swidden brti- culturists . The scattered "Punan" groups trade these forest products with their "brothers1'--neighbring settled groups with whom they share similar dialects Ibwn to the present day, wherever one goes throughout the "Dayak" areas of and custom. In exchange for the forest items, the local "Punan" group Borneo, one invariably notices the myheirloom gungs and large porcelain receives from its settled neighbors salt, tobacco, cloth and clothing, jars. Qle sees these in profusion particularly in the dwelling places of mchetes, and occasionally gongs and jars. vlllage headmen and other individuals of rank. Whether in the Mecentral longbuse apartments of headmen in the Ap Kayan, or in the large ornate This trade is conducted ammg individuals, not between whole groups as single family residences of headmen farther downriver, gongs and jars are such. A Punan Oho, for example, my visit a Kenyah friend at the latter's prominently displayed. longbuse at bhk Baru. He my bring a quantity of gaharu mod and receive I( a few shirts and some tobacco in exchange. And some weeks later, when the Aside from rarmerous practical uses, these famu9 heirloom items are symbols Kenyah of Mahk Baru visits a market downriver, he will take along the of wealth and prestige, are the preferred goods for bridewealth and inddty gaharu mod, and whatever else he obtained from the Punan, and sell it to a payments, and fozmerly in myareas, the jars served as the final resting Chinese trader, mst likely now for cash, but formerly for gongs and jars. place for the dead. We may ths see the outlines of numrous ancient trade nemrks--widelv I think it is fair to suggest that these gongs and jars are to Day& what scattered but similar in forw-&lving F'unan groups, settled villag&, cattle are. to East African Nilotes, what shells are to New Guinea highlanders, and Chinese as well as Malay and Wlginese traders. what horses were to Plains Indians, what arm and ankle bracelets were to Naga hillmen, etc., etc. Settled village groups throughout Barneo saw, and, to a Forest Products Forest Products largely great extent, still sge gongs and jars as being of umst importance. But, gathered by local Punan, j where do these items come from? also rice and fruit "Since the time of our ancestors, long, long ago . . . " the Dayaks say.(d (salt, tobam, C~ars,gongs, miscellaneous I myself think perhaps since the Kng Dynasty) Chinese traders and their cloth, jars, item at hand, also mney May and Buginese mnwgates have sailed up and down the long, winding gongs, -eY rivers of Borneo to trade with the Day& of the settled villages. Since time imamrial the Chinese have cane to Borneo in search of certain it- lhtil quite recently the various settled groups have acted as shredy found in the deep forest. These are: middlemen in keeping the Punan and Chinese fran each other, to prevent the direct trade which is beginning to occur thmugbut the island. While ~atumungit, stones from the intend organs of various species of nonkeys. M one has as yet said anything to me in this regard, I gather that settled satu landak, stones from the internal organs of porcupines. groups have always hmm that direct trade between Punan and Chinese kiould ~aharu,a fragrant wmd. - make their own diating position redundant. Even now, for vie, the Rotan, ratpn. Maps of Kampllng Langap in the Mdinau District refuse to tell their settled Damar, resm. I Punan neighbors at Long Ran just kw rmch mey they have been getting from nas, gold. the sale of birds' nests to the Chinese. sarang burung, birds' nests (in scattered areas). Interestingly em@, however, I have fwd that the settled groups have chose to concentrate upon what after all comprises mst of Borneo's land scarcely greater bledge than their Punan neighbors concerning just whet area-- the tropical rain forest, menhered by ladang, gardens, longhouses , it is the Chinese do with mst of the forest products. Until I told them, or fixed territories to defend against enemies. none of the variouspeoples I h~ met thus far had my idea, for exmple, that the amkeys' and porcupines stones are made into Chinese medicines, that the gaharu wood is used as incase, and that the birds ' nests are used to desoup. Neither did anyone how that rattan is exported to foreign WOMEN, MEN, AND TTM3 countries in the fonn of expensive £urnitme. Less obscure, however, have IN lnE FORESTS OF EAST- been the traders' mtives in want% gold. Carol J. Pierce Colfer Aside from its participation in a far-reaching trade nemrk, each ''Pmm'' University of Hawaii group is also involved in a close symbiotic relationship with neighboring Wclmen in Development Specialist settled villagers which does not extend to any sort of trade with outsiders. IJLllUp kch of the rattan gathered by a "FUmn'' group, for ex;rmple, often goes no farther than to the neighboring settled group or groups, where it is used 'Ihe Ibna' Jalan Kenyah of East Kalimantan inhabit an environment or context for an endless variety of purposes, ranging frcm baskets to sleeping mats. wid1 tm very desirable features that I would like to address in this Indeed, certain types of finely wwen rattan baskets, seen in use virtually paper. First, they live in a beautiful and lush tropical rainforest; and everywhere, are often ma& by '!Punant' groups themelws and in some areas second, they provide the closest approation to equality between the are made only by Punan groups. sexes that I have encountered (see Ward 1963 and Fortes 1969 for similar assessments of other Bornean groups). Likewise, I have fomd that the fmsDay& sumpit or blowpipe is mst often made by Punan groups, at least in the areas I have visited thus far. cst portion of this paper will be the presentation of results In the Apo Kayan they are mde onl by Punan. I was told in each and wery specifically related to forest use and the sexual division of labor) of longhouse I visited in that areaAt Kenyahs there have yet to maLe one. a the allocation study conducted in hgSegar, East Kalirrantan between -ers of Punan groups give these blowpipes in trade with settled villagers Novaher 1979 and August 1980. Descriptive data of this kind are sadly in exchange for trade it-; or they sometimes just give then as gifts to lacking on mst Bomean groups (Appell 1976 and King 1974) ; and are their village fi4iends. irmortant both for further academic investigations and theory building, and : Imre pra ~gmaticconcerns of effective and beneficial decisions about Finally, I wodd like to note that the symbiotic relationship between a .m(1 natura tl resources in the area. settled village--or cluster. of villages--and its local F'unan &coup fomly went beyond purely econunic aspects. wereI have been thus far, I The sec:a ~d portion of the paper will provide same observations on the A4 .-,.A,-< .- *I...& have found that individual Punan formerly joined settled villagers when the LA LI.CCLJ .orw LIIPL change appears to be taking mng the Una' Jalan, with latter embarked upan war against other, medistant groups. As in the case special- reference to the impacts on the forests and on the position of of trade, this was conducted largely on a personal basis, as opposed to an rrxxnen. Tne issue of hman impacts on the forests of East Kalimntan is outright alliance between groups. Thus, in the Minau District, a Tebilun alreadqr well established as an inportant policy amcem of the Indonesian from the '!&bu River preparing to join his fellows in a wr against distant rfivemlent (especially with reference to shifting cultivators such as the Kenyahs often sought and received assistance from one of tm friends from Jalan Kenyah and to timber companies). The question of the status of an associated Pmaa group. is not one that is of primary importance at this tire to policymakers karta, but it is of concern in the village. Tne people, both male and I think now we are finally able to tackle the original question of just wb e, are concerri3 about the implications of Kenyah female interaction these Punan are and wht they mean in tenns of Boma as an ethnographic the male menbers of other ethnic groups with less egalitarian attitudes whole. There is at this point no question in my mind that the Punan of about mmn; they are concerned about the absence of m on rrrmeymaking Borneo derive from settled groups and that they are siqly the descendants aveditions and the resultant hardships that fall to the wornen in these of people who, at different times and in diffesent places, o ted to new conditions where a regular cash incore is increasingly important and ecialize in the exploitation of deep-forest resources. I* also that !here other factors, discussed below, reduce mm's relative auto60my and btexploitation has been an alternative adaptive niche that people self-sufficiency. have opted into, and perhaps out of as well, throughout the long course of Borneo history. A particularly intriguing question here is to vht extent this process was accelerated--or created=-by the initial establishrent in Tne time allocach study in Borneo of organized trade with Chinese. ' reported this paper was mdertaken as part of an ethmgraphic and ecological investigation of interactions between people Thus, the 'Fumm1' of the ethnographic present are nothing mre or less than and forests in East ~alirnantan.1 OLnr approach in this lW project involved ahli hutan, "forest specialists." As such, they descend from goups who a significant shift in the usual anthropologiml orientation. We decided order to maximize my freedan to pursue other research activities as they that rather than concentrating on a comity or a "culture" as our unit emxged in the course of fielhrk, I only entered even dates (e.g. , 2, of analysis, we would focus on a specific humn action that was recognized 4, 6, etc.) onto the schedule, and then I allmd myself the option of in policymaking and academic circles as a "problem". visiting busehold X'at tim X on either the even date (2nd) or the odd date follawing it (3rd) of that mth. Visits were mde between 7 a.m. Tie specific hmaction---in this case, cutting daJn the forests--- and 8 p.m. served as a reference point, from which the mnplex of relevant influences and -acts could be traced and described. We were striving for a full Wst visits can be accomplished in a very short time, axe the &ers of mderstanding of the context, of the situation (following Popper 1972, or the household and their ages are horn. And visits to random households libore 1975), in which that human action was regularly perfonred; and we provides access to people, patterns of behavior, and viewpoints that might were not limiting ourselves to investigatim within any one village or otherwise be missed. During a visit, the ideal is to observe what each cdty. The locus of my research was a Resettlmt village, called household &er is doing rior to her or his awareness that you are Lmg Segar , located on the Telen River, about 142 lan £ran Smarinda, and observing.3 ,A total of 17fvisits were mde, between 4 November 1979 and populated by Una' Jalan Kenyah Day& whu had begun migrating from Long 20 August 1980, with a total of 1,593 cases (or individuals). The average Anpung (in the Apo Kayan) in 1963. But our research orientation dictated busehold size of 9.3 is slightly larger than my other data muld suggest that I investigate the situation at the nearby Georgia Pacific tder for Long Segar, partially because I maximized observations, including all in whose concession Long Segar was located; that I keep apprised of the marginal cases and buseholds which were already well on their way to current international timber prices; that 1 interview employees of the splitting in two. National Resettlemnt Program in Samrinda and Jakarta; in short, that I look into any topics that directly related to people's forest-harvesting I encountered at least one constraint comparable to one mtioned by and forest-clearing activities. Johnson. Iha' Jalan Kenyah periodically reside at their ricefields, far from the village; and they also deregular trips into the forests for Because of our concern that our research results be directly useful to collecting, hunting. and harvesting. At these times, of course, scm policydcers, as well as contributing to the mre genexal creation of busehold umbers are unavailable for direct observation. This problem knmledge in the academic sense, we kept in mind the current policy issues is minimized s&t by the fact that Kenyah tend to keep fhlymembers in East Kalimmtan, And important ancng them were the following questians: informed of their general whereabouts and activities, so at least a 1) the appropriate role of the timber companies, 2) the *acts of shifting general idea of their activities can be gleaned fairly easily. cultivation on the forest, and 3) the advisability of Resettlement and Transmigration program in the area.2 But before we would adequately Another problem for which I found no really satisfactory solution was that address such policy issues we needed to gain an mderstanding of the status of children's activities. Children over the age of about 8 are observably What do the people do, now? How involved are they in forest-re= active in a productive sense (see White 1975 for similar observations) ; yet, %&ties? And so on. since they are free to run about the village unsupervised, their parents or others at hone typically do not know exactly what they are doing and Since the Una' Jalan Kenyah of Img Segar have traditionally mde their report them to be tuya (playing aromd) . Cc~nbiningwork with play is also living by shifting cultivation, and since they are now also involved in a mre camm mgthechildren, so I am confident that that productive wide rmge of forest-harvesting activities for mmetary gain, it seared activity of children is underdocurnented in.this study. I have mde scme mrthwhile to systematically collect sminformation on haw indeed these efforts to correct this by making syst-tic observations at the bathing people were spending their time. I also considered it important to docmt rafts where uuch children's labor is performed; but it is difficult to the agroforestry invaLvmt of mmm, since mnare habitually ignored compare data collected in that way with the kinds of data £ran this study. in 'Ihird World developnent efforts, and there is a paucity of data on femle productive activity in general (see, e.g., Boserup 1970; a 1977 Overall., however, I am pleased with the data and the mthod. I consider issue on Women and National Developnent; or Tinker and Brarrsen 1976). this mthDd mereliable than asking people to rderwhat they have been doing; and it provides a good bit of information for a relatively METHOE : TLME ALLOWTION STUDY small investment of time. Although I did mst of the data collection myself, toward the end of the study I relied on research assistants while A slightly modified version of the mthod for studying tirre allocation out- I was out of the village or occupied with other things, and found that lined by Johnson (1975) was used in this study. The metbd is s*le enough. trainFng people to make this kind of observation is fairly easy and clearcut. A schedule for observations is drawn up prior to the onset of the study. That schedule is desiped such that visits to particular households are Preliminary coding of the data was done in the field, and only my own th randomized, as are times of visit during the day, and date of visit during constraints precluded my doing all the coding in the field. In order to the year. I constructed my random sqle from a register of 129 household have data ccmparable with John's I followed his coding system insofar heads provided tom by the Secretary of the Resettlement Project. In as possible. The analyses I'm reporting here are of theusGerordinate categories. bre refined analyses present nq difficulty (using SPCC Crosstabs), except insofar as diminishing nmbers of cases reduces the statistical sig.nificance of one's findings.

'THE ALU)CATTON OF TIME

If we turn, at this point to the ac& allocation of time, we can make som interesting caparisons with Johnson's data. Tne Kenyah, like the thchiguenga, are shifting cultivators, who supplenrnt their diet by harvesting the tropical rainforests and rivers that surromd them. Until their mve to Img Segar, the Kenyah were as self-sufficient as the Machiguenga; and rice cultivation, small garden plots, and forest hanest- ing still supply the vast majority of their needs. Unlike the Machima, households &e all clustered in a village setting (pop. 1000). Indeed,traditionally, the Kenyah have lived in longhouses, with sane reputedly housing as many as 90 households (Whittier 1973). In Zong Segar, due to govmtal pressures to switch to single fdly dwellings, modifications of this traditional pattern are obvious; but some buseblds still bouse up to five nuclear families. Another important divergence fran the Machiguenga is the loose divisim of labor by sex ammg the Kenyah. Both sexes at least occasionally perform all kinds of tasks. Wanen tend to be mre involved in children and food preparaticn, and lnen do ms-age labor and large tree felling. But there is no rigidity about wbdoes what the Kenyah.

If we look at thebfigures of time allocation (Table I and 11) , there are many important similarities between the tb\X3 groups. Notable differences can be seen in the sphere of fade inmlvemnt iri garden/agricultmal labour. In Jhng Segar, faales perform 53.5 percent of the garden/ agricultural labour in comparison to 46.5 percent perfon& by males. The importance of wage labour in Long Segar is another important divergence. In this category "adult male," 28.3 percent of their tim is spent in mey- making. This is in sharp contrast to the 2.0 percent of adult female tirre spent in the smactivity. If we look at these'hnds of figures frm the erspective of the forest, as was our intent in this study (see Table II3.Y. we can extract those activities that impinge in any significant way a the forest. "Food preparation" is included as a forest-related activity because firemod collection, the use of banana and other farest leaves, wd banboo are all integral to the food preparation process. '%nufacture" in alnr~stevery case, involves the use of &or forest products. And "Meymaking" likewise ahst always involves participation in one manner or another, with the tinber industry. As sham in Table 111, hunan ~l~tin the forest in a fairly direct way is obvious, with mm 15 years of age and older spending 57 percent of their time in forest-related activities, and n-en in that age range spending 69 percent of thei* tim in those sarrr! activities. Table 111 Forest-related Activity: 7:00 a.m. to 8:00 p.m.

Female (Age 1%) Male (Age 1%)

Food Preparation ( .9l hrs.) 3% ( .39 hrs.) i Manufacture lX (1.69 hrs.) D% (1.04 hrs.)

wild Foods 3% ( .39 hrs.) 3X ( .39 hrs.) Garden/Agricultuxe 36/. (3.9 hrs.) 26% (3.38 hrs.)

b!Jn=kh3 2% ( .26 hrs.) 26% (3.38 hrs.) Forest Prod. Coll. 2% ( .26 hrs.) 3% ( .39 hrs.) 'row 57% (7.41 hrs.) 60% (8.97 hrs.) (of total activity for each sex, age 1%)

If we approach this saw question from a slightly different perspective, looking at location of activity, rather than nature of activity, we get Table IV. We can see from this table that wmn spend a disproportionate arrnunt of time in the village (56 percent) and in the ricefield (29 percent); whereas mn divide their thbetween village (37 percent), ricefield (26 percent), and mrking outside the village (23 percent). It is fairly safe to assum that the 37 percent of the females 15 and over and 56 percent of the males 15 and over are in the forest, ricefield, garden, or away mrking. All human activity in the forest has the potential of being harmful, and should therefore be evaluated accordingly.

WPEN AND FORESTS Putting these data into the changing context of Long Segar life, what can we say about likely impacts on forests and mmn in the area? We can say that the lh' Jalw Kenyah are pretty involved in activities that require forest clearing, as things now stand. Both their traditional swicJdens and their wage labor activities inpinge in a negative way on the forest. A factor that is not evident from these data, but is clear frm others, is that the Una' JahKenyah clear bigger ricefields in brig Segar than they did traditionally--in Long Segar they have access to chainsaws, outboard mtors , ricemling machines, and perhaps mst irrportantly. markets for their rice. And mst kinds of wage labor are directly related to the tiher industry. Additionally, even in the traditional sphere of rice cultivation where Table IV women have had an important role, the Gave-t is encouraging a shift Locations of Activity: toward mle decision making and power. Agricultural inputs like seeds, pesticides, fertilizers are distributed to male heads of households; 7 a.m. to 8 p.m. training in agriculture and related ecmomic activities is pmvided to FdesAged 1% Males Aged 15+ males, mmey, hebuilding equipnent, and other economic contributions fram the Resettlement Project (called "droppings" locally) are divided 567L 3PL by male head of husehold. Local adoption of chainsaws and outboard Village mtors is further decreasing female autonomy and importance in the economic affairs of a family---because mst mnm literally cannot use Forest 6% chainsaws and they have difficulty carrying outboard mtors. Until the 26% adoption of these technological innovations, ma and mmm could both use Ricefield all tools ,available to the Kenyah. 1% Garden These technological innovations are likewise responsible to a considerable 4% degree for an increase in destructive hunan impact on the forests. Larger Away at Schl ricefields can be cleared with a chainsm; mre hmenergy is available 23% for agricultural labor with access to rice hullers and outboard mtors; Away Working and the availability of a market for the rice provides a powerful incentive 2% to allocate mre tim to rice cultivation (See Golfer 1980, for a mre hay detailed discussion of these changes) . Azier (1980), using data from my Riw 2 land use histories in Long Segar, estimates that 11,600 ha. of primary forest have been cleared in the 17 years since settlmt of Long Segar. 10m Analysis of the previously mentioned ccmplete household survey in Lang Ampmg and land use history data frm kng Segar show that the average herof belek (a tin containing 11 kilos of mhulled rice) of rice sown in ricefiem Long Anp in 1979 was 4.90, whereas in Long Segar the camparable figure was 6.23 We can also say &at women are very active in productive activity mwng the Although they perform only slightly mre than half of the Kenyah. But to return to the thallocation study results reported ke,Kenyah agricultural labor, rmmm are considered by the Kenyah to be the backbone of agridmaE activity. Where m are sydolically identified sexually involvement in the forest---both dependence on it and inpacts on it---is headhmting , clear. That uuch of the hurtan %act on the forest is negative can be by their propensity to go on expeditions (historicall inferred frcnn the clearcutting necessary for ricefields as traditionally later trading expeditions, and now wage earning trips ), women's sexual identity is closely tied in with the making of ricefields. Participant made, by the docmted destruction of lmhering activity in which Kenyah observatiotw data and prelirrdnary analysis of anplete household surveys males participate, and by increasing population pressure (natural and, mre significantly, planned in the Goverment's Transmigration schs) in tlwo Kenyah villages (hng mung and Long Segar) indicate that wma are actively involved in decision nlaking with regard to agroforestry. on mne-too-fertile land. Possibly beneficial impacts on the forest of Indeed, with the' long tradition of male absence, they to be. traditional Kenyah land use practices in the @ Kayan are currently being had investigated by Tim Jessup, another MAB researcher; and a proposal for An interesting, and potentially, disturbing question arises frcrm looking intensive study of the subject has been funded (Vayda with Jessup 1980). at the kinds of changes going on in Long Segar. It is clear at this point There may indeed be sane ecological advantage to the kind of patchwork or in tim that women have active productive roles in the mity;and msaic effect that derives £run ricefields and their "fallows '6 (or mre they comnand the respect that in many cases goes along with such economic precisely, the varying successional stages of) secondary forest. productivity (cf. Sanday 1974). But the marketing of rice, wage labor opportmities, and various kinds of dealings with other ethnic groups are Ironically,, the govemtal progrms encouraging interior plateAfi people all falling increasingly to the m. With the fldble attitudes about to resettle in the lowlands were at least partially designed to discourage sex roles ammg the Kenyah, the fact that these activities have traditionally shifting cultivation and its perceived negative impacts on the envirommt. been performed more regularly by males need. not determine future roles; but The actual impact seem to have-been the reverse: The conparatively non- the fact that the other ethnic groups with whan the Kenyah mst interact destructive form of shifting cultivation practiced by the Kenyah of the to sell their rice and their labor have rrdre exploitative attitudes toward Apo Kayan (see e.g., Jessup 1981) has evolved into a cmiderably mre mnas well as negative stereotypes of Dayak wmin general reinforce forest-destroying form, as practiced in the Long Segar context. the traditional male predcxninance in this sphere (which until recently was of marginal iqortance in daily life). -Notes Sanda~.Pew. 1974. FdeStatus in the Public Dwain. IN Warren. Cult& d-society. ~ ~osaldoand Lamphere, eds ., stadordl Eanii 1. This project was a joint Indonesian-U.S. Mm and Biosphere project bniversitv Press (m. 189-206). Sims: Journal of Women in Cdture and (financed from U.S. Forest Service funds), administered by the East-West Society. - 1977. special 1ssuk on W& and National Development. Envirmmt and Policy Institute in Honolulu, and sponsored in Indonesia Chicago : University of Chicago Press (Vol. 3 (A)). Tinker, Irene, and by klawwmm University (Samarinda) , Mags Biologi Nasional (Bogor), Michele Bo Bransen. 1976. Women and World Developnent. Washington, D.C., and L.gaIh Pengetahmn Indonesia (Jakarta). See Vayda, Colfer. Overseas Developnent Comcil. Vayda, A. P., C. J. P. Colfer, and M. and Brotobun, 1980, for a detailed discussion of research methods and Brotokusm. 1980. Interactions Between Bwple and Forests in East goals of the overall MAB project. Kalktan. The Impact of Science on Society 30(//3) :179-190. Vayda, 2. Resettlement refers to the nwement of population from mre renvte A. P., with Timothy Jessup. 1980. Shifting cultivation and patch to less remte areas within one province; Transmigration refers to the dmcsin an upland forest in East Kalimantan, Indonesia. Research mvmt of populations frcm Java and Bali which are densely populated Proposal funded by the Consortiun for the Study of Man's Relationship into the Outer Islands which are sparsely populated. with the Global Enviromt. Ward, Barbara. 1963. k,Women, and 3. Amng some groups this kind of activity would be problematic and Change : An' Essay in Understanding Social Roles in South and South-East perhaps unethical, being viewed as unwelccme spying. However, w~ngthe Asia. IN INWomen in the New Asia. UNESCO, pp. 25-99. White, Benjamin. I Kenyah this was not the case. Fkdxrs of the cmmmity were aware and 1975. T[ie Ecodc Itqxrtance of Children in a Javanese Village. IN generally accepting of my activities, though perhaps considering them a Population and Social brganization (M. Nag, ed.) . The Hague: -but=. trifle bizarre. Whittier, H. L. 1973. Social Organization and Symbols of Social 4. Sienificantlv.-, we can see in Table IV that 2% of the adult desare Differentiation: An ~thnographic-studyof the ah Dayak of East !'&ay &king." Mimantan mrneo) . Doctoral dissertation, Dept. of Anthropology, 5. Measurement of 15 randanly selected ricefields in bng Segar in MLchigan State University. February 1980 yielded an average size of 2.2 ha. Lhfortunately comparable measuranents could not be undertaken in kmg Arnpmg. 6. "Fallow" is a misleading descriptor for ex-ricefields, because, at least in Kahtan, other m-rice products are grm and/or collected ?HE .JOUFUEY TO PARADISE: from these areas. I an considering the patchwork of ricefields, ex-rice- FUNERARY RITES BEW -EAST KAL- fields, secondary forest, and primary forests, as a total agroforestry systgn. (See Mstadter 1978) Andreas W. Massing Frobenius Institute Bibliography: Appell, G. N. 1976. Social Science Research in Sarwak. Studies in Borpeo Societies. Northern Illinois lhiversity Center of Tne Benuaq are hardly even mtianed in the literature on the Dayak popu- S.E. Asian Studies (no. 7-26). Azier. Albar. 1980 Perilaku Penduduk dan lations of Borneo and therefore rmain ahst Mown. Era b?allinclnodtl p&aruhuYa ~erhadap'bgkm& ~utan-TropikaHunida di Long Segar. it is lawwn that they belong to the larger ktangan group, and Schwaner Foreshry Theses. bblawarnwn University, Samarinda. Boserup, Ester. (1854: 122) midered them as descendants of the 'orang Lahei' who were 1970. Women's Role in Economic Devel t. N.Y. : St. Martin's Press. reduced by the Siang-Mmmg frun the Pari river. However, the Benq are Colfer , J. ierce. % an Indigenous Agroforestry not only the largest Dayak group in the Kutai regency of East Kalimantan System: %:w~A of s&r%eliminary %port, M Project. (the fonrer Kutai Sultanate) but also have preserved mre of their adat Interactions Be~qPeople and Forests in East Kalhtam. Fortes, than any other~ayakgroup. Theirhabitatsare the southern tributaries of were 2969. Kinship and the Social Order. Chic?: Aldine Publishing the Mahakam, namely the Bongan, Clung, Jelau, Kelawit, 'hang, Lma, Pahu Co. Jessup, Tht . 1981. do Shikting Cultivators %ve? Borneo and Nywatan (see mq 1) as well as the upper Teweh in Central Kalimmtan. Research Bulletin,?ol. 13, Noy. Johnson, Allen. 1975. Time mtion A few of the IXltch administrators nrntion them in passing, and Weddik (1849: 'm a Ma 'gue"pa .ty. Ethrrolo 14(#3) :301-310. King, .Victor. 1974. l32-133) comts them mgthe true aborigines of the sultanate of Kutai. Sane Sw%st~ons =me Resd West Kalimntan. Borneo %search Knappert (1905:592) informs us that the Benoa and Bentian have lived in Bulletin 6(#2) :31-39. Kmstadter , Peter. 1978. ~cologicmrication Kutai as long as they can rerrember and belong to one ethnic group with a mtation: An E~botanicalView of Lua' Swiddeners in Northwestern camrm lmguage. He also states that their custuns are similar to- those Trailand. IN The Nature and Status of Ethraobotany (R. Ford, ed.) . Ann of the Lawangan groups he encountered on the Aju river in Tabalong district, Arbor, Mi&xan: Weun of Anthropology. University of Michigan and that some Lawwgan fran Tabalong were actually living on the Bongan (Anthropological Papers, No. 67) . &ore, Sally Falk. 1975. Epilogue: river (ibid. 619-624) . Uncertainties in Situations, Indeterminacies. in Culture. Politics in Ccrmurzal Ideology: Cases anKQuestions, S. Tie Benuaq infomts of ours count themselves as part of the Lawangan er ., I ca. Come University Press. Popper, Karl R. 1972 group but disclaim any origin £ran South or Central Kalimantan but point 2 1 h 1 a.Oxford: Clarendon Press. towards the interior of Kabupaten Pasir as their possible regim of origin Main Drainage Basins of (the headwaters of river Telakai). On a purely geographical basis, the KALIMANTAN TlMUR Benuaq themselves distinguish the follcrwing groups, a distinction I will follow here (cf. map 1and 2) : 1. Benuaq of the wan, kerntan Bongan 2. Benuaq of the Ohong river and lake Jempang, kecamatan Jempang 3. Benuaq of the Kelawit , Tuang and Jelau river, kecamatan Muara Pahu 4. Bentian of the upper Tuang and Laa rivers, Icecamatan Bentian Besar 5. Benuaq Zawa of the lmer ha, kecamatan Muara Lawa 6. Benuaq of the upper Pahu and Nymatan rivers, kecamatan Damai 7. Benuaq of the Idan river, kecanatans Barong Tongkok and Danai ?he population of these regions is shin Table 1 Kecmatan Benuaq Population

Bongan Janpang Muara Pahu Bentian MaLawa Jhlai Barong Tongkok TOTAL 23,400 Table 1. Population of Benuaq Areas h Source: Ccopiled from Hasil Registrasi Penduduk 1979, Kantor Sensus dan Statist* Kalimantan Tjmur, Sbda, 1980 Living in the s6uthern upland fringe of the Mahakan basin, the Benuaq are mainly shifting cultivators and collectors of forest products. A more detailed description of the econcmy of the Benuaq area can be found else- where.2 Here it is important to know only that few of the Benuaq subsist alone on agriculture but, due to the relatively pwr soils of their region, have to rely on off-farmwork such as rotan cutting, logging, fishing and gold washing in or&; to emcash for their daily munption requirmts e.g. salt, sugar, tea, kerosene and even rice. Wch of the Benuaq area has not yet entered the mainstream of econmic developmmt in Kaltim, inames are low, infrastructure and facilities few, literacy and nutrition levels inadequate, and living standards below those of the Kutainese. Banj arese or even other Dayak groups.

BEPRIAQ SOCIETY

Benuaq villages and families are characterized by only rrdn_or differences in wealth or living standards but divided by invisible distinctions of status based on hership in certain fanilies or lineages (katurunan). The old Benuaq society distinguished severzil classes which have gradually lost their significance: the noble and royal, manti (or orang muiia)

Map I thse of lineages related with the royal ones, pengawa, the ordinary, free-born f-rs, merendika, persons in bondage or debt-slavery, ripan, slaves mstly captured in wars, batag (or batang ulun) .

Formerly, the rajas and nowadays the kapala adats and other important office holders are of manti class and descended from the first inmigrants who had settled and ruled the Benuaq lands in the long forgotten past. The umbers of the pengawa class were appointed by the royal manti as assistant office holders and similarly have old lineages, even though they, are said to haw entered the Benq area sorrewSlat after the manti. Members of those two classes have a rank sufficiently high to oomnand respect and,honor £ran society during their life md after their death. While it is the duty of every individual and family to honor its deceased umbers, it is a connnmity duty to publicly honor such distinguished public figcnes after their death. The herd cermnies which are the subject of this paper are mainly held for umbers of these two noble classes. For than, a public display of mourning ad joy is made which generates extraordinary artistic creations and consumes collsiderable outlays of nuney and food items in order to allow the spirits of the deceased to enter the realm beyond death in a worthy fashion. Death in Benuaq society beams a dyndc force stindating the econanic and social activities of.the living and establishing continwus mtional relation- ships between the living and the dead.

ME FIRST STACE:

Three major stages of burial can be distinguished anung the Benuaq to each of which correspond respective ceremcnies. These stages correspond to the inhumtion imnediately after death, the separation of flesh and bones, and the final deposition of the bones and repatriation of the deceased's spirit to the land of the ancestral, spirits (negeri arwah Or lewu liau) .

It is Benuaq belief that at death, the vital force (meruhor semangat) leaves a person's body and becms a spirit of similar physiological con- stitution (liau) which, for example, requires food, drink and entertainment and can feel pain and en-otions. (XI the other hand, a person's intellect believed to be located in the head, hems kelelungan, a shapeless spell which leaves the body freely, can enter other hunan beings and can be reincarnated in newborn children. While the liau is believed to roan about the neighborhood of the grave and the house of the dead person's family, the kelelungan proceeds at once to a place in heaven called Tenankai .3 At a person's death, the corpse is taken outside the house, bathed in water and cleaned with coconut milk and afterwards wrapped in a blanket and batik. The fdly sends word to the relatives in other villages and orders a coffin (lungun) to be made by a carpenter. After seven days - 7 is the nunber representing death and rmltiples of seven symbolize many aspects df funeral ceremies - the corpse is placed in the lungun. Fomrly kept in the house, the lungun is nowadays put up in the village canetery and covered with a small roof. If the deceased was of outstanding rank, his family will order the lungun to be carved, and to be placed in a cKKWd slong. At this first burial, a priest (wara) calls the liau of the deceased and the remaining flesh raved from the bones by washing with coconut water presents him with food and drink while the hersof his family hold a by persons specially designated for the task (penulang). Both bones and cerermy in comrernoration of their relative (to'ok) . Another cemy head are than wrapped in cloth and stored in one of the funerary urns (nqulang-natang) my bllm three days later, and hundred days after (antang or quci) . For the ordinary dead, the latter are then buried in death another cermy (ngelangkang) takes place. At these ceredes, the ground or placed in one of the mrtuary chambers (rinak) which belong chickens or pigs are slaughtered and food offerings made to the deceased1$ to the faly in the canetery. The bones of manti or pengawa hersare liau. stored in mevaluable antangs and kept in the house of the fdly or with the kepala adat until the kwangkei cermy. Bock (1881:141-143) describes the lungm/almg of a Bentian chief of bng Putih (Dilang Putih) which is worth qmting. I It so chanced that the first house I entered was that of a chief just Ideally, after seven years, the final cerenxmy is held at which the rob of deceased whose remains were lying in state in the large room of the place. the deceased is taken to join the arcestral spirits in heaven; but in In the centre of one side of the rom,which was no less than 120 feet in practice, i't my take several years more before the fdlyhas gotten length,stood, raised on four posts, a coffin in the shape of a prau with enough mey and food together to shoulder such a large feast. Sacrificial the sides painted in red, black and white scrolls. On the lid of the animals such as chickens, pigs and at least one buffalo have to be raised coffin was spread the tjawat or waist gamtmt which had been worn daily t; specialists have to be hired to carve blontanq, selimat and by the deceased chief. Above the coff in was an attaproof from which hq Ortepla a ritual specialist, wara, has to be hired to perform the a cup formed of part of a comut shell filled with water, while food was necessary ritual and incantaticns and gifts bought for him; additional also daily placed on the coffin.. .in case the dead warrior shwld feel gifts have to be made to the ancestral spirits; and large munt of rice i-nmgry or thirsty in his long journey to heaven. His best clothes and needs tobe collected to feed spirits, guests, family and performers for weapons were deposited inside the wffin. a prolonged period of time which may last anything from 7 to 56 days. Even while the cerermy is on, the priest may decide that offerings are F'ran one end of the coffin was suspended a -den mdel of an animal sup- insufficient and additional contributions required whereupon the period posed to be a bear which was expected to act as a charm to protect the is extended. dead from all possible dangers on his last journey; and at either extremity hmg a bdoo candlestick holding damar torches. These were renewed £ran Kwanqkei is divided into a nher of phases all of which will culminate in day to day and always kept burning.. ..At the tim I was and the final journey of the spirits (roh) to heaven accanpanied and guided by sketching the coffin, they (the widow and child of the chef) stood at the the wara. 'Ihese phases include recmrent and mique elements. The first entrance of the bedroom which led out of the principal room. They were in phase consists of the wara trying to call the spirits of the deceased, and deep menot clothed in black as in Europe or white as in China, but may take several days or weeks. The second phase consists of recurrent with the hair closely shaven off the head, presenting a most ghastly sight. presentations of food offerings and dance performances to the spirits. Although the body had been dead fifteen days there was not the slightest The findl phase consists of animal sacrifices, feeding and merrbt for smll in the roan, the coffin being hermetically closed with a sort of putty the spirits, the symbolic representation of a journey to heaven and the made of qutta percha mixed with fine fibres from the bark or leaves of a final burial of the mortal remains of the ancestors. tree. I asked when the burial was likely to take place but the attendants answered that they did not how; the the was uncertain; they first rmst I On the following pages, the elemts of the kuangkeit ritual, ritual have luck in smw-q or other, either a good rice hanest or, what was objects, ritual actions and ritual incantations, will be described and mst probable, a successful head-hunting expedition. A head or two must be their meaning explored6 so that the reader may get an mderstanding of secured souehow since it was a chief who was dead. I the Benuaq concept of life, a life which retains a continuity before and after death. ME SECOND STAGE I Preparations for the Ceremmy Tne l&qun renains in the graveyard for several years, sm informants say for at least three years. While the flesh of the corpse decomposes, the I Before kwangkai can begin certain rparations have to be oompletgd lest liau is believed to return to the grave regularly. Therefore, food the priest (wara) cannot contact t e spirits. offerings are prepared by the relatives and suspended under the roof over 1 the slonq. Decorations and ritual objects have to be in place, and the participants needed must be ready. After this periot, a ceremmy is held, called kenyau or nulang, at which the spirit (rob) of the deceased is called again and offered food from a pig which has been sacrificed for the occasion. Then the coffin is opened, the skeleton mmned and broken up, the shill separated fran the bones, and The longhouse (lamin), according to adat the appropriate place for the Food Offerings to the Spirits kuangkai cer-yj will be prepared to accmdate fanily and g~st king the following weeks. The central wall separating the porch fran IXnring the first &ys of the cermy the priest, wara or sentangig, the individual living quarters (bilik) has been decorated with a large attempts to call the spirits to cuw and descend into the longhouse and nrmlti-colored patchwork cloth (taber telisir) which expresses joy and partake in the offerings presented there for than. He is assisted in miment at the occesion of welccrrdng the ancestral spirits. The Benuaq this by fdeassistants (ajuh turu) who prepare food, and see that all distinguish ceremmies of mrrht and gayness (suka ria) and ceremmies utensils of the penduduk are properly arrqed and clean for the spirits of mxlming and sachess (duka cita) and indicate each with respective to take their mal. deoorations (perhiasan), the taber telisir symbolizing the former type of cermy. Food is offered to the spirits three times a day: in the nnming, in the,,evenhg and at night following the ngerankau dance. Each tim, the Below, the taber telisir, the urns with the bones of thse ancestors for wara bums incense and lights the candles in the wconut shells to shav whan the kuangkai is held,are placed in a raw and covered with white and the spirits their way in the dark. He places a rotan rod topped with a red cloth, representing both liau and kelelungan. The skulls of the pinang nut'mng the penduduk as a sign of addressing the spirits and ancestors have been placed in the selimat, a painted box which is suspended begins with his incantations: "I call on you, spirit brothers, and here on rotan vine £ran the ceiling near the end of the longhouse opposite the you see the sip for you." When after several &ys. the spirits finally nab entrance. respond to his call they descend, kelelungan via the orin penam and liau via the main stairway of the lamin; at this mment, the tempkanq is filled Above the selimat the dresses and wreaths used by the dancers of the with water to rinse the hands before and after the mal, and the wara ngerankau dance are tied to the rotan rope, and anunber of plates are points with his staff (bulu) at the food placed on the telanqkang with suspended beneath the ceiling, Opposite the selimat, a banbcm rack or the mds: "spirits of our fdly and our ances tors ! Here is your food, platform is erected where the dresses and utensils of dancers and priests we hope that you partake of it and are satisfied with what we have to are kept. At the foot of this platform are placed nmerous ritual objects offer." After eating, the spirits are presented with drinks, in many which serve the pqseof receiving the ancestral spirits and are Benq villages still tuak - wine from the sugar palm - served in a oollectively referred to as penduduk i.e. the place for the spirits to buffalo horn by the ajuh turu, but sometimes only tea or sugar water. sit dcm. Again the wara addresses the spirits: "here are the drinks we offer; may you partake of them and be satisfied!" These penduduk qsist of: Tobacco and cigarettes are then presented to those spirits who, during -orin penam, a blqipe (sumpit) marked with 7 marks of chalk as steps their life in this wrld,enjoyed mking, and the full set of betel tools for the kelelunqan to descend £ran heaven.7 A cloth of red color tied jngredients is placed befare them to refresh thmelves and overcome the to this symboEc stairway symbolizes kelelungan; fatigue of a full stcmach. -dim, tw~wconut shells containing two rotan sticks covered with wax which are lit to show the spirits the way during their descent; Ngerankau -two baskets (bakul) me covered with red cloth for kelelungan, the other with white cloth for li au to sit down and rest; Ngerankau is the cultural show (kesenian) Or play (permainan) perfomd -tong , tvm small porcelain bmls used for burning incense whenever the by the family for the entertainment of their ancestral spirits. After the spirits are called; usually one is placed on each bakul; wenbg meal, when the kwangkei ceremmy is in full swing and the spirits -tempokang, a brassvessel for cleaning the hands before meals; cane regularly to the longhouse, the wara announces the dance: 'Watch ~lw, -telangkanq, a rack with little trays made from bdoo where the food spirits, the play which I have organized in your honor and for your enjoy- offerings - rice, mat, sweet rice cakes - are placed for the spirits. mt; if the occasion caws, I hope that you will in return reward rn for -finally, an entire set of tools for betel (tempat sirih), consistkg of my efforts on behalf of you; we hope that these ngeranltau dances will be a brass goblet in which are placed small containers for pinanq, or betel enjoyed by youas a sw of our, the living relatives, appreciation for nuts, sirih, or betel leaves, gambir leaves, kapur, or gromd $a&, and you, om deceased ancestors." scrnetims spices such as clove, cardamn, tumeric and tobacco ; betel is ..-- served as a refresiunent and stimlant after the spirits have been fed ?he gong is sded twice to call the dancers and visitors and the and, like mffee, helps to overcane sleepiness and change taste in the kelentangan begins the characteris tic syncopated ngerankau rhyh. ?he mth. basic rhythical patters is modified slightly by different individual players. Other preparations include the placemnt 03 the instmnts near the long- buse wall; kelentangan, a set of six groups; qendonq a large gang, and Visitors and family derswho have rested or taken a nap after supper qimer, tubular dm,both of the latter suspended hthewall. roll up their mts against the longhouse wall and clear the middle space for the dancers, and gradually the roan is filled with spectators. 'Ihe wara gathers with the dancers at the selimat. They take the clothes - as the teplaq (sarcophagus) if the deceased was a manti or penggawa. the tjawat , the traditional loincloth from bark fiber, and strips of batik - from the hdoks above the selimat and place the headbands, Finally, the wara sets the date for the final day of the ceremmy after hung, made of rotan and coconut leaf around their heads. Tne wara considering whether the goods accdated by the fanily are sufficient opens the selimat and remves the skulls of the ancestors which have to satisfy the spirits. The final day (penghabisan) is characterized been tied into batik cloth which is now tied aromd the neck and shoulders by the sacrifice of a buffalo, a particularly large nunber of guests and of the dancers. Smtimes and in sore places, the dancers also hold visitors who wm to attend the sacrifice and the last ngerankau per- dewrative tassles, ibus of daun biru, in their hands which they swing folmance, and the final journey of the spirits to heaven. to the rhyth of the kelentangan. 2he Buffalo Sacrifice The wara leads the dancers h the longhouse in single file and back to i the seJimat, each time varying the steps and increasing the pace. lhis 'Before the feast, the family has purchased me or several buffalos Enid is done seven tirres and the wara may change with another man as garonq, transported to the village where it is kept in the surromding mead-. or leader of the ngerankau, by handing over his staff. After the A strong pole is carved, usually in the shape of a hman figure, painted seventh th, all dancers gather again at the selimat and with the and erected on the wide open field below the longhouse. Tnis blontang exclanation 'ho, ha, he' i.e. 'finished' end their dance, redeposit sMls, is used to tie the buffalo to by means of a long, strong rotan vine. dresses, headbands, and ibus decorations and sit dam again handing the In some villages, the buffalo is penned in a bdoo cage on the last floor over to the mm. morning. After the mrning food offerings and nwrning mal, the wara, followed by fdlyhers and the crmd of vill ers and spectators, goes Whereas it is the intention of the men to display variation of movmmt towards the buffalo and explains to it the reasonTor its fate. Ile sits £ran easy to more difficult and of pace from slow to fast, and express on the pen and in his incantatim tells the buffalo: "you will be boldness and exuberance, scaretimes resulting in dcand grotesque slaughtered by mm for the benefit of mwkind, but don't be sad but steps which make the audience jolt with laughter, the m'sngerankau rwember that you are the one who brings wellbeing to us and our ancestors. is an expressim of slow and solenn grace, intended to impress the and it is for this reason that we have raised you." These incantaticns go ancestors with the beauty and kindness fomd ammg their female descen- on hr an hour or so, while the buffalo is marked with white circles on the dants. At first led by the ajuh turu, the wwen mre frequently change shoulders and decoratedwith red ribbons at the horns and a candle at its their leader in order to give each of them a chance at displaying her tail. Finally, this candle is lit, the pen opened, and the buffalo let free beauty, skills and dress. After seven times, however, the m,too, only restricted by the rope which attaches it to the blontang. Eventually, end their part of the hce and the ajuh turu returns to look after the the burning candle will infuriate the animal and it will stmpede out of preparatim for the late night food offerings. While mst of the the pen and circle around the blon tang. At this point, the yo- men will spectators leave, a few m and wcmen stay wake with the wara and his pursue it and try to stab it with their lances (tomb&) aiming at the assistant to participate in the incantations intended to call the spirits circle marks which indicate the seat of liver, lung and heart and are to their Late supper. The penduduk which during the dance was covered said to be difficult to hit with a nmning animal. Needless to say, with a red and white cloth is mcovered and food placed on the telanqkanq. @e buffalo, while a plqanimal, is swift and dangerous when in paiqand The wara and those remaining sit around the selimat and begin to address danger, will attack violently anybody approaching him, and the the skulk inside in order to call the kelelungan; thereafter, they also ~~~~asts,one to ,hours, mil the buffalo finally suchs to call the liau who after seating themselves on the white and red seats are the many murds and the loss of blood. At this point, a young ram repre- presented with aefpd. It goes without mtioning that each time the senting the liau with a white flag tied to his tomb& stabs the animal from spirits are given food and drinks, the dancers and wara share in it and the left, while another one with a red flag representing kelelungan stabs take their meal at the saw time. it fran the right. Eventually, the wara severs the head with his mandau, takes the red ribbons from the horns and attaches them to the blontang. Focd giving and nqerankau take place every day and night throughout the Some of the buffalo's blood is -ed over the blontang, and the wara duration of the kwangkei cermy. On certain days, hmever, special divides the mat: for himself, heart, lung, liver and the right breast and food is served: thus, 7 days before the final day, a nunber of chickens right fore and hind leg; for the mrmMlity the right side of the animal. are slaughtered, and 3 days before, several pigs are killed and presented This latter half is divided into smaller pieces which are roasted .over a to the spirits. large open fire where also sticky rice (suman) is cooked in bmba tubes. Both meat and stman are served for the evening meal to the large nuher of Also, cn certain days the wara acampmies the &ers of the fmily to the guests and the spirits. The head of the buffalo is taken by the wara up cemtery and the grave where the ancestors have been lying in state until into the longtw-e and placed near the selimat. Scme of the meat will be the present cermy. There, they sit on ihe grave and converse with the cooked the next morning while the skull will be fixed to me of the poles liau preparing him for his final journey. Fkmwhile, the sculptor is of the lamin in c-ration of the event. completing the canring of the blontanq for the buffalo sacrifice, as well The buffalo sacrifice at fmerals has replaced hunan sacrifices which the Benuaq had to make in earlier tiu~sin order to appease their ancestors. Not always were the victims procured in headhunting excursions but often The next cerenmy, perforrrred during a short break in the dance, is called were slaves purchased frm a neighbring group. Weddik (1849 :153-56) selantuk (or sengerarnuk) and represents the spirits' passage at the keramuk reports the same sacrifice for the neighboring Bahau and 'JSmjung: tree, a tree with black fruit. To symbolize this, the wara takes little pieces of charcoal powder mixed with coconut. oil with which he draws black The Bahau do not always go for a headhunting expedition at lines on the cheeks of the audience. This is said to be a sign of receiving the death of persons of noble status or other iuportant the spirits in the ddst of their fdy. events; but they sa~tj~~sask in some neighbon'ng villages for a living slave. This is never refused. Each inhabitant FollaJing this, the dancers continue. At a certain mmmt they stop and contributes sow of his n-cmey for the purpose. 'Ihe victim thrm white rice over the heads of the audience. This term referred is returned in triunph to the village where he is killed at to as selisat represmts the spirits ' passage under a langsat tree whose his arrival under the savage clamor of all bystanders. white fruit, falling £rm the tree as it is shaken by the spirits, are represented by the falling grains of rice. The Tunjung differ somewhat. Upreturning to their village they prepare a feast. The slave is tied to a pole Another littie ceremny, called selayuk , mists in members of the audience upwhich a wild dance of m and wmen around the victim giving each other little blows on shoulder and neck. This is to symbolize begins. After some time, the warren approach the victim the fall of the layung fruit, a durian-like red fruit with sour taste, as dancing, and each one takes her turn TI stabbing the poor the spirits pass der the layung tree. According to others, tasting fran slave in various parts of his body. In order to prevent the sour fruit the spirit suddenly shudders as it is raninded that, despite the desecration of the ceremdly by the wailing of the all the merriment in the midst of his family, he is dead and actually far unfortunate victim his muth is tied with a piece of cloth. away from his beloved relatives, whereupon he beats his forehead in a gesture After the wmien have tortured him long enough, the m of sadness and despair. appear with their mandaus and not long afterwards is he relieved from his suffering by death. Finally, another cerenrmy consisting of the sprinkling of water over the audience, marks the arrival of the spirits at the D anurn R aya (big water) , Thus, the origin of the blontang probably is in the pole to which the a lake at the foot of Gunq Lunut . Resting from the journey, the spirits slaves were formerly tied. &dike the Bahau and Kenyah, the Benuaq and bathe in the water and try to catch som of the dlfish junping in the Tunjmg staged fewer headhunt expeditions as tky r uired less lake. This splashing is symbolized by the water thrown by the wara over heads - or rather the spinits2 those hunan beings ki8ed, the head the heads of the participants with the wrds: "as tKs water is sprinkled being only the seat of the kelelungan spirit - to serve their great dead on you, may the life of you and your children be as cool as water!" Cool here in the netherworld. The buffalo represents wealth and pawer for the refers to a relaxed and balanced character free of tenseness and rash (hot) Benuaq and Tunjw, but unlike for the Toraja who sacrifice dozens of ations and aggressions. buffalos at the fmerals of high ranking persons, it does not serve to establish large herds and wealth for the spirits of the deceased but to provide the spirit with a slave servant. However, the abolition of slavery With this cermy, called sensebui (or mentota) the dance and the public in Dayak society has even taken away much of the significance of this part of the cerem3~ycorns to an end. By now, about 1 or 2 o'clock in the sacrifice, which today only .symbolizes great honor and effort on behalf naming, mst of the audience leave, weary of the past nights and weeks of the descendants. of daily participation in the cermny, and only the wara and the family .- members organizing the cerentmy remain. Food is again given to the spirits, The Journey to Paradise and thereafter the clothes and other presents by the fwcily are presented to the liau and kelelungan (nguai or ngorak owa i.e. getting new clothes). The final night of the cermny, in which the wara will take the spirits on their journey to heaven, also begins with the feeding of the spirits The kelelunqan asks, via the wara, what he has been called for. Some followed by a final, spectacular performance of the nqerankau dance which representative of the family answers: to give the spirits who have lived is attended by a large audience. Tnis tim, the dance is interrupted in destitution now for many years and whose dress has' been tom to rags, several tines by the wara for a nunber of ritual gestures which axe to a set of new clothes which they rmst wear on their journey. 'Ihe repi-e- indicate the first stages in the final journey. The order of these stages sentative of the fdly then asks whether the goods which the spirits have seem to vary from village to village and the follaJing description repre- received are sufficient and please than, and the men, on behalf of the sents a compromise between the different variants. ancestral liau, answer that they are glad to receive the fwd and clothes given to than. Tnis dialogue continues for a muple of hours. At a certain pint in the dance, the ajuh tjru and smof the other vmmn get up and throw little pieces of rotan covered with burning wax over the Finally, the wara climbs on his vehicle, a board suspended on two ropes heads of the audience. This cermy is called sensiwo after the fruit under the rmf of the longhouse called seleung, and begins the final part siwo which causes burns on the skin like the fire. It is a sign of welm of the journey with the liau. I£ the priest is a setanqis, he uses a boat for the spirits but also represents the passage of the spirits of the siwo tree, wbse fruit they taste. -101-

As the journey continues, the nmber of spirits to accampany account originated. For villages in East Mimantan this journey will the traveller increases until the Jurai -a rock. Here, include different places: for exaple, from the villages on the upper the saliva of the arriving spirit is exanined by the older Tuwg, the stations mtioned to us were: Sungai Soya (a tributary of spirits who cheer him if its saliva is dark red (fran betel) the upper Tbmg) , Siwo Soyau (on the upper Lawa) , Danom Raya , Smgai rather than dull, because this is again a sign of honesty and &a, Gmmg Piyoyang , Kaka Hokang or Gurnrng Ayos , Gun- Lmt. Thus , goodness in his former life. it appears that the traditions presene the mryof the actual geogcaphic locations situated between the present village and the Gmmg Lu~utin The jomey mntinues until the south of the Mea which the Central Kalimantan, and it is possible that these traditions - which are pram enters. Here, the spirit of the deceased meets with learnt by each waralsetansi during his training - are a guide to the the hersof his f&ly who have died before him. He ( actual lnigratians of the Benuaq goups in East and Central Kalhantw and shares with them the clothes which are in his coffin as well that .@mung Lurmt represents their place of origin. ?his fact would as the china dishes. In return, his ances tral spirits offer explain the variations in the accomts which differ £ran village to him delicious food and for dessert rambutan. \ village but have certain basic elements in mnand represent a cultural complex shar'ed by all Lawangan groups. Ran the place Kakah Hokang, the spirit is left to travel alone without the wara who gives him a lqto help him Regardless of Mchjourney they take, all spirits (liau) which arrive through the coming part of the road which is going to get an through at Gmung Laxnut believed to be weighed there for their sins with a dark. He passes a place called Punt- Krendun which balance (terajuk) and only tbse free of sin are allowed to continue to is said to be very dark. Lewu Liau, the land of the spirits. Laung Ran there he continues until Puntmg and offers the THE ECONOMICS OF WQ(EI spirits on the road fwd, berries of grapes, and face pcwder. When he reaches P~mtungLaung, he is no longer It is useful to consider for amtthe expenditures for the cererrmy. allwd to smke. From there he passes Lqur Batuan, keeping in mind that mst of the Ben- families are poor and lack the then Gcanie Ajau. Here is is again served food by the older means for basic fwd, clothing and health care. Where are the benefits which frcm spirits consists of meat pig, deer and buffalo. then of the spectaadar herd cererrnnies such as kwangkei? F'rm here on, apparently he does no longer we the praw Table 2 represents the outlays made during a typical feast converted into but has tobdk until lake Baya. Here, together with the appr-te Rupiah and Dollar prices other spirits he chases saluang, a local type of fish. Total Cost On his hrther journey, the spirit is served tuak (rice Item in Rupiah in US$ (1:630) brandy) which he drinks together with the other spirits until they are all elated. According to the song of the 1 buffalo wara, the vessel in which this tuak is served consists of 5 pigs @ 50 kg buffalo homs safe 80 an. long. At Nungker Nak!sm drinking 12 chickens stops. At Batan Katui, the spirit is received with the 2.5 t rice @ 250/kg somd of large gongs (ketdmg) and at arrival, he himself 100 kg sugar is given a gong to beat. 100 coconuts 4 tins of oil The journey continues and mre arad mre spirits join the traveller has'now entered who the border (Baun Patengnyau) wara's wages of the tawn of the deceased. 'Ihe shouting and &ering gets louder, and the earth reverberates with the noise of Carver of selimat the drums and gongs and the feet of those dancing in his welcome, until he finally reaches Lhut, the town of the 1 antang souls. 1 shirt 1 trouser Here, he stays for a certain time until he can continue his 1 batik cloth journey to the Lewu Liau." (lanmto .1963:4041) * 1 plate It is likely that this account makes reference to actual place names on 1 tong the upper Mea river, wd in saw way reflects the journey between kmg Lwt and the village in Central Kalimantan, where the author of the Total Cost The income fran tl-ese various forms of fund raising - which at tirres may in Rupiah actually exceed the costs and yield a profit - belongs amg the mre tangible benefits of the ceremny. The intangible benefits can be sma~d up mder the label 'insurance against an uncertain future' : by procuring for their ancestors the living hope to avoid the wrath and revenge of 4 antq angry ancestral spirits which may send evil and misfortule on their 1 tombak descendants if not properly cared for. Cn the other hand, they are 1- P= (small jar) reassured by the cammion with the spirits of their deceased family 14 plates I umbers and the promise that death is only a step towards another life 1 set men's clothes where they can continue to share the campany and joys of friends, fdly 1 set XXETI'S clothes and comnnzity &ers while preparing for the distant journey to the land 2 mandau of their ancestors. Thus, for the Benuaq life has no end but is a sequence 1 kapak of phases and different stages of consciousness. Those who have lived 1 large tikar before them'and those who will be born after them are all oontanporaries 12 white plates in a wider social ccmnumity whose hers live free of disease, pain and fear. The kwanqkai ceremy, then, is the renewed promise that one day TOTAL those who nm liw in misery and illness will enter this cmmmity which has the pleasures of life witbut its pains and anxieties. Table 2. Expenditures for Funeral Ceremny

This is considerable if compared with the average annual family ina~which anrunts to about I@. 700,000 (appr. lip. 375,000 value of subsistence food 1. kbllinckmdt, Het Adatrecht van Borneo, Leiden, 1928, 2 vols. production and Q. 325,000 cash inaxne from off-fann activities) , especially if one considers that mst of these item have to be purchased and therefore 2. Andreas Messing, Base Line Surveys Dd,Muara Lawa, Barong Tongkok, require cash in am^. Thus, it is not surprising if an average family takes TAD, 1981. about five years to acamdate the fmds for the cerwony mder nonnal circlansmces. In practice, however, various means of £und raising are 3. According to other informants, the kelelungan proceeds to a mmtain employed which give, the funeral feast the character of a fair and attract whose location varies according to the different Benuaq areas. Thus, for even mre people to the village than ddotherwise be the case, and con- the Pahu Benuaq it is Pbmt kajas on the upper 'hang. vert it for several weeks into Lively place. First, the mwbers of the fanily themselves and other villagers set up tents and stalls where they 4. FD~is the generic term for a death spirit covering both 1iau and sell drinks and fwd, fran which a percentage is used for financing the costs kelelungan . of the cereuwny. Second, the organizer of the cerermny - usually the head of the household - invites nmous traders who set up booths selling cloth, 5. Blontanq is the carved sculpture to which the sacrificial buffalo is clothing item and household wares. They also give a certain anumt of their tied; selimat contains the skulls of the deceased ancestors during the profits to the family. Finally and financially mst importnatly, tests are ceremmy; tepla' is the carved sarcophagus where the bones of the dead will set up at sane distance fran the village where garbling goes on during the be laid to rest at the end of the ceremony. nights of the ceremony and where, mtil late night, quite a crowd of people can still be found. The usual garnes are card g-s with bets made on a red- spun 6. I have used photography as an explorative tool taking photos of objects white dice which is around under a metal cover mtil it is uncovered and action which were represented to participants in the ceremonies with at the end of the gm~giving the take to the players sitting on the side requests to explain the contents of the photo. Interviews were conducted facing the red side of the dice. The holder of the bank, who has usually to get additional information on the meaning of actions and incantations, been asked by the organizer of the funeral to organize the gam, turns over as well as to elucidate certain concepts which were mtioned in the photo thirty per cent of his profits for the financing of the ceramny. explanations. Here, phtos will be used for dmstrating objects and actions and illustrating the interpretations given by infomts: -It was In this way, hds are raised even while the ceremny is already going on, 1 attempted to obtain photos illustrating specifically objects or actions ad the wara is told every evening about the take of the bank on which he rnentiuned in the interpretations of the informants, but this still remains bases, to a certain extent, his decision when to set the date for the final an incomplete attempt as no photos could be obtained of the mysmall day of the cermy. The pending decision of the Indonesian president to ritual performances hing the last night when the spirits are taken to forbid all form of gambling as of April 1,4981will have a considerable I heaven. impact on the financing of the Benuaq funerary cergMnies and perhaps reduce them in frequency and expenditures made, as it will take the family a longer 7. It is ody during the later pet of the kwangkei cerenrmy that these thto acdate or recover the expenses. marks are made on'the blowpipe since during the first days and weeks, kelelunqan cannot yet be reached and does not oorre daJn this way. Soils 1) In corrparing the problems of burning between a primary and secondary forest swidden he states that remedial measures are possible in secondary Burrough is correct in advising caution in the use of soil data, especially forest farming (i.e. additional weeding) but are not yossible in primary when used by the social scientist to at empt to explain social behavior forest (i.e. secondary burning). One certainly doesn t mve around large such as the developoent of land rights.E It was for this reason that I unbumt logs in a swidden to achieve a second bum, but many Deyaks provided the scale for every soil map consulted so that the reader would acmmplish a second bum of primary forest by collecting brush, piling be aware of the relative accuracy of each and the limitability of my con- it around larger logs and stlmps and then starting a series of small fires. culsiom that were dram. Even so, enough soil data was available to show Thus, a poor first burn of primary forest can be partially offset. the unwarrantable of Appell's hypothesis that "pwr soil" was a causal iI factor in the developrrr?nt of a very different systan of land tenure (that 2) Dove's figures of dramatically lower yields for swidden made in primary of tenure of limited duration) anmg the Ihrngus than that which developed forest;,ovr2r those of midden made in secondary forest are rather surprising. mmg other Dayak groups (that of permanent tenure). lhis becam clearly While this may have been the case during the year or t~ he was in his apparent when the i3.mgus area was compared to the kyan area, where the I village I question whether this is an accurate partrayal of the situation. soil data to which I referred were actual soil profiles and not soil maps. In my fiel- mgthe greater Lrtngan (Lawangan) Dayak group rmst individuals stated that they got higher yields in primary forest swidden According to the soil profiles taken in Tdanglayang, a village located in than they did in secondary forest swidden. Even in areas where people the heart of the Faanyan area and very close to the village of Telang (where clhd to get lower first year yields on "old" forest than they did on Hudson's study took place-Hudson, 1967), Driessen et a1 (1976) reported a first year yeilds on \'yomg" forest!. they always got better second year quartz sand content of 95 to 99 percent. Tnese soil profiles can be con- yields on the "old", or primary: forest swidden. Thus this increased the sidered fairly representative of the greater Maanyin area as this region's incentive to clear "old", or prq,forest. soils are quite uniform, unlike the other Da ak areas which have been con- sidered in these discussions on land tewe.l Thus, Appell's hypothesis 3) The division of land used for swidden into semndary and primary that ''poor soils" lead to the developent of tenure of ted duration forest, and then stating that people prefer one over the other is rather rather than pement tenure doesn't appear to bld tm9 The Maanyan simplistic. The actual situation is far mre ccmplex. In the area where rnaintain a system of pemment tenure and yet they resid in a region which I worked8 I sw what could best be described as a sixfold division of land would fit Appell's definition of land with "poor soils". 2 types : 1. Primary forest, 2. Old secondary fores t (that is land which hasn t been used for swidden for 50 or mre years), 3. Ymg secondary Precipitation forest (that is land which has been used in recent menmry -probably 7 to 20 years ago) , 4. Scrub land, 5. ~lang-slang (iqerata cylindrica) grass, The belief that precipitation data is a critical envirmntal determinate and 6. Bamboo forest. Individuals chose different types of land to make has been the m~sBserious error in this debate. Rather sadly, Dove failed swiddens for different reasons. to understand this point. 'Ihe differences in precipitation ~~rongthe various areas der consideration is indeed sizeable, but in terms of One of the first considerations in choosing the site for a new swidden is r5this variance is insignificant. It is obvious thFESTSes not its location. Is it close to the village, does it have access to the river un erstand the term "udic misture regime" as he questioned my statmt or a good walking path so that it can be easily reached, is there a source that all five areas under consideration were of the smmoisture regime. of fresh water for drinking and cooking, etc. A second consideration Unlike social science terminology, "udic misture regime" is a technical revolves around the long term plans for the piece of land. ~otan(rattan) agromnic term whi&..is isthe atically defined. It is not based solely is an important traditional crop in mch of Borneo, both for home use and upon total precipita ion in a given region but also upon its distribution mre recently for sale. A rotan garden planted after a swidden made from throughout the yea^.^ me type of noisare reg- present in an area primary forest grows faster than one planted after a swidden made from any affects the growth of plants, such as whether or not they are likely to other type of land. Young men may opt for prirrary forest land in choosing suffer water stress and wilt. Since in all areas under consideration here a swidden site so that they can plant rotan, as well as establish land rights. we £find an udic misture regime plant powth should be equal prwided other Other individuals may choose old secondary forest in an area which hasn't enviromtal factors are also equal (type of soil, temperature, topography, been used since the time of their grandparents. Even though this land may etc. ) . This disproves Appell 's belief that ". ..the increased rainfall in be far £rm the present village center, some individuals will opt fQr such Sarawak areas.... tends to encourage the regeneration of tree species in a land since it will be richer than young secondary forest and gbod for making swidden and discourage the grmth of weeds in anparison to the Rmgus permanent gardens of coffee or coconut after it has been used for a year area" (1971 :19) . as a swidden. Such land, being away from the village, is also a good place to raise livestock, especially carbau, without having to mrry about theft Distribution of precipitation during the ye& is a much mre critical concern or your animals ruining a neighbor's garden. for swidden cultivators, Dove brings out this point but adds som rather questionable points regarding prirrary verses secondary forest. Those individuals interested in only tMs year's swidden usually look for young secondary forest which is conveniently located. This will be a The Evolution of Land Tenure piece of land which is close to their house or to the village, and one which has good access to a spring or river for drinking and cooking A final axrmentregarding Dove's article pertains to the -ing pattems water. During the 1980181 agricultural year I witnessed a nher of of land tenure. It is rather mystifying that he cites rn as one of tk people in the upper Teweh River choose their sites based upon another scholars wbviews the evolutionary process of changing Land rights with- consideration. Since the prices paid for rotan during the past year have out full consideration of the social, political and ecodc determinates. risen dramtically many villages spent large mmts of time during the This is particularly strange since he only cites my article in the BRB dry season cutting rotan for sale. Subsequently, they were late in and not my larger manuscript (1979a), which is based upon a detaileh preparing a swidden site. Many of these individuals decided to make their historical account of the developnt of land laws and traditional land swiddens in bamboo forest not far from the village proper. This choice tenure mng the midden cultivators of Borneo. Far from suggesting a was wide since bmdxm forest, while taking considerable time to slash, 1-1 developmt of land rights as a simple functbn of increasing dries quickly. A good bum was thus possible in less than a week after population/land pressure, I argue that there has been a fluid respanse slashing. Even tbugh bamboo forest couldn't be used for a second year by Bayak anmnmities based upthe combination of historical, social and due to the rapid regrwth of the banboo, yields were very high due to economic factors which have impinged upon these camunities and their land the high lim mtent of the bamboo ash. tenure systems. ?here is no one single pattern of changing land tenure practices in Borneo. In saconnunities household rights have waned In the Thjq Plateau of the upper Elahakam River much of the land falls while in others the have strengthened. Likewise, in som cammities into the categories of young secondary forest, scrub or alang-alang grass village land rightsP 0 have lessened and in others thy have becorre mre land. The choice beams one of cutting forest or slashing grass and important. scrub. Since the grass and scrub lands are easily cut and burn well the first year yield of such swidden is generally higher than that made on Sumnary and Conclusions young secondary forest. Still, many people will choose yomg secondary forest even though it is located further from the village and the first It can be plainly seen that Appell (1971) in formulating his hypothesis, year's yield is less than the grass and scrub land swiddens. They do so and Dove (1980) in supporting it, have overestimated the influence that since semnd and third year swidden yields are far better on such land.9 envirmmntal factors have had upon the developnent of land rights in Borneo. Certain ecological features, such as the distribution of rain- Weighing Ecological Factors fall, play a critical role in successful swidden farming, but none that have been proffered in this ongoing debate have proven to be key deter- Dove misstates my' position as being rather absolute with such statemnts as, minates in the deveLop?nt of land rights. This has been shown here and ''Weinstock (says). . .that land tenure ~racticesin Borneo do not m-varv with in my earlier article in the (Weinstock, 1979) through the comparison ecological £a&&. 1" and 'Weinstock ?concludes) . . .that ecological factors of the Fkmgus area to the Maanyan area, both of which have similar environ- are mt determinate at all". While it is unfortunate that Dove has mis- rental conditions and yet have very different patterns of land tenure. understood my position, it should suffice to note that I emnot so naive as This is even mre clearly visible through comparison of the Kayan and the to believe that ecolog&al factors are not determinate at all. Kenyah Dayaks ho have different land tenure pattems anjllyet they live in the smenviromt (Whittier, 1973 and Rousseau, 1974) . Dwe complains that I did mt fairly judge the environmental factors since I took them singly while trying to maintain (but not necessarily assuning) According to all of the data currently available, the development and other factors constant. Yet, if one is to prove a certain envirmtal evolution of land tenure practices amchlg the swidden cultivators of Borneo factor determinate, .as Dove clairns is the case for precipitation, then appears to be primarily a wnbined fmctbn of political, social, economic scientific method demands that all other factors remain constant. Hence, and historical factors rather than envirmtal factors. Where drm- Ibve contradicts himself by at one point stating that total precipitation mental factors are,important their role has been determined by the afore- determines the dewlopmt of land rights, and then at another point- suggest- mmtioned factors. In understanding land tenure we must carefully assess ing that land rights develop as the consequence of historical, social, and weigh the relative value of all of the factors of the natural and political and economic factors in con'uiction with envirmntal factors. In social spheres. It is highly unlikely that any one factor will prove to the fomr he states that a *mtal factor, rainfall, is . be determinate of itself, rather the unique'interaction of a nhrof determinate while in the latter he sees the mique set of social and factors or varying weight and influence will most likely be the key to cultural factors determining the manner in which envircmental factors understanding each case individually play a role (i.e., the social and cultural factors as the real determinates). Certainly envirotmmtal factors are inportant considerations in mders tan* the development of land rights but they ha- not proven to be the sole determinates, not particularly critical deeenxinates , in explaining 1. I am indebted to Dr. Arrrand Van Wambeke, tropical soils specialist in differences in patterns of land tenure across the island of Borneo. the Department of Agronomy at Cornell University, and Dr. Hari Eswaran, tropical soils s ecialist in the Agronomy Deparmt at the University of Gent (Eklguirn~, for their assistance. 2. During my current research of the Luangan (Lawangm) Dayaks, whose 11. As noted earlier (Weinstock, 1979 :12) , even historically the Kayan and area lies to the north of that inhabited by the Maanyan Day&. I have the Kenyah Dayaks inhabited the same environment as they both claim the had occasion to visit the Maanyan region. The hmgeneity of the soils Apo Kayan region as tkir ancestoral homeland of the greater byan region, which exhibits a high level of quartz sand, is plainly visible to the naked eye. In fact, the Luangan- Dayaks Bibliography: Appell, G. N., 1971, "Systems of Land Tenure in Borneo: A refer to their neighbors, the Maanyan, as the "people of the sand land". Problem in Ecological Determinism", Borneo Research Bulletin, 3:17-20. Wlrraugh, P. A., 1979, "Soil Ehps and Swidden - A-iSEP7i3meo Research 3. The armunt and distribution of rainfall in these bm areas are also Bulletin, 11,2:46-51. Dove, M. R. 1980, "Dwelopnent of Trzal Land-Pights similar, but the fallacy of using precipitation data will be discussed in Borneo: The Role of Ecological Factors", Borneo Research Bulletin, 12, elsewhere in this article. 1:3-19. Driessen, et a1 1976, "The Influence o i ting tivation on a 'Podzalic' Soil ~om~tralKalimantanq'. Sd2hA& 1065oil &search 4. Again referring to my earlier article (1979:12), the Kerryah and the Institute, Bogor. Hudson, A. B. , 1967, he Ethno h and Social Kayan Dayaks reportedly have different form of land tenure and yet Sbxcture of. a Ma'anyan Dayak Group in SoutmY- they live in the same regions of Borneo and thus are dealing with the dissertation in Anthropolw. Cornell University. Rousseau. J. , 1974, same enviromnt . The Social Organizat& of-&e Baluy Kayan, ~h.b.dissertatioq Cambridge University. Weinstoc , J. A., ' co ogical Determinism: Is the 5. The point of whether or not a good burn is achieved is another issue Appell Hypothesis ValFd?", Born~~'~s&~Bulletin, 11.1 :3-13. Weinstock, which will be discussed later in this article. J.A., 1979a. Land Tenure Practices of the Swidden Cultivators of Borneo, I% thesis in kural Sociology, Cornell University. Whittier, H. L., 1Yi3 6. Precise calculation of the misture reg* of an area requires daily Social Organization and S 01s of Social Differentiation: An Etlmographic records of precipitation. While the data with which I had to work only Study of the Kenyah Day&?£ East Kalimantan (Borneo). Ph.D. dissertation gave mthly totals, the fact that there was no true "dry" period in any in Anthropology, Michigan State University. of these areas indicated an extrare unlikelihood that any misture regime other than an udic one wdd occur. NEWS AND ANNOUNCEMENTS 7. I use the term "old" and "young" forest here since the comparison in some areas is not between true virgin forest and secondary forest, rather Borneo %search Council Meet- it is between h&st that may be 50 to 100 years old verses 10 to 15 year old forest. There will be a meeting of the Bomeo Research Council during the Annual Meeting of the American Anthropological Association in Los Angeles, Cali- 8. I covered armjor portion of the greater Luangan (hangan) myak area fornia. The meting will be held in the Detroit Room of the Los Angeles which stretches fmm the Barito River in Central Kalimantan to the Hilton from 5:30 - 7:00 p.m., Saturday, Dec- 5. All Fellows and persons Ehkm River in East Kalimantw. This research was sponsored by a interested in Borneo are cordially imrited, and are encouraged to suKt Nbright-Hays research grant and a grant from the International Agriculture items for the agenda as soon as possible. Program at Cornell Wversity . 9. Population pressure on the Tunjung Plateau has created ecological Loan for Hydroelectric Project in Malaysia degredation, with nost people planting three or four years in a rw with Approved by Asian Darelopment Bank a fallow of only a few years. An estimated 14,000 households will receive electricity for the first time, 10. I &d suggest that Dave use the term "village" rather than "long- and 30,000 existing consms will benefit from a least-cost and reliable house" when referring to such land rights since not all Dayaks live in supply of energy, with the aid of a ES40.4 million loan approved by the longhouses, either presently or even historically. It is a cormn myth Asian Developnent Bank today for the Batang Ai Hydropmer Project in the that all Day& live in longhouses and hunted heads. It should be mentioned East Wlaysian state of Sarawak. .__ that the Luangan Oawangan) Dayaks, like many of the Dayaks of southern ! Borneo did little, if any, headhunting and never lived in longhouses . In The harnessing of the power of the Batang Ai River will develop an imhgenous fact, the wanstill tend to live in dispersed settlements with one or and renewable energy resource in a state where only 38 per cent of the popda- tm large fanily houses in a clearing located anywhere £ron five minutes tion of 1.3 dlion now has access to electricity, but where the darand for to several hours travel from a village proper. These are permanent hs electrical service is rapidly growing. and not field houses. Burgeoning industrialization and fast-rising population have increased en- sales by the government-wed Sarawak Electricity Supply Corporation (SESCO) at an annual rate of 16.1 per cent since 1970. Sales are forecast to Asia Foundation Grants continue to grow at a pace of 12.8 per cent a year for the next 14 years. The Asia Foundation made the follaring grants from the Indonesia Program Besides meeting this future demand for power, the Project will induce during October, 1979 to September, further industrial and comwrcisl diversification of the agriculture-based 1980: economy; reduce heavy dependence on oil imports for the largely diesel-fired - $8,658 to enable INOHRRA (Indonesian Secretariate for the Developnent of present generation systan; and lessen air pollution caused by burning fossil Hman Resources in Rural Areas) to convene a seminar in South Kalimantan on fuels. problem in inplementing transmigration programs. $9,255 to enable PERlWS (Wanen's Association of the Republic of Indonesia) The Project is designed to generate and transmit 92 megawatts of hydroelectric - through dams, to establish a Vocational. Training and Service Center to increase the income power the construction of four rockfill a parer station, a 275- of rurah wmm in South Kalbtan. kilowatt transmission line to the state capital of Kuching about 215 kilaneters - $9.707 to enable the Center for the Studv of Land Law at Jambung kmhrat the t away, and consulting services for construction. The Project is scheduled lh&xsity to ppblish and distribute the for the Study of-Land to be completed in 1986. ~bl b. - $172 to enable a staff member of the k~larratUniversity Central Library to attend a ribrarisltraining program h ~okakarta. The creation of an 84-squate-kilometers reservoir will necessitate resettling $1,376 to enable Ldnmg Mangkurat University to use the services of a 26 Iban cmmmities caprising about 2,600 people. hder a program developed - after than visiting professor to develop skills and research methodologies in the law, more three years of planning and close consultation with the education, econcnnics, and socio-politicalfaculties. affected cmmmities, the families will be resettled nearby where they can retain their traditional pattern of life but will be given the opportmity Statement on Missionary and Church Archives to *rove their standard of living by changing from subsistence-level shifting cultivation to mre penment cash-crop agriculture. (News Release, Bank, The International Association for Mission Studies Working Party on Mission Asian Development 17 September 1981) Studies and Mormation Management, meeting in F&m in 1980, drafted a statanent enphasizing the need for developing church/mission archives, parti- Proboscis Need Sanctuaries cularly in societies wrmg whose membess oral records have been predonrinant. The future of the proboscis rnmkey is "grim", writes Sonia Jeffrey, wbis The following are excerpts fmm the Statanent: studying. the speci- in Kalimmtan. . . Lo& is rapidly destroying their 1.3. The IN% is concerned to promote the creation, preservation, and use of habitat, and there is soue danger of their being in derrand for zws and labora- archives coacted on the one hand with the kstory of western missionary tories. Endemic to Borneo, and.classified in the Red Data Book as a threatened mvemnts, and on the other with the history of the Churches of Africa, Asia, species, probosciq are only to be found close (less than one Ian) to large Latin Amrica, and Oceania. rivers and estuaries, which, because the rivers are the main mans of cormmi- cation, is precisely where human settlement occurs, and also where the timber 3.2. We emphasize, in particular, the importance of oral records. It is a cmpanies have their base canps and sadlls. In the IPPL Newsletter she problem in myChristian crmnnmities that the literate cdture . . . does not describes haw proboscis, which on some rivers have been hunted right out, are correspond well with what people commmicate in the oral culture. . . To easy to capture as they sleep in trees overhanging the rivers; if they are neglect one af the other record is to truncate Christian witness, to distort - through neglect - inspiration Fmm and knowledge of the past, and so to make it frightened by men on the bank they drop into the water, where they are easily how picked up by men in-boats and tied up. Although they are protected by law, so difficult for a Church to explain what she is, and she came to be. that it is an offence 'To possess one, enforcement is not effective, wen in 4.1. We ask the UPS, through its Standing Gnmdttee on Echives, Biblio- the ports where they are sold for high prices to the crews of the ships exporting graphy. and Documentation, to co-ordinate surveys in Third World countries in the logs. Research is now -d at determining the requirements of the proboscis order to determine the location and extent of present Mission or Church so that adequate sanctuaries can be set up. (B.Vol. XV, No. 5, Decenber archival. collections. 1980, p. 432) 4.3. We recomnd that the IAPE undertake the preparation of a handbook on Indonesia Bans Prhte Exports appropriate technology and procedures for local Qnsch Archives in the 3rd World. For mre information about such projects, readers are encouraged to ate Indonesia, which had orighally planned to allow 25,000 mmkeys to be exported Mr. Paul Jenkins, Basler Mission, CH-4000 Basel 3, Postfach, Switzerland. in 1980 - mainly for medical research - banned exports entirely in February. after reports of high nvrtality in transport. Malaysia and the Philippines are now the largest Asian suppliers. In 1979 Japan imported 8136 dys,minly from Indonesia, which sent 3428, followed by Bolivia (2436) and Pklaysia (1164). 1 Nineteen other countries were involved, including seven withut native mxlkey populations. (Oryx, Vol. XV, No. 5, December 1980, p. 444) Mrs. Kathleen Brooke, 1907-1981 in order to tie the hands of his successor who still looked like being Anthony. When Anthony announced finally that he was going to Singapore Mrs. Kathleen Brooke, former wife of Anthony Brooke and sometime Ranee M~da to interview the Governor on the issue, he was dismissed from the Sarawak of Sarawak, died in London on April 24, 1981. Born into a farnily frcm the Service and made a hazardous return to England with Kathleen via Athens. West Gnmtry, where so many members of the Sarawak Service were recruited, she mt Anthony Brooke through her brother, Conald Hudden, who saved for In early 1945, Anthony had again returned to favour. His title of Rajah myyears as District Officer for the Baram. One of the mst popular of Pkula was restored by the Rajah wkalso appointed him head of the Sarawak all the Brooke officials, he was killed in early 1942 in IXltch Borneo by Provisional Government wbse principal responsibility, apart from financial Iban ex-prisoners who had been released for this purpose by the Japanese. matters, was to conduct negotiations with the Colonial Office about the State's future. When these negotiations broke down over Anthony's refusal Marrying Anthony at Rangoon in September, 1939, Kathleen was soon to how of to accept tAe application of the Foreign Jurisdiction Act (which really the sometimes difficult relationship between him and his uncle, Sir Charles meant the abandonment of internal sovereignty to the British Cmwn), the Vyner Brooke. Amjor cause of this difficulty we that the Rajah had three Rajah dismissed him and speedily negotiated an agreement providing for the beautiN daughters but no sons. An effort appears to have been made by Ranee cession of Sarawak to the Crown, subject to the approval of the Malay and Sylvia, through the instnmmtality of Gerard MacBryan, the Rajah's remarkable Chinese leadership. Private Secretary, to alter the succession in famur of their eldest daughter, Lwnora, and her children. This was thwarted in 1930 when the then Datu The anrunjncement of the cession in the House of (lmmms on 6 February, 1946, Shahbandar, Abang Haji Abdullah, expressed his strong opposition, but the produced strong responses not only frcm Anthony and his father who insisted Ranee's hopes were rekindled when Leonora married the Earl of Inchcape and that they had not been consulted, but from the Sarawak &lays. When the had a son by him. cession was fomlized in July, opposition continued and in November, Antbny attempted to visit Sarawak. When he was refused entry, it was decided that Under the terms of Charles Brooke's political will, Anthony's father, Bertram, Kathleen should go in his place and rally anti-cession support. Mthgh the was the heir apparent to the Raj. HaJwer, he was only slightly younger than stated reason for her visit was to tend the grave of her baby niece at mi, the Rajah and by 1936 his health prevented him from retaining any role in the her eight-mnth tour was in fact an extension of the anti-cession campaign. governing of Sarawak. In preparation for a career in Sarawak which seemed Anthony and his legal adviser, W. C. Crocker, were keen that she should remin likely to culminate in his bechg the fourth Rajah, Anthy sixlied hlay there as long as possible in order to mbilize support. language and Islamic law at the School of Oriental and African Studies before being seconded to the &layan Civil Service in 1934 for tm years. It was clear ff?mmthe outset that the Singapore and Kuching authorities were at pains to rninmuze the @act of her visit. A dmstration planned for her By early 1939, Anthony was posted at bkah in the Third Division as a District arrival in Singapore by the Wted Sarawak Nationalist Association was banned Officer and shrt$y afterwards became klved in a virtual rebellion by the by the police, but there were 200 gaily decorated sampans waiting to greet outstation administrative officers against the r-acdting bureaucrats her as she stepped off the ship at Pending, shaded by the yellow umbrella of the Kuchmg Govment Secretariat who were ent on centralizing admini- traditionally used by the Brookes. Welcoming arches had been banned by the suation. By means of an inquiry into the dismissal of a junior officer from police, but she received extraordinary welcome in the kaqang area of Kuching his district, and with the tacit support of the Rajah who authorizekl the and was showered with bras kuning, another mkof royalty. Altw Anthy inquiry and sympathized with the administrative officers, Anthony succeeded in had been officially stripped of his title of Rajah Mda by Vyner Brooke, who obtaining the resignations of the Chief Secretary, the Financial Secretary, and retained the title of Rajah under the terms of the cession agreement, he was the Chief Justice. .In the process he had been given the title of Rajah Wda naw regarded by the Sarawak &lays as their legitimate ruler in all but name. by the Rajah who shorffy afterwards departed for England leaving Anthony in I charge as Officer Administering the Government. . Subsequently, Kathleen travelled the length and breadth of Sarawak under the auspices of the anti-cession hlay National Won and its Kaum rbu (~mn's I Although Anthony did not initiate any inportant changes during his six mmths branch), her closest ccsnpanions being Haji Su'aut Tahir and the late "Chegu" as Rajah Muda, he aroused the antagonism of sarne veteran officials wbse reports Lily Eberwein. Enduring considerable physical disdort during her travels to the Rajah resulted in the stripping of his title and the advice that he and the non-cooperation of sarne colonial government dfficials, Mrs. Bmke should return to -land to enlist. Through the intervention of Eiertram, the provided inspiration for the anti-cession wement. In fact, howev&, a section difference was patched up and Anthony returned to Sarawak with Kathleen in 1940. of the &lay National Union leadership was probably using her to obtain grass- Posted first to Simanggang and then to Bintulu, Anthy inevitably became involved roots support for a mvmtwhich they saw as ultimately pan-Indonesian. She in the discussions over the constitution which the Rajah foreshadowed in a at thsexpressed alarm at the left-wing ideas of some of her travelling proclamtion of 31 kch, 1941. At one level, the constitution with its limits companions, including Abang Han wbwas carrying with him some of the writings on the royal presogative was the means by whith the senior burmats could of Karl b.(Abang Han was later involved in the conspiracy to assassinate limit what they saw as the Rajah's irresponsibility in financial matters. At the Governor Dmcan Stewart at Sibu in Decaober 1949, and was sentenced to 15 same time, the Rajah seaned to be only too willing to rid himself of these pms years iuprisonment.) It is lmped that Mrs. Brooke's letters will be deposited at Fbdes House Re- to Singapore in February 1948, she told the press of the " . . . Library. Word, which already is the repository for a vast archive of iron curtain with regard to news of conditions in Sarawak." In a later Brooke fauly and other Sarawak material. A published selection of the statanent she gak a more detailed account of her impressions: letters would be of interest both to veterans of the anti-cessiorrist mve- ment (which has now achieved the stature of a nationalist struggle in the . . . I have cane away with a mst disquieting impression of the political ideology) and to students of Sarawak's recent history. totalitarian atms here which pexvades the entire country. The Governor is vesteBwtth far granter authority than the Rajah ever An unexpected tribute to Mrs. Bmke's efforts later caw frcm the Governor excercised except on the occasion of his questianable offer to of Sarawak, Sir Charles Arden-Clarke, whose unccmprdsing attitude to the Britain of Sarawak . . . and the Colonial Office appear to have anti-cession agitation and the barming of Anthony Brooke probably set the given the Governor a free hand to see that the annexation policy stage, for the Sibu affair. 'Please convey 9 kind ~egardsto your wife," works by any methods he deems suitable. There is evidence of Arden-Clarke wrote to Anthony Brooke in June 1949, t\mose courage, energy, intimidation of Gowrrnnent officials, both European and Asian, and pertinacity on your behalf in Sara&, though I deplored the cause for who have now been told that they are no longer merely administra- which she dked, evoked my respect and admiration." He was.not prepared to tive officers, but also political agents. Colonial Office experts provide an assurance that she ddreturn to Sarawak. (R. H. W. Reece, visiting Sarawak are advocating that European officers with long St. Antony's College, Oxford, May, 1981) distinguished service arrong the people of Sarawak . . . should be transferred to other British territories, and some officials are being warned in unequivocal terms that any question in Parliament BORNEO NEWS affecting their jurisdiction will davorably affect their prospects . . . If any disturbances arise they will, in my view, Borneo News have been caused by the radical changes which are ~KIW advocated without adequate compensation and agreement mng the people. The Sabah Society, in collaboration with the Malayan Nature Society, is two pleased to announce that arrangements have been made to reprint Smythies' The apparent quiet in Sarawak is due to causes - the anxiety The Birds of Borneo. The second.edition of this classic work was published of the anti-cessionists to re-gain their independence by lawful 'uz 1968, and has lang been unavailable. Indeed, it has become a collector's and peaceful means, and the tranendous influence of the former itan. Sarawak officials, who are conscientiously doing their best to carry out the annexation policy and at the same time to keep the The new edition has been prepared by the Earl of Cranbrook, a distinguished confidence of the people wt-Q have always trusted them. authority on the birds of the region. The intention is that this edition should be widely available as a handbook to the birds ocqin Borneo. A talented speaker and campaigner in her own right, she inpressed the In this new edition the introductory section has been abbrenated by the Singapore newspaper reporters as " . . . fair-headed and fragile in exclusion of Chapters 1-6, replaced by a brief introduction. The main text appearance but with an mazing capacity for getting things done . . . " has been annotated by the Earl of &anbrook to include new records and material since 1968, with an additional bibliography. Prepublication price cXI the face of things, it seems extraordinary that the Colonial Office including postage within Malaysia, SFngapore and Brunei to members of The sWd have allowed Mrs. Brooke to make her visit, w'nich was bound to be Sabah Society and The &layan Nature Society is a40 per copy payable in good political capital for the anti-cessionists. Its policy, hwemr, was advance. To non-members of the societies, the price is @55 per copy. to represent the ahticessionists as self-interested individuals whose Orders should be addressed to The Sales Manager, Sabah Society, P.O. Box 547, purpose in restoring the Brookes was personal advancanent. The loyalist Kota Kinabalu, Sabah, Malaysia. emphasis also enabled Whitehall to represent the ~mvanentas a primarily Malay phenou~non. fire importantly, perhaps, there was serious concern Kalimantan News about events in Indonesia and Brooke loyalism was seen as something which could be coped with mre easily than pan-Indonesianism. Indeed, serious The Internatid Rice Research Institute and the Agency for Agridwal consideration was later given to the idea that Anthy Brooke sMdbe Research and Development of Indonesia sponsored the "First IntexnaLid appointed as Govermr. 1 Uorkshop in Research Priorities in Tidal Swap Rice in Indonesidl on June 22-25, in Eanjarmasin, South Kalimantan. Papers in which readers mi ht be Bs. Brooke's letters to Anthony £ram Sarawak during 1947-48 provide a interested are: H. Anwarhan and H. Nmrsjmi, 'Tidal Swmp Rice $me in detailed and perceptive account of her extraordinary visit and her meetings Kalhantan;" Greta A. Watson, "Tidal Swq Rice Cultivation: The Utility of with anti-cessionists and government officigls. Indeed, her first-hand Rice Cropping Strategies Samuda Kecil Village. Central Kalbtan;" Tairan experience of the anti-cession mvanent enabled her to make a mre realistic in Sarerrdn and R. H. Bernsten, "An Agro-Ecdc Profile of an Old Trdgration assessment tbwas possible for Anby in his enforced exile in Singapore. Area in the Tidal Swamp En-t ;" Williaa t. Collier, Bahari Fa-, At the same time, this long separation from her three young children was a 1 considerable personal sacrifice which was not without its ill effects. 1 Supardi, Bakir Ali and bdi, "Social and Economic Aspects of Rice Based The About 500 people attended the seminar, many of them school teachers from Cropping Systems in the Coastal Wetlands of Indonesia," 71 pp. peninsular Malaysia and Sarawak, as well as from Sabah. International Rice Research Institute will publish the proceedings which should be available in early 1982. Sarawak News The paper by Collier et al. includes the following case studies: DEREK has published Some Reflections on the Nature of Iban 1. Pumosari (South RZlirnantan) : The First Gaverrmrent Sponsored Tdan Lupak: pzy. An Occasional Paper ok the Deparhignt of Anthropology, Research Transmigration Project in the Tidal Swaqs, pp. 45-52; 2. oo of Pacific Studies, The Australian National lbziversity. In this New &thod of Rice Cultivation in a Govermmt Sponsored Transmigration mrk. with illustrations by M2IIC.A FlEEMQl. Professor kern cri tiral 1v Besarang (1963): Problem Enunmtered - -.. -. ------Project (1976-1978), pp. 52-55; 3. surveys recent developments in Iban studies, including the views of ' by Javanese Transmigrants in Central Kalimantan, pp. 55-58; 4. The Bengct Sandin and J&& Rousseau. Hmdawai of Tanjung Puteri: Deep Water Rice Cultivation in the Nipa He then presents an analysis of lban 58-63; and 5. Banjarese Rice and society based on hitherto unpublished materials from his researches in Swamps in Central Kalimantan, pp. Borneo of 1949-1951, 1957-1958 and 1976, giving particular attsntion to Coconut Fanners in Lupak Dalam, Central Kaljmantan, pp. 63-69. leadership, the penghulu system, and the swicance of cbice in the egalitarian society of the Iban. Regarding informtion reported the Bulletin 13(1) :57, Dr, CDllier writes: 'The study of 14 villages in Southd Central Kalktm is from Lambung JAMES JEMUT lSING, an Iban from the Baleh river region of Sarawak, being carried out by staff and students Pbngkurat Lbiversity cwpleted his Ph.D. the Deparbnent of Anthropology, Institute of in Banjarbaru, South Kalktan with support fram myself and the Agricul- in tural Development Council, Inc. My above paper is based on this mrk Advanced Studies, The Australian Nati.mil Uliversity, Canberra, in &y 1981. His thesis, entitled ?he Coming of the Gods, is a study of an in Kalimantan and a similar effort in Smka in cooperation with Sriwi- I& jaya hiversity in Palanbang." (July 9, 1981) invucatory fhant (timag gawai amat) of the of the Baleh region in the context of traditiondl Iban dture, and includes a translation of ANlDNIO J. GUERREIRO, C-eDRASEMI, Paris, is conducting fieldwork under the timans text of about 45,000 mrds in English. sponsorship of the Wwsitas Mihamm, Samarinda, in the Upper l%halwn This inwcatory chant (timang gawai amat) depicts the gods on their area, kecamatan Lang Bagun, Lmg Pahangai armng the Busang (b' Tepai, ha' Palo, Una' Idcue), and Img Glat ethnic groups. His mxin topic will journey to the mrld of men, and their subsequent participation in a be the study of the Busang and Glat Languages, especially the dialectal ritual feast and other activities at the end of which the Iban high variations and etholinguistic relations between these peoples. Special god of war, Lang Singalang Burang, bestows charms and blessings on the attention will be given to ethnotechological and econmic processes achlally man wbhas performed the ritual feast. In the days when Iban were £unctioning in this area. involved in periodic migration in search of new territory, they came into ,' conflict with other tribes of Borneo who, like thenselves, depended upon VICIORT. KING has received his Ph.D. degree £ran the Wversity of Hull, the forest for their livelihood. To be a successful warrior, it was following examination on his thesis. The title of his thesis is The Maloh necessary, according to Iban belief, to have the assistance of their high of West Kalimantan: Social Inequality and Social Cnange in an Indonesian god of war, Singalang Bur-. Ihr. &sing suggests that it was in this Borneo Society. historical context that thls particular version of the timang came into prominence. Sabah News After suhnitting his thesis, Jams Masing was appointed a Research Assistant I.. I.. The Sabah Foundation and the Malaysian Historical Society organized a in the Deparbmt of Anthropology of the Australian National University for derence on Sabah History and Society, held in Kota IUnabalu from August three months. During this time he translated (i) the text of Taku dntu 12 - 16. Topics, persons presenting papers, and chairmen were: (1) Sabah Pala (the nursing of trophy head); (ii) a qlete text of a death dirge Historiography and the Role of Oral Kistory -Professor Sharan btand (~abak); and. (iii) rnmer0u.s timang episodes collected in Sarawak in 1949-51. Dr. J. S. Sidhu, and Professor Nicholas Tarling; (2) Trade and Early History His position as a Research Assistant was suspended for two nwnths while he of Sabah - Jan Wissemn, and Professor C. R. de Silva; (3) The Structure of was mrking in Sarawak as a consultant to Time-Life ,Books, London, on an the Indigenous Econq of Sabah in the 1860s and 1870s - D.S. Ranjit Singh, Iban project. Er. Wing is leaving Canberra to take up a position-in the and Dr. Cheah Boon Kheng; (4) Perjqan Peribmi Menentang Penjajahan di newly-fomd Sarawak Literary Society which, anwng its other pwposes, has Sabah: Protes Terhadap. Nilai Barat - Jmdin Buyong, and Ih-. Shahril Talib; been established to create a place where local academics and others my (5) The hdwn Rebellion of 1915 in Sabah: FfLllenarianism and Social Protest - exercise their literary skills. (Derek Freeman, 9 Septenber, 1981) Dr. Ian Black, and Dr. J. S. Sidhu; (6) Stone and Megalithic Associated Phenanetla in Sabah's Cultut-a1 Heritage - Wdkcredie and Professor J. EENEDI(3 SANDIN and CLIFFORD SAlHER have published Iban Adat and Augury. &andran, and Professor Sharom Abmat ; (7) Sejarah Perundmgan di Sabah - This kortant work is another in the series co-authored by Sandin and Professor fidya Nik Abdul Rashid Majid, and Professor Datuk Zainal Abidin Sather providing an unusually insightful study of the independent yet Abdul Wahid; and (8) The Development of Native Education in Sabah 1881-1941- interrelated Iban systems of law and divination. It may be ordered at Sabibah Osman, Tun Haji Pbhd. Hussein Almad, and Encik bar Fbhd. Hashim. a price of M$20 from the Co-operative Booksbp Ltd., Lhiversiti Sains Wer must have been aware t!mt his silence cornpared oddly with the Malaysia, Minden, Penang, Fklaysia, or, from the kiversity of Malaya prolific outpourings of James Brooke and the mre sober and businesslike Co-operative Bookshop Ltd., P. 0. Box 1127, Jalan Pantai Baru, Kuala records of his own father, Charles Brooke. In his Foremrd to Ranee Lmpr, Malaysia. Syl~ia'SThe Three White Rajahs in 1939, he referred to his "hitherto unbroken rule not to appear in print":

BOOK REVIEWS, ABSTRACTS I might be tempted to avail myself of this opportunity to give a disserytion on what I consider the proper methd of 'Governing I & BIBLIOGRAPHY Natives , had I any settled convictions on the subject, but if forty years of administration have taught me anything, it is the Urang Darat, An Ethnographic Study of the Kadayan of Labu Valley, Brunei danger of ass* that any hard-and-fast rules can be laid dm and followed in this connection. Allen Richard Maxwell, Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1980 I Brook rule Gas essentially pragnatic and Vyner Brooke was the ultimate In northwest Bomeu interlaced social and cultural relationships reflect a I pragmatist, eschewing convictions of any kind beyond a belief in "live caplex series of historid and political processes. Settlenent structure and let live." and edcpatterns in this tropical riverine emimmmt contribute to the continuation of a traditional way of life arrrng the Malay-speaking The problem for the historian is that the reign of the third Rajah is Kadayan of Brunei. Village and household organization, in conjunction with I poorly documented and only partly within the province of living testimmy. local miage custcms, facilitates the incorporation of non-Malays into the And yet the period of 1917-1941 was one of marked change for mst of Kadayan may population. Elwirmtal conditions permit the continued Sarawak's different ethnic cammities. Largely due to the growth in mintenance of traditional subsistence activities. I rubber and pepper production by small-holders, Sarawak became increasingly t involved in the world market and subject to its vagaries. It also mue under The sociological principles and seunntic features embodied in traditional increasing pressure fmm the Colaial Office to conform to "proper standards Kadayan &lay mdes of ethic classification are emmined in the light of I of abhistration." the purposes, uses, and contexts of singular, dtiple, sirdtaneous, and overlapping labeling. Religion, social structure, and ideology are Local This lacuna in the record of Brooke rule has been alleviated to some extent important components of the definition of the Malay ethic category. by the publication first of A. B. Ward's Rajah's Servant (Cornell Southeast ethnohistorical interpretations oaceptually link Malays with non-%lays. Asia Program Data Paper Wer 61, November 1966) and K. H. Digby's Lawyer No single factor suffices ethnographically for analyzing Malay cultural in the Wilderness. Ward had served under Charles Brooke and was appointed identification in Brunei. An adequate account rmst consider the nature of by him as the senior administrative officer. His resignation from the Sara- social groupings' linguistic, cultural, and historical differences ; and wak Service in 1923 seems to have had something to do with his judgmt of relationships with the superordinate Brunei polity. Vyner wtuxn Charles had always regarded as irresponsible and superficial. Digby may have had his reservations about the third Rajah, but he was R H. W. Reece, "Preface," Lawyer in the Wilderness, K. H. Digby, Data Paper inpressed by the genuine affection Vyner inspired mmg his subjects and Wer114, Southeast Asia hogram, Department of Asian Studies, Come11 New officers--an attitude which contrasted with the awe in which Charles had University, Ithaca, York, October 1980 (reprinted with permission of been held. Detached from the issues of the day, Vyner could be seen, not as Cornell University). .- an irresponsible ruler but as one wfio had perfected the art of ruling by dele- gating mst of his responsibilities. keof the ironies of Brooke history is that a great deal meis laurwn about the first tm 'White Rajahs" and their rule than about the last. Vper Recruited in 1934 when conditions in Britain were forcing bright yomg men to Brooke was an enigmtic figure who left little in the way of letters or look ktk afield for arployment, Digby represented a new breed of univer- journals to reflect his thinking. (Furthenmre, mst of the official records of the interwar period were destroyed king the Japanese occupation when an sity educated officers whD brought a level of professionalism to a service acute shortage of paper led to their use as wrappings in the Kuching bazaar.) 1 which had previously been the province of talented ateurs. And he arrived Displaying little interest in the day-to-day business of govmt, Vyner I in Sarawak at a time when Brooke administration was undergoing a thorough re-examination by Cyril Le Wos Clark, the exceptiondly able Secretary for allowed his senior officers to assum his powers. Thus it was that his I Private Secretary, G. T. M. FkcBryan, and his nephew, Allby Brooke, ruled Chinese Affairs who later became Ckief Secretary. bing the following years Sarawak for brief periods in the late 1920s and late 1930s respectively. And there was to be a bitter struggle between the bureaucratic centralizers of under the written constitution enacted on t& Centenary of Brooke rde in the Kuching Secretariat and the conservative Establishnent of the Administrativt Service--District Officers and Residents who believed that they were the 1941, the Rajah virtually abdicated his authority in favour of a bureaucratic I cabal hown as the bnnittee on Administration. custodians of Brooke rule. District Officers' and Residents' Courts whose proceedings were se: Ldm Unlike Ward, Digby had a limited experience of "out-station" life, although Supra his account of postings to Miri, Simqgang, and Serian provinces provide recorded in detail and whose decisions were seldan appealed to the Court. Lawyers had been effectively barred from practising in Sariwak and sane good insights into up-country conditions. His legal skills were soon What Boyd as the 'rule of appreciated by the Rajah and in 1940 he becam2 Acting Legal Adviser to the there was a strong distrust of legal forms. saw caprice" was regarded by.the out-station officers as a tried and tlested gw~t.This led to his being heavily involved in drafting the 1941 order. constrtution, together with a supplanentary treaty with the British govern- method of preserving good mt. Consequently, he was well placed later to discuss such questions as The increasing tension between the Kmbureaucrats and the out-station the legal basis of the Raj and Sarawak's relations with Britain. officers over legal and other matters can^ to a head in early 1939 when Anthony Brooke, acting his uncle's authority, forced the resignation of After his interment by the Japanese during the war and a brief recuperation on admini- Boyd and other members of the Cdttee on Administration which had acted in England, Digby returned to Sarawak to wrk for the new colonial as the executive arrn of governant since 1934. And it was at this point that stration. These were the years of the anti-cession capaign waged by the Anthy Brooke asserted what he regarded as traditional Brooke policy: Sarawak Malay National Ulion, supported by Anthony Brooke who was refused . pemission to enter Sarawak in Decder 1946. kimself in Singapore, and I sbuld like to say that so long as I have any influence over the way Anthony conducted a vigorous press campaign to gz the cession, Digby the laws of Sarawak are to be applied I shall never remend the (wb at that the was editing the gOverment-controlled Sarawak ~azett~)was application of those laws literally where I consider my own good judg- given the task of preparing counter-blasts. At this stage Digby seems to have accepted the Rajah's view that Sarawak was "better ofi?' under the Colo- ment fits the circmstances better . . . nial Office, but by 1951 he had serious doubts. 'IZle organs of government Ultinately the question of legal administration could be reduced to the had proliferated, "experts" flourished, and taxes increased without any Digby does not notable advantages to the governed. Firtally, the dispatch of Dayaks to conflict between the "rule of m" and the "rule of law." seem to have adopted a hard-and-fast position here. On the one hand he Malaya to act as trackers and scouts against the Cunnmist guerillas brought On the other, he him into conflict with the governor and no doubt resulted in the abolition felt that British law was often absurdly inappropriate. of his post as puisne judge. was not altogether happy about the discretion which the old systan gave to individual officers. But he had no doubts about the status of the Sarwawk home judiciary under Colonial Office rule. From his own experience, he could Alth~~ughthe autobiography was cormwced on the myage, it bears few and signs of bitterness or rancor. Digby's liberal-left views had made him a confidently conclude that the wh-vaunted "independence" of judges dangerous radical In the conservative hot-house of the Colonial Administrative civil servants only existed as long as their opinions conformed with "the Service and he mt have found his position increasingly untenable. broad outlines of foreign and imperial policy." afi Kalimantan Tinur, Depart- Pertanian, Badan Penelitian dm +art frcm its wing and enlightening vignettes of Brooke rule and of life Biblio m the Batu Lintang internment cq, Lawyer in the Wilderness offers a valuable Peng&an Pertmian, Pusat Perpustakaan Biologi dan Pertanian, Bogor, 1980. cmtary on the problems of applying European legal principles and fom in This bibliography lists 192 items according to subject, viz. agriculture. traditional Southeast Asian societies. Brooke wehad always taken the line It of least resistance to indigenous custom, except for such dangerous habits as education, fauna, flora, statistics, geology, and especially forestry. contains an alphabetical author kdex and a key mrd index. head-hting. Indeed, the Raj my well have owed its continuous existence to the role of the Rajah and his officers as arbiters in disputes which had gone Blust, Robert, "Notes on Proto-blayo-Polynesian Phratry IXldLism," Bij dragen beyond the bounds of .wtual settlement. Appeal to the arbitrary authority of de a European official provided a safety valve, an opportunity to air grievances tot tad-, land- en volkmkW~de, afl. 213, 1980, pp. 215-247. which was valued as much as the jud-t itself. It may well be significant that the term for Brooke govmtin Sarawak was perentah (law and order) Following the tradition of the Leiden school of ethology, the term "phratry" rather thkerajaan (the formal hierarchy of government). is used to designate a dual division that--due to the operation of double descent--carmot independently define a descent pup. The term "proto- ThLs systan, if it can be thus termed, was first challenged in 1928 with the blayo-Polynesian'' is applied to the hypothetical ancestor of all extra- appointment of Thomas Stirling Boyd, a crusty Scots barristex, as Judicial Fonmsan Austronesian languages. Reflexes of a PMP root %liw-(an),are Comnissioner--a mewhich was designed to placate a British govemmnt examined in a nmber of languages spoken in the Philippines, Indonesia and dous to regularize the administration of justice in Sarawak. Madaascar, and are found to be mst sinply explained as continuation of a term meaning "dual division". A basic secondary sense of this term appears ief Boyd's work in codify* existing Sarawak law and adapting the Indian Penal to have been '.'to equalize a loss or debt.'' The widespread Austronesian be1 Code and British law was appreciated by the-bfficers of the Ad.olinistrative that equilibrium is a necessary precondition to well-be* is qlored and a c ultimate! balance in Service, but they were infuriated by his determination to strengthen what he tentative causal link is suggested between the demand fo~ pilibrimI as a socis1 saw as the rule of law. This threatened the traditional informality of the reciprocal prestations and the institu value in other cultural domains. Seawy, Ronald E., 1980. "Slope Stability of the Ifugao Rice Terraces: Blust, Robert, "Early Austronesian Social Organization: The Evidence of Benawe, Philippines, " Philippine Geographical Journal, Vol. 24, Language," Current Anthropology ml. 21, no. 2, April 1980, pp. 205-247. pp. 159-174. Soedjito, H., 1978. "Analisis Vegetasi di Belukar Bekas HLXM dan Tanah On the basis of comparative linguistic evidence certain key kinship terms Garapan di Lanpake, Kalbtan Thx," Tesis Sarjana, Universitas are reconstructed for early Austronesian society, It is argued that the Padjadjaran, &dung. reconstructed sibling terminology carries a strong statistical iqlication Soekotjo and D. I. Em,1978. "The Effect of Monesia Selective that descent groups were present in a prehistoric society ancestral to i Logging on Natural Regeneration in East Kalimantan Rainforest," mymdern societies that lack than. Linguistic conparison is further I Voluntarv Pa~er.FLDI/18-12, Eighth World Forestry Congress, taken to indicate an ancient rule of matrilateral cousin marriage, and a i ~akarta,-16-38 btobex. quadripartite social organization. These conclusions contrast with the Soekotjo and A. Thojib, 1975. "Observasi Pertmhhm dan Pbrtalitas dcminant Mcanview of the evolution of social organization in the &xiAnakan-anakan Pobn Jenis Kanersiil Akibat Perubahan Tajuk llustronesian mrld, but agree closely with results obtained in the 1930s pada Logging Secara Mekanis di PT Kutei Timber Indonesia, Kalhmtan byProfessorsJ.P.B. Josselin de Jong and F.A.E. van Wouden of the Tk." Beminar Refores tation clan Aforestation, Fakultas Kehutanan, University of Leiden. bivksitas ~jahMa&, Yogyakarta, pp. 159-162.

Ross. M. S.. "The Role of Land Clearine in Indonesia's Trmation THE BORNEO RESEW COUNCIL F'ro~amrie,"~Ekdletinof Indonesian ~cokmicStudies, vol. 16, k. 1, March 1980, pp. 15-85. The Borneo Research Council was founded in 1968 and its membership consists of Fellows, an internatid group of scholars who are professionally engaged in Half a million families from Java and Madma are planned to be resettled research in Borneo. The goals of the Council are (1) to pmte scientific according to the tr-gration program in Repelita 111 (1979-84). Since research in Borneo; (2) to. permit the research camnmity, interested Borneo the middle of 1978 the Agency for Technical Cooperation of the German gwemnent departments and others to keep abreast of ongoing research and its Federal Republic, has tried to find practical answers to the problan of results; (3) to serve as a vehicle for drawing attention to urgent research efficient land clearing and utilization of the forest waste as part of its problems; (4) to wordinate the flow of infomation on Borneo research arising aid project in integrated rural development.in East Kaljmantan. From a from many diverse sources; (5) to disseminate rapidly the initial results of Pilot Project in maMarah it was learnt that a combined manual and research activity; and (6) to facilitate research by reporting on current mechanical mthod muld be mst suitable. The export of logs and the conditions. The hctions of the Council also include providing counsel and charcoal productidh could pay for the whole province's transmigration program. assistmce to research endeavors, conservation activities, and the practical application of research results. Support for the activities of the Council comes from subscriptions to I the Borneo Research Bulletin, Fellowship fees, and contributions. Contri- butions have played a signficant part in the support of the Council, and Abdulrm, I., milam and Partidjawarsilo, S. , 1975. "Identification they are always welcome. of dominant/codominant trees species in tropical forest, especially in a (logging concession using aerial photographs," Jogjakarta, University Fellows of the Borneo Research Council of Gaj ah I%da, Fac. Kehutanan. 54 DD. Aden, J. B. , 1975: .:The ~elevance.ofF&irormntal Protection in Indonesia," The privileges of Fellows include (1) participation in the organization Ecolopy Law Quarterly, 4(4) :987-1007. and activities of the Council; (2) right to form camittees of Fellows to

BurbrTdge, P. R. , 1979. "The Mana~anentof Tidal Wetlands as %r~inalv Areas. " deal with special research problem or interests; (3) support of the ~a&ta, F&d Foundation, 12 ip. Council's program of furthering research in the social, biological, and , and Koesoebiono, 1981. Coastal Zone m&t in Southeast medical sciences in Barn-; (4) subscription to the Borneo Research Bulletin. Asla, Smgapore Wversity Press. Burbr=e, P.R., Diuon, J. A., and Somdi, 1980. "Forestry and Agriculture: The Fellows of the Council serve as a pool of howledge and expertise on Options for Resource Allocation in Choosing Land for Transmigration Borneo matters achmay be dram upon to deal with specific problenk both Development," Bulletin of Indonesian Econ. Studies (in press). in the field of research and in the practical application of scientific Guinness, P., 1980. "Transmigrants in South Kalifiantan and South Sulawesi," knowledge. Jogjakarta, Gajah kda University, Population Institute Report Series 15. Linden, and O., and Jmelov, A,, 1980. "The Piamrove-- - Swam - An Ewsvstan in Fellowship in the Council is by invitation, enquiries are welcomed Danger," Ambio 9(2) :8:188. I in this regard. Seawy, Rona16-E;;1980. 'Population Pressure and Land-use Change: From Tree Qops to Sawah in Northwestern Kalbtan, Indonesia," Singapore JOIXM~ of Tropical Geography, Vol. 1, pp. 61-67.