Journal of Ecological Anthropology

Volume 1 Issue 1 Volume 1, Issue 1 (1997) Article 4

1997

Can Gaharu Be Harvested Sustainably? A Case Study from East ,

Krystof Obidzinski University of Georgia, Department of Anthropology

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Recommended Citation Obidzinski, Krystof. "Can Gaharu Be Harvested Sustainably? A Case Study from , Indonesia." Journal of Ecological Anthropology 1, no. 1 (1997): 28-35.

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Can Gaharu Be Harvested Sustainably? A Case Study From East Kalimantan, Indonesia

Krystof Obidzinski Department of Anthropology University of Geogia

Introduction Since the late 1980s, non-government organizations supply of forest products = sustainable management of the (NGOs), agricultural extension workers, and international species) (Fearnside 1989). Eventually, it became clear that development agencies have devoted increasingly more atten- economic/ecological compatibility was the exception rather tion to the potential for managing and sustainably exploiting than the rule and that rural communities exhibit a distinct non-timber forest products (hereafter NTFPs). The underly- tendency to over-exploit non-timber forest resources (Kahn ing obejctive behind the efforts to promote NTFPs on the 1988; Nepstad et al. 1992; Bodmer et. al 1993; Padoch 1989; national and international levels was to create an alternative Bowcer 1992, Peluso 1992a; Peluso 1992b). to the conventional exploitation of the forests (particularly It is important to point out that studies which have in the tropics) — i.e., timber extraction and/or conversion shown the ecological non-sustainability of the exploitation (Prance et. al 1987; DeBeer & McDermott 1989; Panayotou of forest products rarely mention the economic and political & Ashton 1992; Plotkin & Famolare 1992). The gains (or factors, such as influx of foreign capital and the importation positive impact) that could potentially arise from establishing of external labor force, as the primary causes of the negative the NTFPs as the main resources extracted from the forests ecological consequences. In this paper, I will attempt to are thought to be numerous. First, as imperative as ecologi- illustrate the impact of these external interventions on the cal concerns are, the most important consideration relating economic and ecological status of the Aquilaria spp. in the to non-wood forest products seems to be their potential for system, East Kalimantan, Indonesia. The case providing greater financial benefits for local communities of Aquilaria is bound to be somewhat controversial since the than extraction of timber or conversion to full-time sedentary resource extracted from the trees of this species, a diseased fra- agriculture (Gradwohl & Greenberg 1988; Fearnside 1989; grant heartwood, technically does not qualify as a non-wood Peters et. al 1989). The second key assumption is that, in forest product. Furthermore, as I will show, the extraction principle, the exploitation of NTFPs will leave tree cover techniques used to obtain the heartwood invariably result intact, thus providing a viable solution to the problem of in the destruction of the tree containing the resource. From deforestation. Cumulatively, it is hoped that extraction and the outset then the exploitation of the gaharu wood seems marketing of non-woody species may provide a means to to be anything but sustainable. However, by drawing a clear balance the concerns associated with both conservation and distinction between the methods used to search, sample, and development in the rural areas (Schwartzman 1989; Allegretti extract gaharu by local communities (particularly formerly 1990). nomadic Punan) and by opportunistic collectors (usually Economic and ecological studies carried out among migrants from other islands employed by the pharmaceutical the indigenous communities in South America (particularly companies) I will argue that extraction of gaharu could be in Amazonia) provided an early confirmation of the projec- carried out in a sustainable manner. tions about the potentially high economic (marketing) value Following some introductory information on of fruit trees, saps, and latexes (Peters et. al 1989a; Peters history and traditional trade in forest products (of which et. al 1989b; Vasquez & Gentry 1989; Anderson & Jardim gaharu was an important part) during the pre-colonial as 1989). However, as the studies of the economic value of well as colonial period in Southeast Asia, I will discuss what these resources became more numerous it became increas- is known about the ecology of Aquilaria trees. For reasons ingly apparent that the estimates of the monetary incomes of its questionable status as a non-timber forest product that indigenous collectors could obtain from NTFPs were as well as because of its general obscurity, gaharu has not grossly overestimated (Saw et. al 1991; Pinedo-Vasquez et. as yet been studied in detail by the scholars interested in al 1992; Appasamy 1993; Chopra 1993; Godoy et. al 1993). NTFPs. Consequently, such fundamental questions as: a) In spite of this troubling revelation, it was assumed that the temporal and elevational distribution of Aquilaria (locally economic success (however erratic) of certain Amazonian in ); b) soil requirements; c) population size, density, communities specializing in NTFPs was, however, an indica- distribution, etc. are very inadequately understood. Finally, tion of ecological sustainability (i.e., steady income = steady 29 Georgia Journal of Ecological Anthropology Vol. 1 1997

the crucial question of fungal infection which is the direct South and Southeast Asia. It seems that the Indian sub- cause for the formation of gaharu in Aquilaria trees has not continent was the initial center where gaharu was collected been explained and is a subject for speculation. Given the for medical purposes as well as for trade (Bhishagranta 1907; very limited data on the ecology of Aquilaria, this section will Paoli 1993:6). The aromatic qualities of gaharu were also understandably be partly conjectural. In the third section, I highly appreciated (Miller 1969). will focus on the political economy of gaharu in the Berau With the expansion of cultural and economic region of East Kalimantan. In the contextual framework of contacts between Hindu kingdoms and the regions further economic exchanges between the interior and coastal areas, east through maritime trade, came the discovery and the es- I will discuss differences in the methods for the extraction of tablishment of new suppliers of gaharu. During the first mil- gaharu by formerly nomadic Punan and by commercial col- lennium A.D., the areas of contemporary Burma, Thailand, lectors working for the companies which process it and ship and Indonesia came to the forefront as the main exporters it overseas. By juxtaposing different methods of extraction of this resource (Burkill 1935). Another factor contributing and ecological properties of the Aquilaria trees, I will attempt to the increasing consumption (and, as a result, exploitation) to show the existence of a possibility, at least in theoretical of gaharu wood was the intensification of trade between terms, for a non-destructive exploitation of gaharu. imperial China and its peripheral (mostly Southeast Asian) tributary states. By the year 300 A.D., gaharu was already 1. Gaharu Wood — A Historical Background well established and coveted import by the imperial court “Gaharu wood (also known as aloes wood, agaru (Wang 1958). The later Chinese sources, dating back to the or aghila) is the aromatic, resin-impregnated, diseased heart medieval era in Europe, indicate that the amounts of gaharu wood from five species of tree in the genus Aquilaria” (Paoli imported by the imperial China as well as the number of et al. 1993:5). The geographical range of the tree species exporters of this resource were rising continuously (Wheatly extends from northern India in a southeastern trajectory, to 1959). It appears, therefore, that gaharu has historically been Indonesian islands (Hou 1960). Gaharu does not form in one of the most important trade items within a wide range every Aquilaria tree. Its presence depends upon the fungal of tropical Asiatic forest exotica. In the specific context of infection which causes the resinous substance to form on the Borneo, gaharu, having outlasted rhinoceros horn as the tree (Battacharyya et. al 1952). In contrast to sap and latexes leading trade item, has maintained its exclusive status as the extracted from various tree species in the tropical forests, most desirable product for export until the present day. gaharu is not tapped because it does not secrete from the tree The rich historical tradition in local and regional once the incision is made. The fungal pathogen responsible marketing of gaharu has important implications for the for the formation of gaharu infects and impregnates the wood purposes of this paper. The contemporary intensification tissue resulting in the resinous deposits in different parts of of exploitation of this resource comes as no surprise since the tree (Gianno 1986). These deposits may occur in the millennia-old traditions have made the trade routes as well form of veins of irregular thickness running throughout the as importer/exporter ties firmly established. In spite of being length of the tree (from the roots to the canopy). However, it widely known and utilized in Asia and of great cultural and may also assume the appearance of bulges of different shapes economic importance, the ecological and biological prop- and sizes. Gaharu wood is obtained by cutting the fragrant, erties of gaharu remain virtually unknown to the western infected portions from the host tree which invariably does academia. It is to this poorly understood aspect to which I not survive such a procedure. will now turn. Gaharu wood has always been an important natural product from the forests of insular Southeast Asia. Presently, 2. Ecological Characteristics of Gaharu (Aquilaria). Indonesia along with Vietnam, Cambodia, and Burma are the As I have already mentioned, the genus Aquilaria leading exporters of this fragrant wood. The primary import- is comprised of five species of trees. In Borneo, only three of ers are the countries with strong cultural traditions involving these species have been reported: A. malaccensis, A. microcarpa ceremonial burning of incense, such as: Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Baill, and A. beccariana van Tiegh (Hou 1960). It is unknown Japan, Taiwan, and Hong Kong (Nurhayati 1988). In addi- which of these species is the principle provider of the gaharu tion to its cultural and ceremonial significance, the leading heart wood. What has been reasonably well established, how- importers of gaharu use it extensively as a raw material for ever, is that Aquilaria trees are distributed throughout diverse variety of oils, perfumes, and medical remedies. Because the forest types and that in neither of these zones Aquilaria is market demand is high and supplies are declining, the value found in high densities (Beniwal 1989). The first long-term of gaharu is continuously increasing, thus escalating the quantitative ecological study of the Aquilaria stands, carried frequency of extraction (Peluso 1983). out by Paoli et. al (1993), confirms earlier studies. Concen- The present day strong demand for gaharu in the trating their efforts on Gunung Palung National Park in West Middle and Far East is the result of the centuries (if not Borneo, the researchers found that Aquilaria densi millennia) old tradition of economic exchange with tropical 30 Georgia Journal of Ecological Anthropology Vol. 1 1997

3. Political Economy of Gaharu — the Case from Berau ties were extremely low in all five forest formations where its Region, East Kalimantan. presence has been detected: freshwater swamp, alluvial bench, lowland sandstone, lowland granite, and lower montane 3.1 Trading Networks — a Historical View. (ibid.:17). The density ranged from 0.16 to 0.32 per hectare Berau is one of five administrative units called ka- with similar distribution across various forest types. Other bupaten (regency) which together comprise the Indonesian sources, e.g. (Sidiyasa et. al 1986), indicate far higher densi- province of East Kalimantan (East Borneo). The main topo- ties of Aquilaria in south Borneo. However, these concern graphic feature in the regency is the Kelai-Segah river system the clumps of Aquilaria trees which were purposefully sought which drains the entire area, constitutes the major artery for out. Consequently, these data are not representative of the regional transportation, and also serves as the main point of average spatial distribution of this tree. reference for the topographic classification of the surrounding While it appears that Aquilaria trees (per ha) are a country. As a result, the regency is divided (from the coast fairly rare sight in Borneo rain forests, the trees which have into the interior) into: coastal plains, mid-river lowlands, been infected and contain the resinous gaharu substance are and mountainous upper river regions. Until recently, i.e. the even rarer. Gianno (1986), for instance, speculates that only 1970s, the entire land surface in the regency has been clas- 1 in 10 Aquilaria trees may actually have the highly coveted sified as primary forest (hutan rimba) (Humas 1992). With gaharu content. Other authors indicate that whether or not the introduction of mechanized logging in the late 1970’s a tree contains gaharu may be strongly linked to such factors and with the presently contemplated plans to open one of as soil type and elevation. Jessup (1983) points out that some the largest paper mills in Borneo, the forest cover in Berau gaharu collectors in East Kalimantan associated infertile soils is under tremendous pressure and it is shrinking rapidly. with a greater likelihood of finding gaharu in Aquilaria trees Virtually all horticultural groups present in Berau growing in such locations. There are also reports positing that (e.g., Segai, Kenyah, Modang) have been participating in the fungal infection, which the formation of gaharu is dependent collecting of forest products as a part time activity. Tradition- upon, may occur only within certain elevation zones (Dixon ally, however, it was the prerogative of the nomads (Punan et. al 1991). & Basap) to search for various forest products on a full time Probably the most significant and least understood basis. During the pre-colonial as well as during the colonial factor responsible for the development of gaharu in Aquilaria period, the nomads in Berau were the primary sources of such trees has been the aforementioned fungal infection. There valuable items as: rhino horn, edible bird’s nests, gold, and is no common understanding as to the particular sequence gaharu wood. The Dutch colonial administration, determined of events which lead to the establishment of the infection. to keep interventions into the internal affairs of the region Some researchers attempted to solve this conundrum by to the minimum (so as to reduce the administrative expen- transplanting parts of the diseased tree onto a healthy one ditures), allowed the social and political structures in Berau in order to observe the progress of infection (Beniwal 1989). to continue unchanged, so long as the external contacts and Such experiments, however, did not produce the same in- defense affairs were under control. As a result, the traditional fection patterns as was observed on naturally infected trees exchange networks and long established trade arrangements — i.e., infection was confined to the area where the infected of patron-client type continued well into this century. piece was transplanted. The limited success of such experi- Until the 1940’s, Berau was divided into two sul- ments (partly aimed at exploring the potential for Aquilaria tanates (Sambaliung & Gunung Tabur) which controlled plantations), is an indication of the confusion concerning Kelai and Segah rivers respectively. Theoretically, sultans (or the mechanism of the infection itself. Some assume that rajas) had the exclusive control of the most valuable sites the pathogen is located in the soil and, as a result, it infects (gold panning locations, birdnest caves, etc.) and they were the trees through the roots. Other researchers, e.g. Corner also entitled to 10% tax on all forest produce transported (1952), speculate that the disease may be air-borne entering downstream (Achmed 1979; Walchren 1907). The fact the trees through cuts and openings in the bark. Still other the they often were not able to enforce this rule does not reports (Jessup 1983) suggest that insects may be carrying diminish the fact that sultans (& their entourage) were on the disease as gaharu deposits are frequently associated with the top of trading hierarchy. The second level was comprised small colonies of ants. It is not unthinkable that the infec- of merchants plying the rivers between the Dayak villages in tion may not actually follow a singular path but that all three the middle part of the country and the coastal centers. The venues may cumulatively play a role in creating the situation fourth party involved were the horticultural Dayak peoples conducive to the successful establishment of the pathogen. who were within close proximity to their nomadic neighbors. The uncertainty and unpredictability of the process The Dayak thus acted as the primary middlemen between of infection makes it highly unlikely that in the immediate nomadic collectors of forest produce and river merchants future the collectors of gaharu from the naturally growing (Rousseau 1990). trees will face competition from plantations. This trading network has undergone dramatic

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changes in the period following the independence of Indo- Following this external examination of the tree, the collector nesia in 1949. The sultanates in Berau have been abolished. will try to have a look at the wood under the bark. Small The control which Dayak peoples had over the nomadic incisions will be cut on the trunk and then the collector will Punan & Basap (partly through the threats of warfare and try to rip off strips of bark in one quick motion. If the bark head-hunting raids) has been eliminated. The end result is comes off in unbroken strips, there is a small probability of that the traditional differentiation of economic activities founding gaharu inside the tree. However, if the bark breaks (specializations) among the indigenous communities has been and feels brittle, chances for success are good. Having taken significantly reduced. Presently, both former nomads as well off a few bark strips, the collector smells the wood inside as horticulturists are considered equally desirable primary and checks the color of the sap. At this point, he should be in sources of the forest produce. With the dissolution of the position to ascertain whether the tree contains any gaharu or Dayak military and political power, the river merchants are not. My informants were very emphatic about the harmless- now in position to by-pass the Dayak middlemen and seek ness of the whole operation. According to them, taking thin direct contacts with the nomads for the purposes of trade. bark strips off does no harm to the tree. And if it turns out that gaharu content is not there, the tree is left to recover 3.2 Indigenous Methods of Extracting Gaharu — an Example so that it may produce off-spring and, who knows, at some from the Punan of Long Suluy on the Upper . point in the future it may eventually carry gaharu as well. During the summer of 1995 I had an opportunity to visit the Punan village of Long Suluy on the Kelai River 3.3 Intensive Means of Extracting Gaharu Wood. as an exploratory foray aiming to assess the feasibility of a Within the last five years there has been a speedy long-term project there. The choice of this village as my intensification of extracting gaharu in Borneo mainly because destination was influenced by the reports that the inhabitants the other primary sources of this product, particularly Burma of this most remote village spend a greater part of the year and Cambodia, have been largely exhausted. With the prices in forest encampments collecting forest products for trade for top quality gaharu (uniformly black color, intense aroma, (Guerreiro 1985; Ring 1968; Sinamjuntak 1967; Suwondo high content of resin) reaching $500-$600 per kilogram, it 1981). Sure enough, upon my arrival in the village nearly comes as no surprise that urban entrepreneurs in Indonesia 90% of the population (approx. 250 individuals; it is just an have begun establishing companies which specialize in col- estimate) were gone collecting or hunting; only older men, lecting, processing, and exporting gaharu to lucrative overseas women, and some children remained. markets. As the individual families began gradually returning One of the most critical problems threatening the to the village, I had an opportunity to interview some fam- ecological status of the genus Aquilaria in East Kalimantan ily members and ask them (among other things) about the is the legal confusion over rights of access to this resource, resources they were exploiting and the methods involved. It as well as the unclear nature of the laws which are supposed soon became clear that the most important resource harvested to regulate the extraction of and trade in gaharu. According by the Punan of Long Suluy was gold powder which was to the Governor’s decision of 1994, all companies seeking panned from the bottom of the adjacent streams. However, to obtain gaharu are allowed to purchase this product from the rise of gold to prominence as the no.1 exchange item was local villagers only; they are not allowed to actively engage relatively recent development. I learned that until approxi- in exploitation — i.e., sending search teams of their own mately 1992, gaharu wood was the main source of income is prohibited (Menuntung 1994a; Menuntung 1994b). for the villagers. However, the influx of outsiders and the However, as is usually the case in Indonesia, the written law destructive methods of extracting gaharu which the foreign- and the actions which the law is supposed to govern do not ers brought with them caused the demise of Aquilaria trees converge. There is virtually no supervision of the pharma- in the upper Kelai valley. ceutical companies’ conduct in the field. And even if some According to Punan collectors, the Aquilaria trees irregularities are periodically discovered, the patronage of (they call them simply, “gaharu trees” or pohon gaharu) are the local political leaders (who themselves pocket part of indeed very thinly dispersed throughout the surrounding the profits generated from the sale of gaharu) ensures that mountainous terrain. Once a tree is encountered, the first no action is taken against the perpetrators. thing the collector does is a general examination of the tree’s As a result, it is common knowledge that the larg- appearance. The Punan say they can distinguish the appear- est pharmaceutical company in East Kalimantan (known as ance of an “ill” tree from the healthy one. The next step is to CVSDA) which has the license to purchase gaharu examine the leaves and the bark on the tree trunk. The specific condition of the leaves, which they describe as shriveled on the edges and dotted with some brownish spots, is thought to be an encouraging sign. A peculiar smell from the bark may also be an important key indicator of the gaharu deposit. 32 Georgia Journal of Ecological Anthropology Vol. 1 1997

migrants from other islands (Sulawesi, Sumatra, etc.) who for In the section dealing with the biology and ecology a nominal fee are ready to scour the remotest locations in the of Aquilaria, I mentioned that the spatial distribution of the province in order to find gaharu (Kondradus 1995; World trees is such that only 1-3 can be found within the area of 10 Wild Fund 1995). The Punan informants I was working with ha. Furthermore, only 1 out of every 10 trees encountered from Long Suluy see two major problems when people of this may actually contain gaharu. Considering the Punan meth- sort appear in the upriver area. First, there is an immediate odology of removing only the diseased-looking trees which conflict resulting from the violation by the outsiders of the are almost certain to contain gaharu (and keeping in mind customary Punan (unwritten) rights over the territory they their efforts to examine other trees in a non-harmful way), inhabit and the resources found therein. However, this is not it follows then that Punan collectors remove only about an unsurmountable problem for the Punan. To be sure, hav- 1-3 trees per 100 ha, which constitutes approx. 10% of the ing the foreigners cut and dig all over the forest surrounding mature Aquilaria stock. The continuation of the Aquilaria the settlements is not an amusing or enjoyable sight. But the spp. is thus ensured as the seed producers (i.e., mature trees) Punan are ready to concede that, so long as the METHODS are still in place. the outsiders use to search for gaharu do not wipe out all the Theactivities of the non-local commercial collec- trees in the process. The non-local collectors of gaharu are tors, however, have radically different consequences. As I have significantly lacking in knowledge of the forest in general and already mentioned, their main objective is to cut all Aquilaria they possess none of the skills which Punan use to examine trees found in the forest, so as to ensure that no gaharu deposit the Aquilaria trees for gaharu content. The outsiders cannot has been overlooked. This destructive method of extraction discern whether Aquilaria tree possesses gaharu by observing compensates for the outsiders’ lack of local knowledge of the things such as the shape and color of the leaves, brittleness biology and ecology of gaharu host tree. The indiscriminate of the bark, sap smell and color. The most common practice cutting of all Aquilaria trees results in virtually total destruc- employed in order to compensate for lack of local knowledge tion of all mature stock, thus threatening the continuance is to chainsaw each and every Aquilaria tree. By cutting every of this species in the region. Although the actual extinction tree, the collectors eliminate the possibility that they may may possibly be averted (very young trees and small saplings miss some gaharu deposit by accident. At the same time, are unlikely to be destroyed), the recovery of the trees and however, they effectively destroy all mature stands, thus halt- the reappearance of the gaharu substance will be a very time- ing the production of the seeds (regeneration). This obviously consuming process. threatens the very survival of the Aquilaria as a species. In It is my tentative conclusion, therefore, that gaharu, order to illustrate how quickly the destruction of Aquilaria in spite of its dubious status as a NTFP, could be harvested trees proceeds, I will again invoke the commentaries of my in a sustainable manner. In order to render it a realistic Punan informants. Within the two-year time span (1992-94), possibility, certain ground-breaking (although in my view the entire region of the upper , south of Kelai (see fundamental) changes would have to be made, not the least map), has been searched clean by the collectors “for hire”. of which would be: a) recognition of Punan land/resources There is no more gaharu to be found there nor will there ever rights; b) requirement that the pharmaceutical companies be any to look for in the future — all mature trees have been hire Punan “consultants” who supervise extraction procedures cut and destroyed. In 1995 the outsiders began to pour into and have the right to forbid the outsiders entry into the areas the upper Kelai River, penetrating small tributaries and, as which have already been harvested. Even if achieved, given usual, stripping all Aquilaria trees. The Punan pleaded with the contemporary political climate in Indonesia, such rights the local administration officials to stop this wasteful frenzy, would be extremely difficult to uphold. Against all odds, local but to no avail. The problem (in the officials’ view) is that any NGOs are attempting to address these issues by recognizing effort to bring the situation under control would require at their regional significance, not just their local impact. least partial recognition of Punan land/property rights. The bureaucrats are usually panic-stricken when it comes to giv- References Cited ing any rights to the “tribals” (suku terasing) because it may set an undesirable precedent. Achmad, S. (Sultan Gunung Tabur) 1979 Adat Orang di Gunung Tabur. Yayasan 4. Exploitation of Gaharu — Is It Intrinsically Destruc- Idayu, Jakarta. tive? By comparing the means and methods of searching Allegretti, H.M. for gaharu wood as practiced by semi-nomadic Punan as well as non-local collectors paid by the city-based pharmaceutical firms, it was my intention to indicate that there may indeed by a way to harvest a fundamentally non-renewable forest product sustainably.

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