Culture and Conservation;

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CULTURE AND CONSERVATION;

THE HUMAN D//MENS'ON ENYIRONMENTA t PTANNING 'N

Edited by Ieffrey A.McNeely &Dovid Pitt

qP CROOM HELM London o Sydney o Dover, New Hampshire UICN Bibliothèque CONTENTS

O1985 The International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural ResPurces Croom Helm Ltd, Provident House, Burrell Row, Beckenham, Kent BR3 IAT Croom Helm Australia Pty Ltd, First Floor, 139 King Street, Sydney, NS\ry 2001, Àust¡alia

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Culture and conservation: the human dimension WLrrJ v1t in environmental planning' Foreword 1. Nature conservation-Social aspects Pr e face IX I. McNeely, Jeffrey A' II. Pitt, David I,IKî Acknowledgements x1 639.9 QHT5 ISBN 0-7099-13214 ,3f 3 INTRODUCTION - Culture: A l"lissing Elenent in Conservation and DeveloPnent' C¡oom Helm,51 Washington Street, bY Jeffrey A- l4cNeelY and Dover, New Hampshire,03820 USA Davit PitÈ I

Library of Congtess Cataloging in Publication Data Main entry under title: SECTION ONE - RETHINKING CONCEPTS FOR INDIGENOUS PEOPLqS 1I Cultu¡e and conservation. CONSERVATION AND L. Environmental policy - Social aspects - Case studies' Peoples and Economic I. McNeely, Jeffrey A. II. Pitt, David C. III. Inter- Chapter I Tribal Nature and Natural DeveloPment: The Human Ecological national Union for Conservation of 13 Resou¡ces. Dimension, bY Robert Goodland HC79.E5C85 1984 333.7'1'091724 84-19986 rsBN 0-7099-13214 Chapter 2 Native Cultures and ProÈecÈed Areas¡ Management OPtions, by Leslie A. Brownrigg 33

Chapter 3 Conservation and Indigenous Peoples: A studY of Convergent Interests, bY James C. CLad 45

SECTION T!{O - IIIANAGEI'IENT FOR AND !'IITH PEOPLE 63 Chapter 4 The Lancaster Sound Regional StudY, bY Peter Jacobs 65 Chapter 5 Traditional Land-Use and Nature Conservation in llladagascar, Printed and bound in Great Britain bY JosePh AndriamamPianina 81 by Billing & Sons Limited, Vy'orcester

111 15 Chapter 6 Influence of Historical and Chapter Interactions between People and CulÈural Differences on Èhe actual Forests in East Kalimantan, of nature by A.P. Vayda, Carol J. pierce Ievel of conservation I beÈ\n¡een Ma jorca and Minorca CoIfer and Mohamad Brotokusumo 2LL by Miguel MoreY 9I Islands' people, I Chapter 16 Shona Totems and Wj.IdIife, by Chris Tobayiwa SECTION THREE - TRADITIONAL AND INDIGENOUS I and Peter Jackson 229 KNOI^¡LEDGE AND PRACTICE 10r

) Chapter 7 The Andean Native PeoPIes in the SECTION FIVE WHERE WE ARE GOING 237 ConservaÈion Planning Processt t ¿ by Hernán Torres 103 Chapt.er 17 Culture and Conservation: Some { Thoughts for the Future, Chapter 8 The Hema SysÈen of Range Reserves by C. de Klemn 239 in the Arabian Peninsula: Its Possibilities in Range Improvement :' Chapter 18 Ethnobotanics and Anthropology and Conservation Projects in the L as Tools for a CulÈural Omar Draz 109 Conservation StraÈegy, Near East, by J I by Enrique Leff 259 and Managemenf Chapter 9 The Conservation I of the Jebel Qara Region¡ bY Chapter 19 Cultural Ecology and,'Management" H.F. Lanprey L23 ! of Natural Resources or Knowing when not to Meddle, by p. Nowicki 269 ChapÈer I0 Socj.al Restraints on Resource Utilization: The Indian Chapter 20 Towards EÈhnoconservation, Experience, bY Madhav GadgiI 135 by David Pitt 283 Chapter Il TraditÍonal Marine Practices Chapter 21 The Image of Nature in the Urban in Indonesia and their Bearing on Environment, by F. Terrasson 297 Conservation, bY Nicholas V.C. Polunin 155 Chapter 12 Customary Land Tenure and Conservation in Papua New Guineat by Peter Eaton 18l Chapter 13 Traditional Marine Resource Management in the Pacific, by GarY A. Klee 193

SECTION FOUR - CONSERVATION AND ENVIRONMENTAL PLANNING BY THE PEOPLE 203 Chapter 14 People, Trees and Antelopes in the Indian Desert, bY K.S. Sankhala and Peter Jackson 205

IV v further research into the lifestyles, conservation and development practices of traditional communities and to develop a wide range of action programmes' PREFACE

Peter Jacobs Harold Eidsvik Cha i r man Cha irman Commission on Environmental Commission on National Planning' IUCN. Parks and Protected Areas, IUCN

VI lI So toral' Planning nation. it is often is of the-*ít gr if piuñ"i"g sanctions that ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

ferent fields-

comments and assistance over the long haul while this volume was being prepared.

x x1 l Introduct, ion

CULTURE: THE MISSING ELEMENT IN CONSERVATION AND DEVELOPMENT

By Jeffrey A. McNeely and David Pitt InÈernational Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources 1196 Gland, Switzerlan

THE PURPOSE OF THE BOOK This book is an attempt to argue for an alternative or additional culÈural, social dimension in environmental planning and management. Put simply, many of the ideas and values held by ordinary people in Èhe different cultures around Èhe world often have a long history coming from Èimes and places where humans lived in close harmony with their local environment,. This perspective is a kind of conser- vaÈion from below, an attempt to build on indigenous and traditional knowledge and practice and to ensure the maximurn amount of Iocal direclion in environmental and conservational matters. There has always been something of a love-hate relationship between man and nature. Man lived off naturers bounty, but nature also held dangers which could threaten man's very survival. Through the years, man adapted to this situation, evolving social systems, technology and customs which allowed him to live i.n a ?ort of þa_lance with his environ- Vnl*^ ment, to make a comfortable accomnodation to natural constraints¡ because so-called "primitive people" who are in balance with their environment are able to Iive so well on so Iittle, human life at the Stone Age level has been called "the original affluent society" (Sahlins , L972). The people who continue their existence at t,raditional levels today are "ecosystem people" who Iive wit.hin the limits established by their local environments (Dasmann, L972) . Once agriculture began to evolve some 10,000 years ê9or nants relationship with the land began to change at an accelerating rate; the ecosystem of Homo sapiens expanded as man began to control the forces of nature for the benefit of his expanding I Introduction Introduction

population. The most favourable areas soon began Iogical controls. One mechanism is Èhe establish_ to- support civilizaÈions which converEed natural ment of proÈected areas. Iandscãpes into agricultural landscape-s; wild species of Plants and animals which were adapÈed to the nost fertile soils became extinct, or had to THE IDEA OF PROTECTED AREAS adapt to less favourable habitats. I But even with the coming of agriculturer Ehere I narly in the industrial revoluÈion, a few individ- was a rich diversity of locáI cultural adaptations to local conditions and wide areas of natural vegetation remained, esPecially in the uplands which sometimes served as a "buffer zone" beÈween civilizations. These wildernesses continued to support populations of traditionat ecosystem people who maintained their cultural, Iinguistic and ecological Wyoming in L872, the protected area movement grew distinctness frorn the Iowland agricultural civiliz- steadily and has now exÈended over the entire globe. ations. While Èhe area of wilderness was reduced, The International Union for Conservation world of ñature it was still extensive and much of the natural and Natural Re.so.urces (IUCN) has provided an was still protected from the most disruptive human rrofficial'r definition of artnational pa'rk" influences by cuItural,/ecological factors such as l97I) r and in 1959 a 1Hãrroy, warfare resolution of the unitèd taboos Preventing over-exploiÈation' tribal Nations Economic cil charged IUCN which kept wide areas as wilderness "buffer zones" with t.he task of taining aí up-to- between groups, land ownership by ancestors rather date list of the parks- and eluiv_ than individuals, and many others (Amaru IV, 1980). alent reserves. tesponse has been It was the industrial revolut.ion which finally generated to cou inirerenÈ in Èhe changed things on a global scale. What was once a rfY diverse collection of local ecosystems or river- \ basin civilizations becarne a much less diverse and ,ts more closely int.erlinked system which covered the ñ entire world. EcosysÈen people became "biosphere people", who drew their supPort not from any one local ecosystem but from the entire capital of the worldrs Iiving matter (Dasmann, L972r. A simplified exanple will illusÈrate the point: oil from Saudi Arabia fuels the machines and makes the fertilizers and pesticides which allow marginal Iand in west Africa to grow a crop of cocgÂ- for Switzerland Eo make inÈo chocolaÈe which it fly! on American-made airplanes to Singapore for clistri- bution in southeast Asia¡ the profit made by the \.rest African farmer allows him to purchase a Japanese motorcycle, Ethiopian coffeer ôDd Thai rice. The dorninance of this all-encompassing ecosystern has placed the hu¡nan species in a position THE hIORLD CONSERVATION STRATEGY to destroy many living resources and Èo disrupt Èhe natural ecological processes which susÈain all life. But protected areas are only part of the story. It whereas species and ecosystems \,ùere conserved in is also necessary to have wider progranmes for sinpler tines by the low level of technologyr cul- action. An important step was taken in 1980, with tural conÈrols on over-exploitation, and manrs rela- the publication of the WorId servation a tive ecological humbleness, other, more explicit, (IUCN, 1980). This document defin conserva on conservation mechanisms have beco¡ne necessary as AS "the management of human use of the biosphere so man's technology allows him to exceed natural eco- tha t it nay yield the great,est sustainable benefit

2 3 Introduct ion Introduct ion

and decision-making processes; c) seek continuous support of these local- people in shaping and irnplementing conservation strategies, programmes and plans, in order to consj.derably increase present conservation potentials for achieving the goals of the WorId Conservation Strategyi and d) foster further research into traditional tributions to social and economic development, pro- Iifestyles and human ecology. As a follow-up to the ceneral Assenbly a meeÈing v/as convened in Morges in November 1982 by the IUCN Commission on Environmental Planning which had as a major focus the relationships between culture and conservaÈion. Ib was recognized that cultural data on behaviour and motivaÈion vis-à-vis nature are rarely¡ used, though they often condition the success or indeed about popular aspiraÈions. Other inter- or failure of conservation projects. Such data as national instrumeñts, like the Convention Concerning do exist have not been assembled, nor analysed from the Protection of the World CuIturaI and Natural a conservation perspective. Heritage (L972), interpret culture in a rather It was proposed to gather general information narrohr sense and do noE really address problens of on Èhe ways in which behavj.our, motivaÈion and cu1- living traditional cultures. tural patterns function and are transmitted in human socieÈies, to analyse how they relate to nature, to see how they would appJ-y in some specific cases and Èo identify those which are of a general character CULTURE AND CONSERVATION and those which are related only to a particular However, the l5th session of the General Assembly soc ie t.y . of IUCN in Christchurch, New Zealandr in October It was suggested Èhat principles for the evalu- 198I, recognized the importance of Èhe cultural ation and implementation of conservation projects herÍtage of mankind and of the role of cultures should be developed, to enable the maintenance and particútarty traditional cultures - j-n conservaÈion reinforcement of positive attitudes towards nature ãnd the wider processes of development. The Assembly and the modification of those which are less posi- recommended that heads of governmentsr minisEers' tive. The process of environmental planning must mernbers of legislatures, administrators r Planners exhibit a sensitiviÈy to the needs and cultures of and conservationists: Iocal populaÈions. In order to achieve this, it is necessary Èo involve locaI people in Èhe whole a) Eake into account the still-existing' very process of development planning. Traditional Iarge reservoir of traditional knowledge systens of resource use often, although not always, phil-osophy and exper ience within local' include elements contributing to environmentally cuIÈures which must provide a significant sound and sustainable use of living resources. basis for the evolution of future nanage- While current population and other pressures and nent policies and planning actionsi advances in science and technology may caII for b) provide the means for local people who drastic changes in traditional systems of resource maintain ecologicalty sound practices to use, seri.ous attenpts need to be made to preserve play a PrimarY role in aIl stages of and incorporate the desirable elements of tra- ãevelopment in the area they identify ditional practices into modern systems. Conser- wiEh, so that they can participate and vation efforts should preferably be combined with benefit directty, in a manner which is efforts to meet other immediate needs of local popu- consistent with their values, Eime frames IaÈions such as health care, rural development, etc.

4 5 Introduction Introduct ion

FinallY it was recognized that the most urgent custom, and any other capabilities and habits need for research and action related to the so- acquired by rnan as a member of socieÈy. " Seen fron called tribal and indigenous peoples. an evolutionary perspective, culture has given Homo sapiens a significant advantager providing a forn ó-l-õli-ologicaI adaptation which is not inher ited. CONTENTS OF THE BOOK but acquired by exPerience. When we use ttcultures" in the plural, we mean It has alr that many of these tasks the groups of people who see themselves as having a tie in th result of the meetings distinct culture. This definit,ion may well coincide in BaIi ¿ Il the PreParation of a with boundaries and Iabels that are inposed fron research But much knowledge outside on what may be called Èribes or peoples or sub-nations or sub-cultures or whatever. hle recognize that Èhere is a certain fluidity in these boundar ies, people moving from one culture to another. either physically, e.g. through migrationt or mentally, e.g. through the mass rnedia. Many cultures in areas of concern to conser- This book Presents a selection of these papers' vationists and a focus of this volume are called IÈ is noÈ intended to be a comprehensive statement' tribal and indigenous, and here vte use the World or a state-of-the-art survey but rather a series of Bankrs definition (Goodland' this volume). The term tttribal people", often shortened to tttribal" or "tribe", is employed here to characterize a specific type of population typically having stable, 1ow- energy, sustained-yield economic systems. More specifically. the people may be hunter-gatherers, shifting agriculturalists, herders, simple farmers ditional and indigenous and or fisherfolk. The populations included in this- practice. Next is a sec hich terminology exhibit mqny, if_ ¡ot los_!, of the fol- Lhe people themselves can tion lowing character isticsl áñá þru?tning processes. s of papers from the different disciplines and perspec- geographical isolation or se¡ni-isolationi tiv." pointing out the lessons we have learned and unacculturated or only partially accul- where we need to 90 in the future. It is fiLting turated into Èhe national society¡ that, these future directions should be cast in an non-literate, or not possessing a writÈen interdisciplinary and intersectoral frame. Effective language; co-operaÈion nay weII be the key to effective future non-monetízed, or only partially monetized; ãcti-ðn, both hõrizontally between disciplines and largety or entirely independent of the sectors and vertically, beÈvteen the planning and national economic systent executing agencies and the grass roots itself' ethnic distinctiveness from the national soc ie ty ¡ Iinguistic difference from the national DEFINITIONS soc iety ¡ possessed of a common territory; One thÍng we have tried to avoid is an arid debate economic base more tightly dependent on over terminology and definition- Accepting that no their specific environment¡ definitions are perfect, vre have worked with the possessing leadership, but no national following broad Parameters in mind. representation, and few, if anyr political wheñ v¡e talk of "culture" (in the singular) r ights Iongstanding definitions are still acceptable (cf' E.B: Tylor, 1871): "Culture is that complex whole Indigenous peoples are de f ined as "native" (i. e which includes knowledge, belief, artr moralsr lawr birth or origin in the region) and having a I ong

6 7 Introduct ion Introduct i.on

occupancy of the region. By "traditional" u¡e mean Harroy, Jean-Pau1. I97I. United Nations List of *ñái'the- people themlerve i say or conceive as being tional Parks nd u ivalent ves (Second traditional, even if some evidence nay suggest Ed t . IUCN, Morges, tzer introductions. IUCN. The l{orld Cons rvation Stra . IUCN, Gland relatively recent (1e Some PeoPle have rel ected terms like "tr ibal" 8 because thèy þerceive Pej orative connotations' but McNeeIy, Jeffrey A. and Miller, Kenton R. I994. ít is clear from our mess age that such terms are Nat.i I Parks Conser 10n and Develo nt: noÈ used in anY derogatorY sense whatsoever. Quite e role of tected areas n susta n Èhe reverse: Our argumen t is that these cultures et an ns ut on ress, have a vatiditY and viÈalitY which may Provide s ton, D.C. answers to environmental ProbI ems which so-ca1led MiIIer, Kenton R. 1980. planning National parks for developed countries have PatentlY failed Èo Provide. Ecodevelopment. Center for Strategic Wilifand In additi onr the notions of "tribal" and "indigen- l"lanagenent Studie s, Ann Arbor, Michigan. 1i¡' ons" are officiall in the UN sYStem and accepted Sahl ins , Iv1ar shall . L972. Stone e Economics. ves o -those for Aldine, Chicago. tt" by the representat PeoPles, Tylor, pr ^ example at the UN lrlor k ing croup on Tribal and E.B. I871. imitive Culture. John Murray, Indigenous Peoples which met in Geneva in August L,ondon. 1983. the traditional cultures or sub-cultures whieh are the focus of this book should be a critical part I r' ', /w\ \'€t { ¡l t /4,, ^ ' {;o,'' i,' ì,' rl ' fn-,{, 14- rP ,' Lo-"'o 1'1\ / 4 i^^ tln \, characterized by dwindling populations nearly always threatened with one form or other of outside exploi- 1-^^]rt) t,ation. IÈ has also been said that the world of the I70 or so the future must recognize not only l'^a..:f { nations but also the thousands of sub-cultures which i:\¡ Nd,l, nir,,, { i-, are both the heriEage ot mankind and the Iiving h) p reality for most ordinary men' women and children' rl is our hoPe that this volume may contribute to recognizì.ng the important role Èhat traditional culturei can play in promoÈing ecologically and socially sound develoPment. ,ì t' vr I 'yroa REFERENCES / AMARU IV Cooperative. 1980. The Once and Future Resource ¡4e4e5¡9l-g.. a re@ (,*n, @n'D.c. ry Dasmannr Raymond F. L972. National Parks nature conservation, and future Prinitive. Ecolog' ist 6 (5) : L64-L67 .

8 9 SecÈion One

RETHINKING CONCEPTS FOR CONSERVATION AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES

lNTRODUCTION

We begin by looking at the way in which ',conser-

be made to help their cultural and in some cases physical survival. Brownr igg then presents four management options in which the argument is to achieve the maximum benefit from worÉing with the people thenselves. Then CIad asks for a close and continuing Iink between what he sees as natural allies: the conservationists and indigenous peoples. There are undoubtedly other management conèepts that need to be put into the poÈ. One for examþIe could take CIad,s poinÈ further and argue foi a greater sol ance, perhaps add- ing a kind nserva€ion -management models Èo recognize that managenent derived fro¡n cul_ tural and social contexts. Each social system gen_

!./ Theory Z is the brainchild of W Ouchi derived from the very successful manag t structures developed in Japanese business where there is an exceptional closenessr êvêD kinship, between managed and with a great deal of power sharing. Ouchi, W L982. Theory Z. Avon, New York. 1I erates its own kind of managementf and nuch of the Chapter One literature and the examples we present here are der ived from the Euro-Amer ican context. OÈher TRIBAL PEOPLES AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: countries have other kinds of socio-cultural sys- THE HUIVIAN ECOLOGICAL DIMENSIoN tems. For example, different managemenÈ models are typical of the socialist world (which now includes By many third world countries). Here the theory is also populistic in the sense that classes, peasan- Robert Goodland tries or proletariats can Èake over Èhe management World Bank of environmental and other functìrons and that there I8L8 H Sr. N.W. is an evoluÈionary progressioní toward this end. Washington, D.C. 20433f USA In the final analysis, most management models are transplanted from one culture to another and must be flexible and receptive Èo both the broad parameters of culture and the nuances. ABSTRACÎ It is estimaced that, at present, there are,Âpproxi- mately 200 miII j.on tri-bal people, roughly 4iJof tne global popul-ation. They are found in allvregions of the world and number among the poorest of Èhe poor. Development projects, assisted by the World Bank, are increasingly directed to remote, marginal areas of the rural environmenÈ and, without spécial precautions, wiII affect these peoples. It is frequently di fficult to anticipate Èhe naÈure and d imens ion of the rtrqpact that a development pro j ect may have on tribal people livj.ng in these arear, especially whq.n this is their firsÈ contact with the dominant society. lVithout precautions, the ensuing acculturation process proves prejudicj,al to such people. Until relatively recently, development planning had not adequately addressed the human, economic, and social_ aspects of the acculturatj_on process. Certain basj.c needs must be acknowledged and accommodated if trj_bal groups are to benefit from - rather than being harrned by - development projects. These fundamental needs are equatly important, and each must be met for continued physical, socio- economicr and cultural survival_ in the face of dev- eJ-opmen t .

INTRODUCTION: FUNDAMENTAL NEEDS Z/ For a detailed exposiEion of this evolutionary theme see Lostakovà, H. f9B?ñ Toward an EvoI- The four fundamental needs of tribal societ.ies utionary-Systems Approach to Ení ironmenÈal Conser- relate to autonomy and participation, to conditions vation and Planning in Different CulturaI Settings. that wiIl maintain their culture and their ethnic Paper presented to the L982 IUCN/CEP Meeting, rdentity to the extent they desire: (a) recognition Morges. of territorial rights, (b) prot,ection from intro-

L2 13 Tribal Peoples and Economic Development Tribal Peoples and Econonic Development duced disease, (c) tine to adapt to the national consequence of cont,act. Examples of this are the society, and (d) self-determination. Clearly' Kreenakrore, Surui, and Parakanan funerindian grouPs freedom of choice is worthless without understanding in Brazil (DostaI, L972i Seeger, 1981), all con- the rmplications of the given alternatives and the tacted in the lasÈ twenty years¡ the Senang and ability to choose between them. That is why tribal Sakai in Malaysia; the Andaman Islanders and the people must be allowed time to rnake their ohrn Todas and Kathodis in India; Èhe Pygmies in Zaire; ãdlustments at their own Pace' and must be given and the lgorotÈes in Èhe Philippines. In fact' t.he opportunity Èo Iearn about the wider society contact has inevitably resulted in a considerable and to gain a place for themselves within it. Ioss of Iife among the tribal grouP involved. A The needs of tr ibal groups, outlined in this number of precautions must, therefore' be taken if chapter, differ critically from those of other rural this risk is aÈ least to be held to a minimum and and urban populations for whom Bank-assisted proj- appropriate procedures must be tailored to each ects are usually designed, and from the experience specific case. of nost development and project planners. Further' social needs differ also among tribal groups themselves as mentioned in ChaPter I. For this reason' i,AND each project affecting such peoples must be designed to meet the specific needs of the tribal groups The first and fundamental need for tribal survival within dr near the project area. and cultural viabiliÈy is continued habitation in and use of t.he traditional land areas. The tribe's economic resource management, socio-political organ- izationr and belief systems are tightly $roven into EFFECTS OF CONTACT the particular land areas inhabited and used to Particular problems occur and needs are evident in obtain and produce aII necessities. The menbers of cases of uncontacted tribal groups. WhiIe there a tribe are intsimaÈely familiar wiEh locations of are only a few such groups remaining in the world different game animals and their habits' as weII as t.oday, special action is necessary if they are in the vegetation within the traditional range. the area of influence of any project considered by Maint,aining the traditional land-based patterns of the Bank. 'Ihese special measures do not apply to environmental adaptation is essential to the the more acculturated peoples who are more fre- perpetuation of most asPects of the tribal \n¡ay of quently affected by development projects. The con- life. tacting process, also known euphemistically as A-ô'l'â- r-"îr(,(" "pacification" or "attraction", poses serious risks f.or the survival of such tribal groups. In some Large Land Areas cases, their physical flight from a contact team Tribal lands include not only areas which ar obv i- can so disrupt the normal- economic and social life ously inhabited at a given time, but others t may of the group as to leave then underfed' weakened be used or occuPied only intermittently a- both physically and psychologically, and highly annual cycles. Hunter-gatherers - the Iaha IN vulnerable to disease particularly when newly i-ntro- Southern Africa and Australian Bushmen' duced to different circumstances. Whether or not - range over wide areas and exploit them systemati- actual flight occurs, the risk from introduced dis- cally (Maybury-Lewis, 1968). Pastoralists' such as ease is common and serj,ous. This is in part because the Masai in Kenya and Tanzania, Ehe Fulani in of the special difficulties of implenenting preven- NigerÍa, the Bedouins of Cyrenaica in north-eastern tive or curative health services for a group un- Libya, the Shah Saran of Iran' and the Gujjars of accustomed to such outside attenÈion. norÈh-western India, require large areas of land This situation becomes especially critical when which may seem Èo the casual visitor to be unoccu- the newly contacted group is brought into more or pi.ed. Shifting agriculturalists' like the Kalinga less immediate conuact with nationals in addition of the Philippines, also Ieave large fallow areas to the origì,nal contact team. Records from various to recuperate before replanting. parts of the world document severe and rapid depopu- To the extent thaÈ tribal groups inhabit mar- lation as an inmediate, though not always direct' ginat areas, much larger land areas may be required I4 I5

L 7

Tribal Peoples and Econonic DevelopmenÈ Tribal Peoples and Economic Developnent

to support the population than would be the case in complex and well-balanced ecosystem. Their more fertile - rãgions. When common shifting- economic and social Iife is based on the agriculture methods are usedr new areas are needed old hand-buiIt rice paddy terraces formed for clearance every two to five years when weeds out of the steep mountain slopes along the encroachandyieldsdecline.Thismethodoftropical Chico River. The economic forces tying forestland.usedoesnotdarnagetheenvironment people to their land also tie them to ,uh"., pr."tised by an appropriate number of people' their traditions because the attachmenÈ since exhausEed Joits have tine to recuPerate while to the land i.s more than economic and other tractã are Planted' The isolation and small organizational. The particular land areas size of Èhe cleaie-d areas avoid excessive erosion were constructed by their ancestors and andaccelerateregr-property Indian FoundaÈion (FUNAI) to lransfer the Narnbiquara are inapplicablê to tribãl land-use patterns, since out of the Guapore valley into an inappropfiate 1 land is õwned in common and parcels of land are used reserve generally resulted in failure. The y intermitt€-ñtÊy. -Tre--söl¡tion of corporate ownership Nambiquara refusal to move involved not only the is outline¿ tãter in this chapter. GovernmenÈs have natural resource scarcity in the new area, which often acquired lands used by tribal. people on the was savanna rather than forest, but also the fact that they were uninhabited wasteland. l that they would lose touch with the tand where assumpÈioï their dead had been buried (price, L977a.) In the process. they have often disrupted the larger 0 human-Iand equilibrlum systems evolved by the tribal cultures(BodteyrLgT5l.frlhenland-usePatternsare radically alceräd, traditional tribal economic and Legalization of Tribal Land Rights social oiganizaÈions, authority, and belief systems Land rights, access to traditional landsr âûd main- imPaired. tenance of transhumant routes are vital to the econ- are inevitablY omic, socialr and psychological well-being of individual tribal menbers, as well as for the mainten- ic Value ance of t.he grouprs cultural stability. Those national governments that UN AIong w economrc s ign ificance' the Èraditional are signatory to the Iand ba se holds imPortant sYnbo lic and emotional charter and require Bank assistance can be guided meanlng for tribal PeoPle. IT is the repositorY by Èhe UN Declaration of Human Rights, 1948 (Annexes for ancestral remains' grouP or1gin sites, and oÈher 3 and 4) on tribal issues and Iand tit.le. This is sacred features closelY Iinked to tribal economic often difficult to accomplish because most tribal systems. peoples hold land in common, demarcated only in the perception of their members. Land is regarded as a The Kalinga and Bontoc tribes in the common good, to which individuals have righÈs of Philippines compleÈely identify with the ir use, but which cannot be alienated. The tenure is physicat environment. They are part ofa in the nature of a trust in which all members l6 L7 Tribal Peoples and Economic Development Tribal Peoples and Economic Development although they are not difficult draw This and unborn are co-sharers. Communal to up. dead, Iiving, inno- is the spirit of the Peruvian law of Native Peoples, title, or 9roup Èenure t may need le gislative s uch innovations L974. Recently contacted tribal groups, when Èheir vation on the ParÈ of a nationi Iands are protected as reserves, can receive some unknown nor es peciallY difficult. The are neither governments, medical attention for introduced disease and some Bank can discuss tribal Po licies with protection against encroachment by outsiders. In to imPlement ag reed policies. which would acE joint familY BrazíL, the living conditions of tribal people on In India, the concePt of Hindu reserves are generally bett,er than among those which each male mernbe r of a joint famiIY propertY, where (and this have lost their lands. Health benefits, however had a fluctuating share in the ProPer ty meagre, derived from the establishment of reserves included conceived' Yet unborn, males ) closeIY are critical to the physical weIl-being of tribal the concePt of cornmunal tenure. This aPpr oximates cen- groups (Ramos, 1976a). Although the reserve becomes syste m has been recognize d in law for several less necessary as Èhe tribal society becomes able tur ie s and now has been rncorPorated into "modern" Èhat grouP tenure in to toleraÈe or withstand the pressures of the Iaw. In 1946, it was ProPo sed national society, title to their remains Trust TerritorY of the Pacific Islands be lands the U.S. Land fundamental. r ecog nized and controlled as a trust, bY a 1and" A major drawback Èo the establishnent of re- Contr oI Board. SimilarlY in Fiji' "native serves is tr j.bal exposé t.he author bY the Native Land to national ities has been successfullY controlled who, usually ouÈ of ignorancer rnây encourage or Trust Board. The exe rcise has Provided a remarkable enforce possibly well-intentioned, though often example of the carefu I use of tribal Iands to Pro- detrimental, modifications to tradiÈional practices. As in the case of communal tenure mote development. in Fiji Disruption occurs when a governnent removes a tribe among other tribal Po pulationsr native land to a neh¡ area in order to resettle it on a reserve cannoÈ be alienated¡ only I imited leases can be and then adminisÈers that reserve. The ecological created wiÈh the aPPr oval of the Board. setEing is usually quj.te different on the reser- Further r many transhumant migrations are can be vaÈion, movemenÈ is usually restrictedr âDd nomadic re9 ular, their routes are weIl-defined and groups are suddenly forced to become sedentary. demarcated. It should noÈ , therefore, be difficult waY or ease- Religious and cultural practices are usually modi- to grant Èhese tribal PeoP Ie r ight.s of fied. Even the type of crops planted may be deter- by law. I n most countries, rights ments recognized of mined before-hand by government representatives. of \{ay resul ting from cont inuous use are Part Ihe procedures for involuntary resettlement formu- the general Iaw available to all Persons. These public use of lands. lated by the Bank wi.ll alleviate these problems (see r ights cover both Private and ,Annex l). / Enforced "primitJ.vism" is also a disrupti.ve Ç policy occasionally practised on a reservation. creaÈion of Reserves tribal res may This policy is oft.en followed either to promoEe In some casesr the creation of a tourism, since "primitive" costumes, houses, and be the ¡nost feasible means of ProtectÍng bal naI crafts are tourist attractions, or it is defended 9roup whose culture is endangered bY as a means of preserving the Èribe's cultural ident- or bY a develoPment Pro ject' mainly in intru sion, adaptation. ity. Ho\,rever , whereas enf orced "pr imitivism,' is order to provide time necessarY for always damagingr elective "primit sm" can be ben- Reserve cr èation may be vital for tr ibes in Èhe and eficial as in Èhe case of the nas of Panama. ear Iy first and second phases of integration, l'linor ity culture has never bee a static entity rn sPec ial cases for so cieti.es in the third Phase. which must be preserved exactly as it is found or Such reserve shou ld function as a secure base, a make as it is believed to have been. Rather it is a prov iding the tribe with time and sPa ce to its dynamic reality that should be provided with con- adaPÈ ations; not a Prison in which the tribe is own reserve ditions adequate for developnent in a natural and confined. In many cases, Iand held in progressive manner. Cultural continuity shoutd be status could q uite simplY be transformed into title encouraged in aII spheresr but the choice of whether by the tribe oE r in the earlY stages held communallY government. / to continue to modify old ways should be left to of contact, in trust bY the national V the tribal people themselves and not imposed upon Most countries lack such leg islative mechanisms' 19 I8 Tribal Peoples and Economic Development Tribal Peoples and Economic Development them. Two examPles of enforced "primitivism" are3 Èrators and eventually the tribal Ieaders, should have lne power to defend tribal lands against On the Matigsalug reservation in the Simod incursions by outsiders. It is only when Éribal area of Bukidnon on Mindanao (Philippines) people are accorded equalj.ty under the Iaw (either the Monobos are required to wear tribal as individuals, families, or larger groupings costumes and build tulugan tribal houses legal recognition of 'rpastoralist groups,' was deemed without the use of náils. an essential precondition to implementation of Bank- The Higaunons in the Salug reser- assisted and vaÈion in Agusan, Mindanaor had to consent have the that to the buùdozing of their substantial they can ety. houses, some made of concrete blockst to A1r this aña qualify for assistance from the Office of not amenable to acceleration. Tribal representatives ine Presidential Assistant on National capable of dealing with administratorsf nationals, Mj.norities (PANAMIN) (Rocamora, L9791 . and the governmentr'as well as with communal title are pivotal to survivaL. Though examples are few, The reservat.ion system easily accommodaÈes these it can be done: the Gavioes in Amazõnia (BraziI) practices and systems of exPloited labour, as the requested the tribal agent to operaÈe only outside ieservation is usually located in a remoÈe area and the reservation gates in one year, bought and its inhabitants have 1itÈle legal recourse or managed thej.r own truck the next, and started hir- representation at higher political Ievels. The ing non-tribal day labourers the following year. adirinistration of the reservation represents the government and enforces government policy; it may ñot be inclined, or even able, to respond to Èhe HEALTH interesÈs of the inhabitants. If the tribal grouP has no channel through whic its After recognicion of title to land, the maintenance rights and needs, abuses are The and protection of health standards is the second fundamental prerequisj.te to Èhe tr ibe's survival maJor problem with t.he crea s is ,'f thát, a-s currently practisedr tribe (except in the rare cases of irst contact,', in and its lands is transferred t Èhey which health measures are initially most urgent). governm a sPeciaIIY aPPointed The process of developnent can so disrupt life that group. strators generallY PlaY new and old health and disease-carrying agents with- is one resoluÈion of disPutes out suffering j.11 effects. Health is a continuing witnin Partial Prevention of property that can be measured by the individualré contact with the national socieÈy. Few adminis- ability to ralLy from a wide range and amplitude of trators have readily moved from a Eraditional "Iaut changes or disruption. and order" concept of Èheir role to one Ehat is Indigenous medicine in tribal- areas has usually more development orienÈed. In these circumstances, controlled endemic diseases and met the needs of the socio-economic Aap widens between the tribe and the tribal socj.ety in its traditional habitat. the nationals. Bank enphasis on strengthening the Therefore, the object of health measures within the tribal agency and tribal administrators in member context of developnent is to foster existing ther- governmenÈs is more appropriate than for the Bank apies, to introduce appropriate new repertoires, to assume a leading role in tribal affairs. and to avoid the introduction of unfamiliar diseases The most successful means by which a reser- and conditions that might disrupt existing standards vation could form the basis of tribal developnent of health. Three major facÈors impair indigenous is, first, and as early as possible, to leave the health.. first, transmission of disease; second, governance of the tribe and its resources to the modification of diet and Iiving condit.ions; and tribe itself as it was befofe the reserve was third, social change and stress. These factors created. Second, administrators should act as disrupt the normal levels of community health of the facilitators, bringing to the tribe the protection' tribal people compared with neighbouring peasants, benefits, or specially designed educaÈion and health as well as lower resistance and increase vulner- progralnmes it- may request. Third, the adminis- ability to disease.

20 2L Tribal PeoPles and Econonic Development Tribal Peoples and Economic Development

I oduction of Disease Fir sÈ, rh s eopardized bY Èhe introduction, usually accidental, of diseases Èo which the tribal peopl e have had liÈtle or no exposure, either indi- vidua lly or througho ut the Èribe's genetic h isÈory. In such excePtionally homozygous PoPulations' severe and often fatal reac tions to pathogens which are innocuous to the nati onal soci èty must be anticipated. The Iiterature on tribal grouPs is filled with accounts of contr acted illnesses and frequent deaÈhs due to contact with outsiders' In fact r Ehe sfa99er r'ng population losses anong Anerindians in BraziI aft er the intrusion of Euro pean settlers from 230 tribes in 1900 Èo about half thaE in 1980 - were caused mo re by disease and starvation' than by conflict. In 1500, there were an estimated 6 million Èo 9 million Amerindians in Brazil. today barely 200,000 survive - an attrition rate In the late 1950s and early 1960s, an of two million PeoPIe Per century. increase in endenic cretinisn, a birÈh In the I930s, Èhere were between defectr wâEinoted anong the people of the 2r000 and 3,000 Nambiquara of the Guapore Jini valley- in papua l¡ew cuiìea. The valley in Mato Grosso t BraziL. In the f irst cases of endemic cret.inism began t,o Iate 1960s. a road (Cuiaba-Porto Velho) appear shortly after conÈact with góvern_ cut Èhrough their territory and large- ment patrolsr and the incidence ot the scale cattle ranching operations were disease increased rapidly with nore con_ established. BY L972, more than 20 agri- Èact. prornoted the Investigations revealed that business projects were in government early region by fiscal incenÈives from SUDAM patrols rewarded with salt (SuperinÈèndency for the Development of (deficient in elenental iodine) all ser_ Amaionia). Diseases almost completely vices rendered by the indigenous inhabi_ exterminated the Nambiquara to the point tants. The precontact era salt traded that, in two of the GuaPore valleY groups, the entire population younger Lhan 15 years was killed by influenza and measles (Ramos, L979¡ Ribeiro' 1956). Since disease can be t'ransferred to the tribal group by any interchange with outsiders - such as þro¡èct-Iabdurers and Èhe use of Èheir water, food' êupplies, or clothing, or by other tribes who have Contact with dominant groups also result.s in dietary to paÈhogens - proEection or isolation damage among Èribat people who desire to irnitate Oeèn exposed t.he food habits is esseìtial until a massive vaccination canpaign of the do¡ninant grou.p and,'thã Èhereby, -wiãer can be implenented. Medical screening of all seek to enhance their own statué wittrin projecÈ workers is, therefore, imPerative. society. Before the doninance of the more Hinduized groups Alter ns in Diet and ]. Condit in Nepal, tribal groups like the c early, hea s slgn f can ya ected by diet Kamang, I\,lagar ¡ and sherpa consumed meat. and, particularIY, bY sudden changes in it. Fre- Today, increasing numbers of Èhese tribes

22 23 Tribal Peoples and Economic DeveloPment Tribal Peoples and Economic Developmenf sudden demands decrease the capacity to wi,th th.t result that laÈion, are giving uP meat provide tî" adapÈ successfully. Major and rapid social changes their pr"""rri diets do -not are associated with: nutritionur ùãfin"e they formerly enjoyed' Further, u" ã- iesult of the growing reluc- a) Ioss of self-esteem? tance to sfaug-trtãr animal-s'- th.e b) increase in actual and perceived role con- exceeded. the "o^b::-.::carrylng iivestoct< has far de- flict and ambiguity¡ and or-lr¡e rand' which is fast c) increase in the perceived gap betvteen as- "ãöããitv.ter ior at r-ng . piration and achievement. adoption Whether the result of -=uãa"nrelocation or willing of new modes or rite, cha-nge is-usually-9-:t- Loss of Self-Esteem r'ãt example inf luenza sv'epÈ r imental to frearïri'-' ' were com- e tribal population confronted with development or iñä--iãålri. rslands after the isranders modernization often ef{Þeriences Ioss of self-esteem; adopt n the grounds of modesty' of their sense of pelled Èo "iãtitt" advice was tendered that its mernbers feel a deprivation cloÈhes *.r" *ori;-b;i colds personal worth and a devaluation of their social they had to be I washed regularly' identity. Loss of self-esteem may result from "rtá"1"J - explicj.È critical or negative evaluations of the andinfluenzaweretheconseque.nce.Again,.in.re--noïsls ttattó been constructed to Iocation, tr ibal- families (as tribal culture by the agents of change or members ;;;;iã; åccomnodation onrv for nucrear of the dominanÈ society. Belittling the tribal aÈtemp tle the Shah Sevan population as ignorant, dirty, or backward is com- in the unsuccessful ucted of brick and of lran)r or they h fs' as in Africa' mon, and may even be used to encourage the tribal morÈar with galvan families' society to change. Development itself may be phrased Many tribal people nüclear ln terms that implicitly, if not explicitly' de- but rather Ín ext - î and bricks and values the tri.bal culture and its members. Tribal morÈar do not pÃ"la" acceptable living conditions' traditions and knowledge are stigmatized and simply Breaking ,rp ramirìes ana prïviding unacgee-t1b]:^li"- replaced by Èhe dominant culture. Seldom are tra- ing condiÈions i-npaii ãd'justment and lower resisÈ- ditional tribal values acknowledged or are attempts ance to disease pects of rerocation have made to perpetuate them. although until recenÈlY been i These Èhis nÈary relocation' Increased Role lict and Ambiquitv whenever tribal PeoPles prin not there is relocation Rapid social change inÈroduces nev¡ individual or are tsribal group roles and modifies old ones. These nodifi- invo nuÈrition for both cations increase role conflict and ambiguity, which oeople and nationals who are in regular contact vtith further erode the self-esteem and social identity Lneir is desirabre. of an individual or group. For exampÌe' people in a hunting and gathering socieÈy are trained Èo be independent and opportunistic' and Èo use initiative. These qualities become disadvanÈages when such people are forced to offer themselves as dependent and obedient wage or debt-bondage labourers. Tribal leaders suddenly find that Èheir value bas been downgraded and their pov¡er is usurped by the arrival of an appointed official or by the appointment of a nelr non-traditional tribal leader by nationals- From the position of managers, Ieaders are reduced to servants. This is traumatic for then personally but even more so for the people who benefited fron or depended on their leadership. Even such funda- nental matters as the relationship between Èhe sexes

25 24 Tribal Peoples and Economic Development Tribal Peoples and Economic Development rnay be radicallY altered. to achieve new goaIs, particularly since traditi.onal ways Èo achieve goals are often disrupted. During The Nivakle in the Paraguayan Chaco disruption due to development, the normal resources adapted to settler inÈrusion into their for the support and maintenance of institutions with traãitional lands by raising their own the tribal group cannot. operate effecÈiveIy, because herds of cattle, sheeP, and goats ' the entire population must meet added demands for Mennonite settlers in the Central Chaco adjustnent. At the same time, the social and main- discouraged the Nivakle fron maintaining tenance mechanisms of t.he dominant society are these flocks, which were difficult to keep largely inappropriate for the tribe's needs. Encour- off the Mennonite farms. The Nivakle agement of achievements or goals that are unre- were' therefore, forced to rely on the alistic or unattainable within the t.raditional value Mennonites for wage labour, of which there system will further widen this aspiration-achieve- was not enough for all. Meanwhile' Ehe ment gap. patriarchal Mennonites dealt only with lnale Nivakle and paid only the menr damaging what had tradiÈionally been a very CULTURÀL AUTONOMY egalitarian relationship between men and women in Nivakle societY. The prerequisite for successful survival of a tribal The Nivakle had traditionally spaced group as an ethnic minority is the retention of their children through the practice of autonomy: cuIturaI, social, econornic. This freedom abortion. They also believed that a nurs- of choice involves conÈinued control by the tribal ing mother who had sexual intercourse people over Èheir own institutions: tribal customs, woutd harm the soul and, therefore beliefs, language, and means of subsistence or pro- cripple the body of her baby. Mothers' duction. nurèèd as long as theY had milk and Economic development has often been promoted refrained from sexual intercourse. Their at the expense of tribal instiÈutions. DeváIopment husbands were expected to share sex with strategies often tacitly assurned that there weie.ro other women who were not bound by the same viable instiÈutions or pr in the retribution. The Mennonites vigorously tribal cul-ture that could b develop- opposed Èhese customs, moving to stamP out ment. This "vacuum ideolog e large- abõrtion and to promote sexual fidelity scale transfer of national ractióes between husband and wife. This resulÈed to tribal cultures thaÈ derstood in a population increase among Nivakle and (ColletÈa, L977). The primary example of this is considerable anxiety as Èo the fate of the spread of Western technology and schooling their children, reared under conditions throughout the non-Western woild by coloniat that threatened both their souls and their warders. While contact with nationals will inevi- bodies. tably bring some change in tribal practices and In 1962, there was a severe drought attitudes, prevailing basic customs and traditions in the Chaco. The Mennonite setÈlers felt need not be drastically altered or elirninated. obliged Èo retrench and to lay off many Furthermore, the tribe alone should choose which of their Nivakle labourers. But many \"ere traditions should be altered. Retention of tribal now tsotally dependent on working for the customs enhances maintenance of ethnic identity, lrlennonites. In the case of the NivakIe, stability as a productive unit, and, more import- they had Iost their Iivestock and had antly, successful adaptation to new circumstañces. acquired a larger number of mouths to feed One rêason, for instancer why Èhe Balinese have (Loewenr 1964). been relatively inpervious to outside influence is that they have naintained their cultural integrity, wiLl not admit non-Balinese as nembers of -their ncrease ln ir ation-Ach ie t communities, and have adopÈed changes that reinforce Rap soc a c ange vt ens gap t,he as- their culture. piraÈions of an individual or grouP and the ability

26 27 Tribal Peoples and Economic Development Tribal peoples and Econonic Development

lic of Cultural Auto The po cres usua yad opte d concerni ng the deg r ee of social change that is to occur wi th in tr ibal, gr ouPs range widelY. The twO extremes are: total enforced isolation o f the tribal groups allowing no change, on Èhe one h and, all Èhe waY through raPid and comple te assinilaÈion resulting in the loss of the tr ibe 's identitYr oû the other ' Isolation should be rej ected as irnPossible: a zoo- like ar- rangement of a n enforced Primitive state. Complete assinilation i nto the national societY de nies, then extinguishes, ethnic diversity. Furthermore ' âs Ãòt.a- earlier. rapid change can seParate - tribal Ë;ói. iio* in"it curtural identitv: a form of exÈ inct, ion. An intermediate policy adopted by the Bank

Desired Outcome A.EÏõñ-Tõ gr¡arantee the physicar survivar of tribar popurations and encourage freedom of curturar choice is directed towards the following outcome: a) a tribal population that forms a rec_ ognized and accepted ethnic ¡ninority _ one component of an ethnically pluralistic national society¡ mediate policY is to succeed¡ a) National governments and inÈernaÈional organizations must supPort rights to land usèd or occupied by tr ibal people ' to their ethnic identity, and to cultural sustained-yield agro-ecosystern vrith the autono¡ny. production of a surplus on occasion. b) The tribe must be provided with interim safeguards that enable it Èo deal with un- welcome outside influences on its own land until the tribe adapts sufficiently' c) Neither the nation nor the non-tr ibal neighbours should comPete with the tribal society on its own lands for its resources'

rather than a ward of the state. Cultural autonomy differs fron the integration- ist aPProach in several resPecEs. Firstt cultural Given the fundamental importance of econo¡nic

28 29 Tribal Peoples and Economic Development Tribal Peoples and Economic Development paÈterns idering the ex- ANNEX 1 treme con national economies, th tribal cultures THE WORLD BANK AND INVOLUNTARY RESETTLEMENT with the is a critical one. A Èribal culture of its The Bank tries to avoid involuntary resettlement to be whenever f easible. lrlhere relocaÈion is unavoidabte political autonomY, bu e (for åLÁnicarry oistinðt it tain its ì instance, in the case of large construction ã.ãäõÃv-ã"¿ it it rema utsiders I projects, such as dams, irrigation schemes, ports (BodIey, l9?5). a and airports, new towns and highways), a well- prepared reseÈtlement plan should be drawn up in accordance with principles that leave room for considerable flexibility in the solutions and implemen- REFERENCES tation that are most suitable in any particular Bodley' J. 1975. VicÈims of Progress. Cummings t case. $lhere only a few people are to be relocated, Menlo Park. appropriate compensation for assets, coupled with Colle arrangemenÈs for removal and a relocation grant may suffice. In the case of large numbers of people, or whole communit.ies, the resettlement plan would Dosta include compensation as one principal eLernent, as in SouLh America. Wor Counc Io ur s, weII as relocation and establishment in a new area, or integratì.on with existing comnunities in an Geneva. already settled lvlaybury, Lewis D. I968 . The Sav âo e and the Innocent. area. The major objective is to Beacon, Boston. ensure that sett,lers are afforded opportunities to Price, D. Lg77. AccuIÈuration, Social Assistance and become established and economically self-sustaining Political Context Proceedings, 42od Inter- in the shortest possible period at living standards naÈional Congress of Americanists (603-9). that match those before resettlement; that the Ru Develo t Strate IES settlers' socj.al and cultural institutions are sup- Rocamora I J. 1975. ported Ateneo de Man a Unlvers ty, Ins I u eo f and their own initiative is encouraged; and Philippine Culture. that the new areas should be one in which the skills Rocamora, J. L979. The Polltical Uses of PANAMIN' and aptitudes of the involuntary settlers can be (fI-2f) . readily employed. Important considerations include S.E. Asia Chronicle 6-7: access Seeger , A. I981. to land, markets, employnent and the provision of needed services and infrastructure in the Br az il. Har va new preparatory South East As ia Res area. Careful work with the invol_- and Èhe Marcos Reqime. BerkeIey, California. untary settlers, the host communityr ând their re- spective leaders prior to the move is of primary These extracÈs appeared originally in the world impor tance . Bank's Report (TribaI Peoples and Economic Develop- ment, pp.- I6-29, Lg82) and are reprinted with the kind permission of the World Bank.

30 31 Chapter Two NATIVE CULTURES AND PROTECTED AREAS: MANAGE}{ENT OPTIONS

By Dr Leslie A. Brovrnr igg AMARU IV 57f55 EasÈ End StaÈion Washington D.C. 20037, USA

ABSTRACT On their oh,n Iands, the culturally native popu- Iations of Latin America protect large areas in natural ecosystems and achieve a renewable resource of a living environment. Tbis relation can be re- j.nforced by each of the four managenent options for the formal designation and organization of proÈected areas which are outlined in this paper: native owned lands, where the proEection of thã ãrea is by native peoples i reserves, where a protect,ed nat,ural area corresponds with t.he territory of a particular native population; buffer zones, where a protecÈed area serves as a physical or ecological barrier betþ¡een native lands and the lands of othersi and research stations, where certain areas under native management are organized as agricultural or ecological research stations.

INTRODUCTION On their own lands the culturally native populations of l,atin America protect large areas in natural ecosystems and achieve a renewable use of the living environment. This relation can be reinforced by each of the four rnanagement options for Èhe format designation and organization of protected areas which are outlined in this paper. Native populations and national resource managers are appropriat.e allies. For both, the need to reach a mutual understanding is urgent. From the history and situation of naÈive peoples, resource managers can understand more fully the problens of protected areas. Native peoples now inhabit extensive areas of Latin America which may be developed

33 Native Cultures and Protected Areas Native Cultures and Protected Areas in ways which disregard both then and the naÈuraI tribal territory for roads, reservoirs or coloniz- environment, but the management options presented aÈ ion. here would benefit both native Peoples and tshe The problem of national level legal rights nation. differs for groups which have titte for their land There are problems aÈ both the local and the and those which do noÈ. Native peoples who do not national }evel in the protection of an area, whether have titles are more vulnerable. because their very it be a biological reserve, a national forest or the existence and occupancy can be easily ignored. communal lands or territory of a native population 'rNegative certificates,' have been issuèd Àtating (World Bank, I98t). At the local IeveIr rêsident their land is vacanti when inhabitants are dis- naÈive peoples maintain resource use within ecologi- covered, they are evicted even though their tribe cal Iimits. The social and behavioural patterns of may have Iived in the area for centuries. native populations have been integrated with natural The most important aspecÈ of native Americanst environment variables in a way which usually' though Iand-use practices for administrators, policy- not always, results in ecologically sound long-Èerm makers, planners and developers is their inõIusj.on use of an area. Native peoples have usually defended of f) reserve areas in natural or second growth their Èerritories from invadersi whole cultures have fallow and 2) common lands governed by strict codes perished in the attempt. Frontiers between societies to perpetuate their usefulness for generations yet have tended to be lawless. Native American ethnic unborn. These unique aspects of native emerièan groups faced frontier situations long before the Iand t.enure are the spatial and social nanifestation arrival of Europeans and nultinational corporations. of their conservationism. The entire movement to Forest and desert groups faced the expansionism of create protected areas and natural reserves is re- ancient Andean and Mesoamerican states, and small inventing at the level of the naÈion-state the con- Èribal groups have ebbed and flowed across the land- figuration that native populations have tradiÈion- scape. Groups defending their territories are de- ally used within their territories. nounced as savages for the nethods they emPloyt tnough the more brutal invasion methods used by the mainstream cu1Èure are not denounced in similar terms. Spontaneous, unplanned þenetrations by Iumbermen, commercial hunters, and unauthor ized expeditions have also caused problems. At the national. Ievel, the problem of protect- i.ng an area requires the clear legal designation of its function, supported by administrative and insti- base and to ninimize risks. tutional structures. Once an area has been ident- FaIIow areas are also important. Unstressed ified, placed under proÈective staÈus, and provided native agricultural practices are clearly designed with personnel and an operating budget, iÈs per- for either low or high impact on the environmént, petuity musÈ be assured through constant vigilance. though both levels of impact may be observed anong Since earliest colonial times, native PoPu- areas of the same eÈhno-linguistic groups or withiñ lations have sought perpetuity, yet have endured a a single village system. The low impact design history of expropriations. They have faced changes requires long fallows during which the natural -pas- in polrtical regimes or policies, administrative ture or forest ecosystems can recover from a few inconsistencies¡ âDd the distribution of rights over years of isolated, cyclical, rotated or itinerant aspects of the indivisible ecosysten to different use. FaIIow use cycles are long, averaging 6 years bureaucracies which are separately enpowered to fallow per each year of use in high paJturel to govern different natural resources (landr water' 25:I in tropical lowlands. Such areas are sustained forests, fish) and different human activities (min- over centuries of light exploit,ation. FaIIow systens ing, transportation, colonization' defence). One require only noderate man/land ratios and the avail- agency may control miningr another plan external use ability of Iand in natural vegetation (Budowski, f.or water while a third, evoking eminent domain or 1960; Ruddle, L974). national inÈerests r IIrây seize a part or all of a Tt¡e high impact pattern transforms the natural environnent by constructing Iand forms which serve

34 35 t Y

Native Cultures and Protected Areas Native Cultures and Protected Areas as man-made and man-mainÈained niches for intensive d) research stations, where certain areas agriculture. Among the land forms, a scale of pro- under native management are organized as ductivity and permanence can be distinguished. Some agricultural or ecological research forms are flexible or temporary and can be renovated stations. with minimal new inputs of labour or abandoned to fal-low. The more PermanenÈ and producÈive land forms require high Iabour and resource investment Option I: Native Owned Lands for theii iniÈial consÈruction and long-tern main- For those native populations with formal communal tenance. These forms both support and require more Èitles Èo Èheir land, or where native people are dense human populations, but because investments are members of such lega1 corporations as co-operatives, made at optimal sites, surrounding areas may be left ejidos, comunas or formatly designated native re- in natural ecosystems or used for other practices servesr cêÍtain parts of their titled lands can be based on fallow regeneration. Many areas under designated as areas formally protecÈed by them (see intensive production have complex ecological depen- Table 2.L). dencies upón the wild or fallow areas, and for this Examples of the uses of native peoples' tech- reason, such areas are protect,ed by the native popu- nology for management of resources and the environ- Iations. ment above, the ecology of many native populations Given this history and Pattern, and the close requires that certain areas be maintained in a unÍon of the goals of native people to preserve the naÈuraI ecosystem, either for light use by itinerant environrnent in perpeÈuity with the goals of the horticulture, gaÈhering, fishing t ot subsistence advocates of protected areas, alliance is a logical hunting, or that broad areas be rested during long step. As local residents, native peoples clearly fallow cycles. Recognízing the native communities have an advantage as the local leveI protectors' as the official protectors of such areas may also while Èhe resource managers have some advantages in enhance their legal posiÈion. the national. political processi national-level Not aIl titled native communities still have resource managers have much to Iearn from native such reserve areas, and if they do, in many cases peoples (Table 2.L\. the areas have been historically reduced in size and so degraded by overuse. Where the phenomenon of small settlements amidst large terriÈories (1ow OPTIONS FOR MANAGE¡4ENT native population,/land area ratios) stilI exists, it should be reinforced with a recognì.tì.on of the The options ouÈlined below give guidelines for four responsibilities which the naÈive peoples have possible forms of co-operation, each of which would under taken. require rather different administrative sÈructures. To develop this opÈion, natural resource man- The options have in common a redundancy of func- agers can assist native peoples by scientifically tions, designed to strengthen t,he protection of an documenting the merits of the native systems oi area. The options are based on actual and proposed management. Since even titled native communities examples, reflecting legal and potitical realiEies are facing pressures to change their production and problems which have occurred in irnplementation. practices, such recognition may enhance their The options can be called: security of tenure, while simultaneously creaÈing protected areas wit,hin a domain beyond systems of a) native-owned l1q4s' where the protection national parks. of the area is by nat ive peoples; For some native populations without titles to b) reserve where a protected natural area their Iand as corporate groups - a situation which corresponds with the territory of a par- exists both for ethnic aroups in remote regions ticular native population; without cadastral registries and for ethnic groups c) buffer zones, where a protected area serves where only individual members hold titles - the as a physical or ecological barrier between option of organizing part of their territory as a native lands and the lands of othersi and protected commons represents a variation of t,he native lands/native protected option.

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Table 2.L Option 2: Reserves This opÈion combines the formal designation of a protected area withj.n the territory occupied by a native ethnic group. It requires that the tra- Consideration Example ditional resj.dents are given both the authority and Management a suitable communications technology to oversee the activities of their own group and to expel any un- Crop Èypes Preserved Centres for study and authorized invaders. In this option, the conser- breeding potatoes t vation agency at the national level is the official palms' etc. administraÈor of Èhe areaf with the official managers working closely with their associates, the Transfer of soil conser- Terracing, irrigation resident native population. Certain basic rules, derived fron experience, vation techniques will- need to be observed to achieve positive Nationalr internaÈionaI Appropriate technologY results. The first basic rule follows the fifth recommendation of IUCNts L9'z.5 General Assembly agencies seek alternatives (Kinshasa, t.o env j.ronmentaIIY and Zaire), that resettlement of native financially costIY develoP- peoples be avoided. A native culture will remain intact gnly in its home territory, where the pro- ment ductive capacit.y of the environment is intimately Alternative models of Development of terraces under s tood . agr icultural development instead of lowland A second basic rule is that, the proÈected area colon i zat ion be sufficiently large to accommodate its dual func- tj.on. The creation of reduced reserves serves only Erosion control Terracing a symbolic end and begins a process of cultural de- volution and ecol-ogical degradation. To combine Èhe Dr a rnage Raised fields and PIat- functions of a reserve for nature with a reserve for form fields (revival native populations, the ecological necessities and of ancient systems or resource requirements of each human ecosystem must expansion of currenÈIY be undersÈood on a culture by culture, area by area rare systems) bas is . The third basic rule is that protected areas Soil fertilitY mai.ntenance Knowledge of when Èo planning must also anticipate population increases rest or fallow fields and culÈure change. It is unrealistic to expect a or change croPS group to atrophy, or worse, to "return'r to some traditional technology long ago discarded in favour Land capability deterni- Knowledge of indicator of a more modern alternative. proper di.scharge of nations spec ie s their new role as the Iocal guardians of protected areas will bring whole groups into increased contact Pest and disease manage- Crop combinaCions and with representatives of the national agency which ment rotations (PolYcultural fornally adninisters the area. The national conser- practices) croP selec- vation agency must take on special responsibilities t ion in guiding the conEacL, but not to limit cultural changes which contact of this type wiII inspire. Fisheries management Native fishing tech- Another basic rule is that the entire popu- nolog ies lation of the traditional residents must be made official park guards. The threat to the integrity WiIdIife management Native hunting tech- of a protected area originates largely from the out- nolog ies side. If reserve adninistrators expend their expect- ably meagre resources controlling the native residents, they will have neither sufficient force nor

38 39 Native Cultures and Protected Areas Native Cultures and Protected Areas the peoples' good will to expel outsiders- If the proprietary communal forest. reserves are suggested, native residentsr movenents in their territory i-s where the Amuesha can gather and hunt primary natu- unduly restricted, they will lose their effective- ral resources. These would in turn adjoin tñe cul- ness as guards of the entire area. tivation and pasture areas of Èhe Amuesha communi- These rules alI require the participation of ties proper (Smith, 198I). the naÈive population in the planning and implemen- There are several versions of the mosaic of tation of tne reserve. The underlying problem in parks and reserves among the yanomamo; the buffer have the several attemPts Èo implement this option model underlies some of these proposals.- The estab- involved an absence of good communications between Iishment of this reserve rnosáic is conplicated by reserve planners and the native peoples. There are administrative interest groups in two countries and examples from Latin America of planning such re- the very l-arge area where the yanomano are dispersed serves without any basic facts about the resident in settlements of ¡noderate permanence. The notion groups - where they were locat,ed or what language of a mosaic of reserves appeals Eo administrative they spoke, let alone how their settlement paÈterns interestsr ând t,he buffers would be administered by fit into their total ecological adaptation to the entities separate from the authorities of yanomamo environment. reserves. poPu- this nodel is attractive for those native . Implenent.ation of the buffer zone option-including relations which do not have formal rights to their quires good .planning and co-ordination, land, nor an avenue to pursue land titles within prior recognition, t,itling of native lands, and an the jural structure of their country. It. also has ident.ification of the critical zones for ttre native certain merit for some smaIIer, rarely contacÈed human ecology and settlement. The option is not groups, which are not capable of pursuing the inappropriate for densely populated areas, but can be volved legat struggles to obÈain rights to their own implenented in a variety of low density settings: Iand. puna, islands, tropical forest and deserts. Selec- tion among potential protected areas in these habitats might include the conscious intention of also option 3: Buffer zones buffering lands of native peopte. ihe creation of a buffer zone as a natural protected area forrnally administered by a national conservation agency and located between the territory of Option 4: Besearch Stat,ion a naÈive group and the lands exploited by others can also help achieve a margin of security and protec- iï:" å"r'åJJTj''j.ï.ï"i; tion for native populations. The mutual benefit of a tr lations; this opt.ion this plan is the compatibility of the land-use pat- may of the first three terns of neighbours, or mutual buffering. A national options. IC is based on a recognition of the value park or forest can serve as a physical barrier of the agricultural and environmental knowledge of against diseases for which less-contacted native the native cultures, and recognizes that withõut a groups have Iittle immunity and against the movement special context the valuable knowledge of native of settlers toward the native lands and peoples. peoples may soon be lost,. This rnodel is the principle of two parks cur- To counteract t,he net. loss of biological var- rently proposed: Yanachanga National Park above ieties of our earÈh, we ¡nust recognize tfrat among Amuesha territory in the eastern flank of the Andes the most t.hreatened varieties are those which are and the mosaic of special purpose Parks and reserves domesticated, which cannot survive as ferals, and in Yanomamo terricory in the norEhern Amazon basin. which only a limited nurnber of native people know The proposed Yanachanga National Park is pro- how to cultivate. This culÈural heritage and econ- moted by the Amuesha people. The proposed location onic good deserves special protection. At present, is a mountain chain north of Oxapampa in Peru' the the monuments and dead cities of the ancient most easterly of the Andean cordillera. Yanachanga's American civilizations are protected as national forested crests retain $taters which eventually flow archaeological parksr while the key data concerning into the basin of Palcazu, land of the Amuesha. At the agricultural systems and natural resource man- the eastern border of the proposed national park' agement which produced sufficient surplus to support

40 41 Native Cultures and Protected Areas Native Cultures and Protected Areas

CONCLUSION Each option of relations between naÈive cultures and protected areas wilI fit. only in certain circumstances. The appropriateness of a particular option and its deÈails must be determined on a case by case basis, and certain elements from different options can be combined to form new models. AppropriaÈe planning will require the participation of the native peoples themselves, through interpreters if necessary. Professionals with considerable experience among native peoples and with the particular ecological zones must also enter the planning, such as farn system agronomists, anthropologists, botanists, ecologists, foresters, zooL- ogists and others. Their skilI wil-l be necessary the Amazon basin are three of the most important to interpret. the full Èraditional patterns of land global hearths q lY a narrow use, basic resource areas and needs. õpectrum of Èhe still cul- For resource managers, Èhe benefiÈs of working tivated by nativ a have ever with native peoples include gaining an additional drffused beyond that have constituency, recruiting personnel with profound drffused have ¡ âI base of knowledge of loca1 areas and Iearning about long- the worldi potatoes and maize, for' examPle, helped Èerm resource strategies which have proven their fuel the industrial revolution in Europe. adaptability for thousands of years. For native Today, native peoples' crop inventor ies are peoples, t.hè benefits include legaI recognition of more irnpõrtant than ever r since once discovered' ecologically-sound traditional Iand-use practices, modern [.echniques are available to fix, reproduce appropri.ate employment on their traditional lands, and disseminate the varieties. and new advocates at the national leveI. There are methods Èo transfer native knowledge As Simeon Jimenez Turon, a member of the to !,¡estern science. !'Ihat Iittle is recorded in Ye'cuana tribe of Venezuela, has said: majority languages from native ethnoscience has been Èransferred by eÈhnobotanists r farm system Understand learned one that there can be agronomists, anthropologists and linguists who no intermediary who understands our region perform field research. Recently, a fo-rmal proposal better than we do, or who knows us better ioas presented t.o establish agricultural stations to than we know ourselves. Those who want study the cultivaÈion of endemic varieties, to learn to learn from us nay do sor but you must idistinctive genotypes are modified by field also teach us the laws and useful means how to pursue our goals and petitions before PracÈ in the official authorities. Insofar as you nativ rce help us, we will help you. manag on- ich omic ACKNOWLEDGEI4ENTS

This paper is based on research pres ented in The Once and Future Resource Managers a report by AMARU IV Co-operative, published jointly by the World Wildlife Fund-US and AMARU IV. Readers are cultures can undertake an apprenticeship with naÈive directed to that study for details and addiÈional references. SÈeven À. Romanoff, co-author , has peoples. reviewed this paper. This paper was prepared for

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IUCNTs Commission on NaÈional Parks and Protected Chapter Three Areas j.n co-operaÈion with the UniÈed Nations Environment Programme. CONSERVATION AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES: A STUDY OF CONVERGENT INTERESTS

REFERENCES By tlrush, I980. James C. Clad Budowski, Gerardo. 1960. Tropì'cal savannas' a 9I EIlice Street sequenc Mt. Victor ia ings. !{ellington, New Zealand 6/7 (I-4): 63-87. Lévi-SÈrauss, Claude. 1950. The use of wild plants in tropical South America. In J. Steward (ed.), nandboõk of South American Indians. Bureau of Aner ican Ethnology Bulletin No. 143. ABSTRACT Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. Ruddle, Kenneth. I974. k culti.vation s tem: This paper describes the way that indigenous peoples as of shift cu t at on n and conservationists can work together to aÈÈain Venezue a. Un ver s tyo Ca rn Press, their common objectives. These can be approached Ber keley . in three main ways: through quasi-Iegal efforts to Smith, J.L.D. and Mishra, H.R. 1981. lvlanagement protect and enhance the welfare of indigenous Recommendations for the Chitwan Tiger Popu- peoples¡ how to use legal instruments in the best lation. The Parsa - Extension and the Bara ways (the choice of tactics) ¡ and how to enlist, new Hunting Reserve. SmiÈhsonian Institution,/World allies and leverage. The argument that indigenous wildlife Fund Project 1051. peoples and conservationists are natural alties is World Bank, 1981. made with partj,cular force when strategj.es to preserve tropical forests are discussed. An example based on Nehr Zealand's experj.ence is given, providing a numþer of guidelj.nes on how to bring benefits to the local indigenous population.

INTRODUCTION The prevailing temperament in the world today of "development at alI costs" requires advocates of indigenous peoplesr welfare - particularly of the integrity of isolated tribal groups - to marshal arguments available to best effect and to choose both remedies and advocates with care. The renewed political assertiveness by (and on behalf of) the world's estimated 200 million indigenous peoples has three broad dimens ions V. The first concerns itself with ,'remedies", with quasi-Iegal efforts to prot.ect and enhance the welfare of indigenous peoples. Both internaÈional law and national law remedies fall inÈo the first category. The second dimension follows from the firsÈ: how best to use these (often quite insubstantial) remedies to best effort - in other words, the choice

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Conservation and Indigenous Peoples Conservation and Indigenous Peoples

of "tactics". The final dimension develops from the has been apparent for some tirne. Since L975, for first two: a search for new allies and leverage. example, the International Union for Conservation A crucial issue before tribal societies (at the of Nature and NaÈuraI Resources (IUCN) has had a national political level) and lobbyists on their "Task Force on Traditional Li.festyles" examining behal-f (af tfre level of international pressure and the interplay of traditional peoples and the natural advocacy) is therefore to find strategies that wiIl environment. For the purposes of the Task Force, enlist ihe energies of others to act on their be- 'rtraciitional- Iifestyles" have been defined as: half. This task involves a search for convergent interescs, for pairing indigenous objectì.ves with The ways of Ij.fe (cultures) of indigenous other matters on the international agenda. Many people which have evol-ved locally and are sympathetic human rights groups at the international based on sustainable use of local eco- fevéf have begun to lobby for better aboriginal systems¡ such 1Ífestyles are often at entitlement, and i¡ other political struggles aris- subsistence levels of production and are ing out of resource exploitation projects, national seldom a part of the mainstream culture Iinguistic policies, mass tourism proposals. or im- of their country, though they do con- proveo sociã1 services' there is also much interest tribute to its cultural wealth. ãno relevance to the movement for improved aboriginal- entitlement. One of the best recent formul-ations of this conver- Of all these concernsr none approaches as close gence of oblectives appears in a paper entitled a coincidence of interests as the conservation move- "Native öultures and Protected Areas: Management ment. Options" (Brownrigg, I98l). "Native populations and In common with much of the environmental lobby' national resource managers are appropriate alliesr'l rndigenous or tribal peoples have battled to over- Bro\^rnrigg writes, "Given the close union of the come the lack of receptive constituencies - either goals of native people to preserve the environment within or outside the home country - that are in perpetuity with the goals of the advocates of capable of exerting pressure (financial, electoral protected areas, alliance is a logical step." or moral) on decision-makers. Indigenous peoples In Èhe same paper, Brownr igg delineates the not only lack this basic political capital, but they common goals more explicitly: also (unlike conservationists) have the misfortune of carrying demands - e.g. calls for greater self- For resource managers, the benefits of determination - that run counter to the nainstream @pres incrude gain- of political development for the last 30 yearsr a ing an additional constituency, recruiting period wj.tnessing a trebling of nation-states, each personnel with profound knowledge of local jeaJ-ous of its prerogat j.ves. areas and learning about Iong-term re- "Self-determination", "inviolability of in- source strategies which have proven their digenous territory" or "freedom to the use of mother adapt.abiJ-ity for thousands of years. For tongues ": these and other demands represent an native peoples, the benefits include fegal attack on the prevailing political consensus' aII recognition of ecologically-sound tra- the more so j-n countries where loyalties are un- ditional Iand-use practices, appropriate certain and governments promote assimilationist employment of their tr aditional lands, nationalisms. Moreover, because many issues crucial and new advocates at the national level. to indigenous peoples arise from large-scale economic activities (e.g. resource exploitation and The argument that indigenous peoples and conser- extraction, hydro-power schemes or transportation vationists are "natural allies" is made with par- improvements) governments see indigenous resistance ticular force when st.rategies to preserve tropical as obduracy - ' or worser as a challenge to the very forests (tradiÈional honeland to a variety of iso- Iegitimacy of economic development fostered under Iated forest-dwelIers) are discussed. The clash be- government patronage. tween what might be called the "resource-exÈractive The coincidence of interests characterizing the dynamic" and hitherto isolated or uncontacted indigenous peoples' movement and the international peoples seems most acute in regions of dwindling Iobby for. beÈÈer management of natural resources tropical forest cover. The January 1980 issue of

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often reside, a conplex combination of "development"r land hunger and rnovement in commodity markets that threatens generic diversity and specific species. Conservationists therefore seek local indigenous support for (or, at the very least, acqui- escence in) protection of remaining wild lands. culture, their own society and on loca1 self- Indigenes seek relief from encroachment, either by determination " . a lessening of external pressure or by a strengthen- This is not the only area where co-operative ing of tr ibal position vis-à-vis naÈional auÈh- possibilities between conservationists and indigen- or i ties . ous peoples exist: similar management objecÈives In principle, a confortable convergence exists. for mangrove forests, coral atolls or upriver water- Pragmatically, however, considerable difficulLies shed protection may Þg better served by links with belie an easy assumpÈion that interests are auto- appropriate indigenesll . matically shared. The following pages focus on what The remaining pages of this Paper examine these may be the blind spots in this argurnent and suggest propositions, Iooking at obstacles impeding a genu- ways to marshal conservation's "natural constitu- ine working alliance, either internationally (as a ency" to better effect. coalition of compatible viewpoints) or nationally The key principles of the conservation movement. (as group paper (as a concerEed response to particular development originaterrfrom a recent IUCN working issues). noÈes) the urban society of highly developed countri.es". These principles promote "a system of mainly restrictive control patterns upon the ecosystems that are set up by national governments,r. INDIGENOUS LIFESTYLES OR INDIGENOUS PEOPLES? The paper also notes thatrrcorrelations with tra- If one merely asserts Èhat certain indigenous ways ditional cultures that inhabit resource managemenE of Iiving deal more gently with an ecosystem's areas" have noÈ been well st,udied (Schultze-ülestrun, carrying capacity than resource-extractive policiest 1980). then the point is unexceptional. Indeed' one writer Any restriction on the use of territory has as states that the conservation movement can only "deal its essence the principle of exclusion. To protect, with traditional lifest es and patterns r rather one must exclude certain categoiies of out.s iders or than wiÈh tradit ving peoples" (enphasis specific acÈiviÈies judged to be harmful. Because added) (SchuItze-wesÈrum M.S.). If nothing more than the power to exclude is so inescapably political, "lifestyle patterns" or "practicestt disassociated national governments not, surprisingly reserve this from living cultures receive conservacionist en- pohrer for t'hemselves. Indigenous peoples almost dorsement, the convergence of indigenous peoples' never initiate this exclusion (Iegitimized by the and conservationisÈs' interests will remain at the national authorities on grounds of "national de- Ievel of principle only. If mutual support in the velopment" r "national securitytt or ttresource conser- field is the objective, however, the "natural aI- vationt'. Iiance" posited above needs to be looked at nore To this extent, therefore, protected areas (of closely. whatever description and for whatever purpose) con- The proposition Èhat boÈh movemenLs gain by co- tinue to be, for indigenes, paEernalistically de- operation stands or falls on their conpaÈibility of volved and implemented. Precisely for this reason, views. In a number of respects they differ markedly. a national park in areas of traditional settlement one perspective (the indigenes') sees unceasing is nore likely to be feared as "taking something encroachment penetrating inwards to the core of away" rather than welconed for the protection it separate cultures. Danger resides in a restive bestows. Useful contrasts between indigene reactions external dynamic that detiberately (or even with to national park creation in Canada, the USA and the best of intentions) administers the fatal elixir Australia have been described recently (Gardner and Èo the aboriginal status. The other view (that of Nelson, 198l), and it appears that even active in- the conservationists) sees an agrandissement rolling volvement of indigenous peoples in protected area outwards from the metropoles in which they most planning and administration yields uneven results,

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ConservaÈion and Indigenous Peoples Conservation and Indigenous Peoples largely because nost resource management agencies from I5-I8 Sept.enber 1981 in Geneva, illustrates are still perceived as "taking something away" - if the point: only in an intangible sense. A hisÈory of unequal dealing with dominant "settler cultures" supports In the world of today there are two sys- indigenes' suspicions. In those areas where in- tems, two dif f erent irreconcilable ,'v.rays digenous peoples have become politicized and seek of l-ife". The Indian world - coIlecÈ j.ve, self-determination, the "foreclosure of opportunity" communal, human, respectful of nature and effected by prohibition of developnrent ttithin in- wise - and Èhe western world - greedy, dlgene territory rnay be deeply resented. Development destructive, individualist, and enemy of per se is not always resisted by indigenes; what nother nature. troubles (and rallies) them is their powerlessness vis-à-vis the outsider. Sinj.lar views embellish pronouncements from the Just as indigenes misunderstand conservation World Council of Indigenous peoples. Vúhile the trade-offs, so also may conservation planners mis- sj.ncerity of such st,atements cannot be disputed, the judge the extent to. which aboriginal groups Iiving likelihood of their being true is open to question. wiÈhin or adjacent to proposed protected areas Such formulations by the indigenes themselves con- actually wish to work for (or guard) the attainment solidate the view that indigenous lifestyles are, of conservation objectives. For example, assurnptions almost by definition, compaÈible with conser- that traditional lifestyles practised by the in- vatj.onist goals. Such statements not only ignore digenes necessarily complement conservation objec- past adoption of bj.ologically disruptive technology tives often turn out to be wide of the mark. Some by aboriginal peoples but also j.n a curious way but- commentators acknowledge this; for examPle tress the fallacy of the "noble savage,', a uniquely Brownrigg (I9Bl) wr ites that, "the social and' European conceit. behavioural patterns of native population have been The same misconception lies buried in the auto- inÈegrated with natural environment variables in a matic assumption that indigenous peoples will accepÈ way which usually , though not always, results in or even welcome cultural status as a condition of ecologically sound long-term use of an area (empha- their involvement in conservation management. The sis added) ". specj.alist literature shows many examples of To illustrate how choice of new technology national parks or protected reserves having,- as one poses awkward problems to conservationists, the objective of a multiple-use design, the goal of following indicative examples might be noted: retaining tradiÈional technologies, settlenent patterns and food gathering. While t-his is a woithy Some Inuit whale hunters now favour using objective, incorporation of endangered tribal cuI- explosive harpoons and other contemporary tures into conservation areas must be subject to the technology. caveat that these peoples may maintain their iso- Petrol-powered chain saws accelerate land Iation only for as long as they desire to do so. clearing by slash and burn agriculturalists. The World Bank makes a similar point: Occasionally explosives are used to stun-kill fish in traditional Maori hunting and fishing Enforced 'pr imitivism,' is a disruptive areas of New Zealand. policy occasionally practised on a reservation. This policy is oftsen followed These examples suggest that some contemporary mani- either to promote tourism or it is festations of traditional "lifestyles" can no longer defended as a means of preserving the be assumed to conform to a harmonious prototype. tribe I s cultural identity. Hohrever, In part, many of these rnisapprehensions result whereas enforced ,'primitivism" is always from protestations fron the fledgling international damaging, elective "primitivism,, can be indigenous peoples movement which attributes all beneficial as in the case of the Cunas of the disruptive ecological consequences of possessive Panama. l"linority culture never has been indrvidualism to western colonizers. The following a static entity which must be preserved extract from a reporÈ to the International NGO Con- exactly as it is found or as it is be- ference on Indigenous Peoples and the Landr held lieved to have been. Rather iÈ is a dy-

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Conservation and Indigenous Peoples Conservation and Indigenous Peoples

namic reality which should be provided National Park) and Honduras (Rio PlaÈano Biosphere with conditions adequate for development Reserve). Other examples include a proposed reserve in a nat'ural and progressive manner ' at Siberut (an Indonesian island near Sumatra where Cultural continuity shoutd be encouraged traditional MenÈawai lifestyles are threatened by in alt spheres, buÈ the choice of whether timber concessions). Tanzaniars Ngorogoro Crater to contiñue to rnodify old ways should be (where the Masai have the right to graze their left to lhe tribal people themselves and cattle), the Ghin forest reserve in India (which upon then (IBRD' f980) permits traditional gathering by Èhe Maldhari not imposed ' people), and several of Sweden's National Parks (where the Laps still graze reindeer). NearIy all of these areas have been established in the Iast ciecade (the list above is indicative only). At the levels of principle and practice, therefore, conservationists have become increasingly aware of the "close interrelationship between eco- Iogical factors, rural traditions ... and cultural patterns (like sustained selfreliant land-use, intimate knowledge and adaptaÈion, self-restriction and conservation) that offers Èangible direct benefits, including reserve guardianship and ranger functions, educational services. This achievement was as Pa- field knowledge of local fauna and flora and long- the inposition of governmenÈ-initiated term resource strategies which have proven their Lernalist as adaptability for thousands of years" (Dasmann, f975). What is needed is a more balanced view of Èhe opportunities present, in this co-operation.

INDIGENOUS PEOPLE AND CONSERVATION AREAS: SOME LESSER OPTIONS While attention focuses primarily on national parks as safe havens for endangered cultures (or, vice versa, on tribal lifestyles as intrinsically sup- portive of conservationist ethic), one should not assume that the convergence of interests starts and ends there. Indeed, just as IUCN (1978) acknowledges that 'rthe National Park can be complemented by other distincÈ categories which can provide land managers and decision-makers with a broad set of legal and managerial options for conservation land management", so too is there an inÈernediaÈe range of options available to indigenous groups and resource managers desirous of collaboration. In other words, the territory inhabited by indigenous peoples need not be co-extensive with the prot.ected conservation area. Just as there is a recognition that hitherto neglected parts of che hu¡nan habitat (which traditionally have not been included in national park activities) now need urgent attention, so also is Park), Australia (Kakadu National Park in the there a significant range of opportunities to in- Ñðtii.råt" Territory), PaPua New Guinea (Varirata volve indigenous peoples at any place along the 53 52 Y

Conservation and Indigenous Peoples Conservation and Indigenous Peoples

the locaI tribe (whj.ch also rents the lake to the surrounding national park). Conservation objectives are also being enlisted to deal with difficulties inherent in the Maori.s' communal Èenure. Although 752 of New Zealand's 300r000 Maoris (approximately l0* of the total population) now Iive in urban areas, I.3 million hectares of rural Maori land remain. By custom, Maori communal landowners share the land in equal portion with aII progeny so that each generation tends to add to Èhe total number of owners of each communally-held block. This leads to two difficutties¡ the land is not able to support all the owners, and special arrangements are necessary to enable Iand- owners to make binding decisions about future Iand use. Up to now, Maori land has been leased - often to European New Zealanders - but new responses to indigenous Èenure have evolved. One quarter of l'Iaori land isr,unoccupied, and considerable areas are stiIl in primary or secondary bush. Much of this is administered as Maori Reserve Land under the relevant Iegislation, and one option being investigated by the New Zealand Government is the creation - with pressure). full tribal support - of "tribal reserves", entry Ar th j.s juncture i-t mighÈ be to exp lore to which wilI be restricted to oh/ners whose usage Ne!v Zealand t s exper ience in d "hal f -way will conforn to specific conservat.ion objectives. house" possibrlities, which (althoug h they fall well Some of this exper ience has gu ided New short of creating extens ive nature /anthropolog ical Zealandrs assistance to the fledgling Sagarmatha r e ser ves or parks) illustr ate a varietY of collabor- National Par k in Nepal. Some 2 ,5OO of Nepalrs ative pos sibilities with i ndigenous PeoPles. estimated 20,000 Sherpa people Iive in the l24,OOO New Zealand Pr otects over 2.6 million hectares hectares of the Park (which also includes the Khumbu of national Parks and sPeci al purpose reserves, much area, famous for Mount Everest). ofitg ifted directlY to the nation by Maori tribes. The treks and rnountaineering following the For examp le, elders of the Ngati TuwhareÈoa gave opening of the area to outsiders in 1950 has led to Iand for Èhe country's fir st national par kat worrying changes in traditional Sherpa 1ife, as- Tong ariro in 1889i other examples include the gift- sociated with the depletion of manpower (for ing of sce nic reserves at Lakes Rotoiti and Okata 1na porters) and firewood (it is estimated that each to the nat ion and more recently a grant of land at mountaineering expedition needs 30,000 kilogramnes Taranaki to comprise Egmont National Park' of wood for fuel). New Zealandts legislation (the National Park In association with New Zealand rangers, the Parkrs managers have determined upon the following objectives, directed specifically at the inclusion of the indigenous Sherpas in the parkrs activities: - constant liaison with monastery lamas; - restoration of religious structures within the Park; retention and rotection of aII monaster v bu S? maintenance of traditional village \"rater supply schemesi

54 55 Conservation and Indigenous Peoples Conservation and Indigenous Peoples

acÈive encouragement of the traditional indigenous areas". The wCIP is following closely character and architectural styles o f vil- the operation of the international agreements such lages within Èhe Parki as the 1972 Convention for the Protection of V'iorld prohibition of all trekking within s acr ed Cultural and NaÈural Heritage. This Convention was Man Biosphere Programme, areas (including whole mounta ins ) wher e followed by the and the guardian spirit.s residei resulting in a number of "biosphere reserves" cre- employment of SherPas as rangers on a pref- ated in various parts of the world, many with a êïËnEfãf-5asis; direct effecÈ on the indigenous peoples in situ. retention as far as possible of firewood as The Rio Platano Biosphere Reserve in Honduras is a sherpas' fuel (rather Èhan displacement case in point¡ the reserve is designed, inter aIia, by kerosene or other new - and imported to protect two indigenous tribes. fuel technologY); As suggested above, outright conflict between internal ¡nodification where possible of tra- conservationist and indigenous objectives has oc- ditional Sherpa houses to minimize heat curred in Èhe past. Tribes have been expelled from -ÈheIosses and consequentlY reduce firewood con- national parks or denied the use of resources within the Park: e.g. the Shakilla were driven from Lake sumptioni and Rukana Park in Kenya and Èhe expelled from Kidepo r ev ival of Sherpas' traditional forest-use Ik Shing-i Nawas ("pro- National Park in Uganda. Understanding of conser- contr o system, i.e. the peoples rernains low tector s of the forests" ) who w-re empowered vation objectives by aboriginal wood for families. (battles erupt in Ethiopia's Simien Park over wood- to allocate cutting rights, for example). Some conflict even These objectives demonstraÈe an active involvement has an internati.onal dimension¡ enforcing the of a partially-acculturated indigenous people-.in a Migratory Birds Convention and acco¡nmodating native Park wt¡icn is not co-extensive with the indigene Indian demands have caused headaches for governmenÈs territory. Brie-f\r the conservation objectives of in Canada and the USA. Another example: Inter- Sagarrnatha are Èo ãrrest a situation where over half national Whaling Commission sessions grapple with of the forest cover within the park territory has Inuits who oppose bow-head whale-hunting prohib- disappearecl and to revive, within a system catering itions r and argument stilI revolves around Inuit also to outsiders I mountaineer ing expeditions a rights Èo use modern whaling technology. pattern of traditional usage in which prior to ' the Several commentators have advanced suggestions influx of tourism and mountaineering, the Sherpas for successful involvement. of indigenous groups with were managing a partly modified landscape under a an interest in territories in which restrictive system of social and conmunity controls which en- Iand-use policies are tied to conservation objec- sured wisest use of forest resources and minimized tives. Brownrigg (f980) offers four management degradation. options for resource managers contemplating co- long-term forest operation with indigenes: a) reserves, where a protected natural area CONCLUSIONS corresponds with the territory of a par- population; The Iaunching in March 198I of the Wor ld Conser- ticular native (IUCN; 1980) brought the convergence b) native-owned lands, where the protection conservation interests into sharp of the area is by native peoplesi egy deals with global problems such c) buffer zones, where a protected area serves n' desertification, dePletion of as a physical or ecological barrier between fisheries' soil erosion and misuse of crop lands native lands and the lands of othersi and aII natters of direct concern to aboriginal popu- d) research stations, where certain areas Iations. The logic behind this compatibility of under native nanaçtement are organized as interests has already occurred to the World Council agricultural or ecologieal research of Indigenous PeoPles which was invited by the stations. United Ñations Environment PrograÍune in 1980 to prepare a study on nenvironmental degradation in

56 57

L Conservation and Indigenous Peoples Conservation and Indigenous Peoples self-developmenÈ opportunities. Indeed' in Brovrnrigg concludes that' "Each option of relations some parts argument often between native cultures and protected areas will fit of the world, only in certain circumstances. The apPropriaÈeness centres on the "retention of resource- of a particular option and its details must be extraction possibilities" by indigenous popu- determined on a cáse by case basis, and certain IaÈions - e.9., the Inuits in Canadars North- combined to west Territory - who prefer to exploit their elements for different options can be ohrn natural resources, albeit at a different form new modeIs." pace Discussing Peruts Manu Park' Jungius (1976) ? terr i- - Conservation areas of whatever description urges incorporation of indigene-inhabited should not be seen as pre-determining title toiies inÈo a naÈional park and creation of a buffer to the lands in question; however' the cre- zone. Indigenes are to onal hunting ation of conservation reserves co-extensive paEterns, except where ngered. The peoples social and with areas inhabited by indigenous õblective is to Provi can be a first sÈep towards acknowledgement ecónonic deveJ-opment on he peoples') questiont own culture and Èraditions'r. of native title to the area in Dasmann (I975) argues that national parks i.e., there are "gifting back" possibilities their (available, for example, in New zealand where should "permit indigenous people to maintain the Crown may return lands to Maori tenure isolation for as long as they wish to do So", and with conservation-i.nspired restrictive land- to allow them "to become the proÈectors of the use covenants). parks, to receive a share of park receipts and in is õther ways to be brought to appreciate its value". l - Whatever indigene,/conservation deal park struck, the terms of the agreement should be Gardner and Nelson (1981) analyse national beyond reach of upset by oÈher, separately agencies, paying close attention to institutional I empowered of the naÈional character, extent of ¡nanagement control, extent of bureaucracies indigenous or park agency control of land and links author iÈy (e.9. , tax agencies or defence betvreen the agencies and indigenes in three parks authorities). j-n the USA, Canada and Australia respectively. They - If fully restrictive naÈure,/anÈhropological re- reserves are created (or established in all find that the best indigene/conservationist but name) some hard decisions must be faced. Iations occur when: Intrusions by census-takers , missionar ies, parks as assisting Èo tour ists, secur ity forces or even medical indigenes see national personnel must be kept to a minimum if the maintain their culture (and to provide em- inEegrity of the reserve is to last. ployment) ; indigenous organizations have strong bargain- At the country or field level, conservation lobbies ing positions (related to unambì'9uous Èitle (particularly international pressure-group their lands) and at the to i j.n level) should become conversant with the following permiÈted land use the Park is well- areas of direct concern to Èhreatened indigenes: de f ined . In addition to these guidelines, the following a) The economics of inport-dependent agri- conservaÈionists: cultural projects, extractive silviculture issues should be addressed by or mass resettlement schemes (such as - the suspicions of ì.ndigenous peoPles (many Amazonian snall holdings or Indonesiars New Maoris are "transmigration" programmes). These en- of whom - such as Zealandrs - deavours are often poorly reasoned. By substantially acculturated into the national analogy to well-founded second thoughts society) need to be directly countered with about the advantages of mass tourism, op- arguments that demonstrate clear advantages portuniÈies exist to take pressure off non- from supporting conservagion aimsi renewable resources (and the indigenes who - national parks, reserves or even restrictive Iand-use policies in general should not be may Iive among the¡n) especially if feasible seen as foreclosing indigenous economic or alternatives in the form of intensive,/ 59 58 Conservation and Indigenous Peoples Conservation and Indigenous peoples

improved productivity techniques (such as enlist Èhe support of indigenous peoples themselves new rubber-tapping rnethods or quicker re- for conservation objecÈives (whether in the form of generation of exotic trees) can be offered reserves or mere practices) while retaining t,he to national planners. confidence of Èhe national author it,ies. Tr ibal b) The creative use of existing legal rem- peoples have suffered for centuries under the impact edies. For example, recognition by national of exogenous expansion into areas that once èop- authorities of indigenes' animist religions ported greatly larger numbers of indigenes, and the can yield unexpected results; in most process has led to decimation and even extinction states, places of religious significance of many tribal populations. Some indigenes have invariably enjoy legal protection from aII proved to be demographically resilient, retaining development. Australian aboriginals, for tr ibal identities while acculÈurating to the example, have large tracts of land declared national (or "settler" ) society. Some - Èhe Surui reserves because they are sacred sites. or Parakanans in Brazil, the Andaman islanders, the c) Intimate local knowledge of local fauna Semang and Sakai in lvlalaysia, Èhe Todas in India or and flora is frequently acknowledged but the Mbuti in Zaire - Iive precariously close to inventories of such knowledge (e.9.' phar- cultural or even physical extinction. The starting maceutical benefits fron tropical biota) point, it seems to me, for co-operation with tribal are lacking. The maEerial advantages of peoples or their advocates is to recognize that such knowledge (which in the dominant i national society and the indigenes need t.o be per- national societ.ies is protected by copy- suaded that conservation objectives can be narried r ighÈ or other " inÈellectual property" to the quest for better aboriginal entitlement, to statutes) wait to be quantified. the lasting benefit of all parties. It is not an d) Tribal Iands include not only those areas eas v task but it is one hrorth doingr ênd worth doing inhabited at any given time, but other weI I tracts which are used only intermittently. There are t\.ro possibilities here: f irst' NOTES many countries permit acquisition of rights i to land by prescriptionr i.e. continuous and uncontested use of the land for a de- I. It is estimated that nearly 4S of the termined nurnber of years. A wider defi- worldrs population are "tribal peoples,' (IBRD, nition of particular indigene Iand "uses" 1981). The term "indigenous peoples,' is applied to can lead to successful tribal land claims a wider population; the World Council of Indigenous (and therefore to ¡nore lands put ouÈside Peoples uses the following definition: Èhe reach of "development" ) . The second possibility concerns the systematic, non- The term indigenous people refers Lo damaging land use practised by intermit- people Iiving in countries which have a tent users such as hunter-gatherers (the population composed of differing ethnic Kalahari or Australian bushmen) or pastor- or racial groups who are descendants of alists (Fulani or Masai of Africa, the the earliest populations living in the Gujjars of India or the Bedouins). The area and who do not, as a group, control advantages of these practices need to be the national government of the countries demonstrated quantitatively to national within which they live. author ities . A Sub-Corunission of the UN Human Rights Conmission Together wiÈh a summary of some other analyses of has commissioned a report which adopts the following convergent indigene/conservation interests, I have "working definition" of the term ',indigenous tried to suggest guidelines and areas of further peoples": research that should make genuine collaboration more Iikely at the national, or "field", Ievel as .. . the existing descendants of the people well as at the level of principle. The essence of who inhabited the present territory of a the task seems to be in the choice of strategies to counÈry wholly or partially at the time

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Conservation and fndigenous Peoples

when persons of a different culture or Section Thro ethnic origin arrived from other parts of the worId, overcame them and¡ by conquest, MANAGEI4ENT FOR AND WITH PEOPLE settlement or other means reduced them to a non-dominant or colonial conditioni who today Iive more in conformity with their particular social, economic and cultural customs or traditions than with the institutions of the country of which they no\^¡ f orm part, under a State structure which incorporates mainly the national, socia.L and cultural character istics of ot.her segments of the populations which are predominarit.

In a paper entitl-ed "Law, Politics and Indigenous INTRODUCTION Peoples: A Study of Convergent Interests" (prepared f or CuLtural Surv j-val Inc. , Carnbr idge, Mass (1981) , An important element in the new management concepts the author reviewed historical and contemporary we have Èalked about j.s not only that the ultimãte doctrines of international- Iaw as they apply to the aim should be fo! the people, but that there should status of indigenous peoples, including inter- be a maximum effort to woik with the people. There national conventions and declaratory pronouncements is a need to respect their ìãT-ue systems and tra- with direct or tangential bearing on the proÈection ditj.onal practices. There is a neeã to understand of indigenous peoples and national laws in various their its br s and its countries where indigenous questions, mostly con- nuance need t rass rOOtS cerning Iand disputes, are being Iitigated. social This ins papers 2. The potential for liaising wiÈh indigenous concer themes cultures, peoples in island, estuary or tidal flats environ- differ omic s different ments is often neglected. Traditional fisheries and ecosystems. One point is marine Iifestyles depend closel-y on the retention that in protecting the nal of basic character of these particular ecosystemsi parks or protected ar ple and co-operative possibj.lities between indigenes should be involved as a xi- and conservation managers exist. See, f.or example, mum of utilization by own an IUCN paper prepared for the Second Regional South benefit is the goaI. There i.s often a special Pacific Symposium on t,he Conservation of Nature by relationship betv,reen local indigenous peoplei and c. Carleton Ray (SPC-IUCN/2 RSCN/!rIp.5: 1975) which their environment which is not well unãerètood by envisages incorporating traditional usages into the outsiders, even those who prepare management conservation of marine reserves. See also: Auburn, plans. To understand this relationship, to have a F.M., "Convention for the Preservation of Manrs meaningful. dialogue, to be able to reach an agree- Cultural Heritage in the Oceanr" Science, 185 (4153) ment on what should be done to ensure that tocal L974, and Kearney, R.E., Problems of Develop- j.ng "Some interests are not compromised or the long-term and Managing Fisheries in SnaII Island States", environmental future threatened, it is necessãry to in Island States of the Pacific and Indian Oceans move much closer Èo the people themselves. (edited by R. Shand), Australian National Univer- siry,1980.

This paper \4ras prepared f or IUCN ' s Commission on National Parks and Protected Areas in co-operation with the United NaÈions Environment programme.

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I' -Y-

Chapter Four

THE LANCASTER SOUND REGIONAL STUDY

By Peter Jacobs Faculté de I'Aménagement Université de llontréal 5620 Darlington MonÈréaI, Québec H3T 1T2 Canada

ABSTRACT The paper describes a pioneer environmental planning exercise by the Government of Canada in the northern ArcÈic region. The Inuit participated in the public reviews and presented a clearly articulated position. The paper emphasizes the need to take into account these alternative cultural positions. ^ - tJl,-e-* a The LancasÈer Sound Regional Study is the first attempt by the Government of Canada to initiate a process of environmental- planning in the northern ArcÈj.c region of Canada. The first phase was designed to define the goals and objectives of the study, to collect and analyse information about the region, to identì.fy conflicts and compatibilities of existing and potential activities, and alternative strategies or options for the use and management of the region. The second phase focused on a comprehensive public discussion and review of the Preliminary creen Paper produced at the end of Phase I. This phase included three inter-related activities: review by the four communj.t.ies of the Lancaster Sound Region, a northern -workshop held in Resolute Bay, and a southern workshop held at Carleton Uni- versiÈy in ottawa Èhat included Inuit conservationists, industr ialisÈs and representaÈives' of the fedetal and territorial governments. The Minister of the DeparÈnent of Indian and Northern Affairs, the Honourable Mr John Munro' responsible for the Lancaster Sound Region study' noted that "planning for Lancaster Sound's abundant and varied resources is a crucial and complex issue that demands the futlest possible public input. we

65 Lancaster Sound Regional Study Lancaster Sound Regional StudY need the special knowledge of the people of the and finally region as well as the considered advice of people 5 the need to evolve a northern land-use in government, indusÈry and academic institutions planning process. and the concerned general public". The Department of Indian and Northern Affairs Many of the Inuit have expressed a strong preference is to be congratulated for its initiative in enfor a renewable resource based economy as they per- couraging public review of the Lancaster Sound ceive thls option as the most directly related to Regional Study. Praise is warranted for at least their needs, the most compatible with their percep- two important reasons. Firstly, the issues at stake tion of a viable life style' in short the most ben- in "opening-up" the northern frontier of Canada eficial of Èhe options proposed for the future use affect northern residents and the Inuit in particu- and management of the Lancaster Sound Region. lar far more directly and far more immediately than The support of a growing and increasingly those who live in the south. Not to involve those healthy, young Inuit population strictly on the most directly affected would flaunt the most elemen- basis of a renewable resource based economy has tary principles of social justice. Secondly, and been challenged by industry and questioned by the as a result of recognizing this principle, the Inuit themselves, both during the last round of Department encouraged and supported public review community visits held early in 1983' and at the with transparent good witl to an extent that is public workshop held later in the same year. without precedenÈ in the LancasÈer Sound Region of fn this regard, it is essential that studies northern Canada. A continuing series of community be initiated that will clarify the relationship of visits was organized, virtually from the start of population projecÈions in the northern communities the study, to inform the residenÈs of the four com- coupled r,¡ith immigration that can be anticipated munities most directly affect,ed as to the nature, from growth and industrial development to the pro- extenÈ and consequences of the future development ¡ected sustainable yield of living resources in the scenarios that might affect the region. Background re9Ion. papers, preliminary and final drafts of policy If the maximum susÈainable yield is equal to papers. and an extensive data atlas were reviewed or greater than the needs of the projecÈed popu- at nort,hern and southern workshop on two different lation, then a renewable resource base economy is a occasions by all interest groups concerned with the viable although not necessarily exclusive option fuÈure of the Lancaster Sound Region. The Department for the Lancaster Sound Region. If Èhe yield is engaged independent chairmen for the public review less than the needs of the projected populatlon sessions to assure Èhat they received as objective then an option based exclusively on harvesting and unbiased a report of public views as was poss- renewable resources is not viable and additional ible. In this and all other aspects the Department sources of employment would have Èo be developed respecÈed its corunitnent to public review to the and supporÈed. These studies would forrn an essential fullest extent. and early part of the projected planning process Five major issues rdere raised dur ing initial and would be based, fot the most Part' on existing public review. These included: data acquired dur ing the initial phases of the Lancaster Sound Regional St,udy. 1. the need to more fully analyse future op- The Lancaster Sound Regional Study can be tions for the Lancaster Sound Region and, viewed as a coherent attempt to deal with Canada's in particular, to outline the benefits and ov¡n north-south dialogue. Balancing the national inconveniences of each option for norÈhern and regional interest across two cultures is a residents ¡ challenge of national and even 91oba1 importance 2. Èhe need to negotiate land clairnsi and one that will be closely monitored. APpropriate 3. the need to fully develop a possible future attention and more detailed analysis nust be devoted scenario based on the sustaining use of the to a clear projection of the econornic, social and living resources of the regioni ecological benefits that might reasonably be derived 4. the need to integrate a conservation by Èhe residenÈ of the Lancaster Sound Region from component into all of the proposed options each of the six options for use of Èhe region pro- for the use and management or the region; posed by the Federal Government. 66 67 Lancaster Sound Regional StudY Lancaster Sound Regional Study \ "The Lancaster Sound Region: 1980-2000" was presumably be an integral part of each development released in Juty Lg82- The report postulates six scenario as would development be an integral part , -€€tions for futuie use of the Lancaster Sound Region of each conservation scenari.o. -Ãra premise, rational is reasonably clear that Èhe , f or each option, the basic ' ,r'[-/ description of activities and irnplications are out- mutually exclusive and thaÈ a I rned. 1,.- ation of these options might The tit.Ies of Èhe six options for future use re broadly based support. In fact, the Canadian ArcÈic Resources Committee are: h-tt^1 61 .',k'^^l,tl Qa:¡f'*t'.;t ' suggested thaÈ given the declaration by the Minister ^ov in favour of Èhe balanced development option that )ì ',No Ne\nt DeveloPment¡ rl )2 Environmental Protection; it would have been a good deal more productive t.o L-3 Renev{able Resource Economyi presenC a seÈ of options that outlined different rates and scales of development. Granted that the Northwest Passage Shippingî n ^ .a* ê,.!¿ú/4 creen published ì1,) Balanced oeveloþmenti and -- -* -;i I b-; 1' Paper as is not structured in this L.6 Non-rene\"table Resource Economy. manner, subsequent activity wiÈhin the proposed regional planning process can and should avoid Upon release, the Minister, the Honourable John 1. reproducing poÌicy, scenarios, strategies, plans or l'tunro, indicated that "balanced development of any conbination of these elements in formats where renewable and non-renewable resources...tt has been one or anoÈher of the key actors in the planning the policy of the Federal Government now and for process must lose in order that another might win. perhaps as much as a decade. Similarly, the presumed opposition of conser- There remains, however, substantial disagree- vation and development options is a perceived oppo- ment as to the definition, interpretation and appli- sition that is not necessarily an inherent charac- ÈerisÈic of "balanced development" which by some definitions, if not rnost definit,ions, would include both conservation and development. objectives. As Justice Berger so eloquently stated in his reporÈ of the MacKenzie VaIIey pipeline Inquiry (Berger , L977a)z ment and the implementation of a conservation strategy in northern Canada has tended towards defining The issues we face are profound ones, diametrically opposed positions. Conservation of going beyond the ideological conflicts natural environments is contested not so much in that have occupied the worl-d for so long, terms of locaÈion and extent as it is in terms of conflicts over who should run Èhe indus- Èhe timing of implementation. The Inuit clearly trial machine and who shoutd reap the wish to conserve firsÈ and develop later. benefits. Now we are being asked: Ho\d much energy does it take to run Èhe industrial machine? Where is the machine going? And what happens to the people who live in the path of the machine? ClearIy. one of the dominant themes addressed during Ehe public review of the draft Green paper velopment" is the underlying position of the world focused on Canadars own north-south dialogue. To ConservaÈion Strategy. The report People' Resources what extent are the potential benefits of northern and EnvironmenÈ stressed the need to incorporate a development directed towards southern residents? õor¡.servãffi'r¡ .strategy into each of the options The social costs associated with northern develop- presented. Should the regional planning process menÈ were clearly perceived to be born primarily, focus on alternative rates, scales and means of if not exclusively, by residents of the region, and achieving balanced development in the Lancaster more specifically by the Inuit,. Sound Region, Ehen a conservation stracegy would There is an overriding concern amongst the ¡ {'" 68 I e- ../,,t , ,..,/.¡-- | t ' 69

-- / d .1 I ê-t ' _ : ¡ Y

Lancaster Sound Regional StudY Lancaster Sound Regional Study

Inuit that we Ìack an adequate understanding of the In January of I983, the Department of Indian and full implicaÈions of future developnenÈ in the Northern Affairs released a draft proposal entitled There is fear and concern that culture' "Land-Use Planning in Nort.hern Canada". The proposal North. clefined northern Iand-use planning as organized Iife style'-North economy and ultimately the environment ',an of the will be destroyed. "In our minds we process for determining the uses of land and relaÈed are concerned that Èhe technology that is available resources based upon co-operative decision-making today is inadequate to rnitigate any foreseeable by governments, groups and individuals". disaster in the Arctic waters.'l The Departnent proposal states that the prirnary A variety of perspectives as to Èhe future uses responsibility for preparing northern land-use plans of the Lancaster Sbund Region \^tere expressed during will rest with northerners, that public involvement public review. Irrespecti-ve of. the perspective will be encouraged and will be included in the land- ireld, however, virtuatly alt participants agreed.on use planning process r and that northern land-use the urgenÈ need for a planning process for the high plans will be prepared on a regional or land-use ArcÈicl in general, and the Lancaster Sound Region, planning area basis. in particular. Consensus on the need for a planning There is, however, a tendency to focus on frainework as a means of managing future uses in the existing institutional structures and franeworks to region was one of the clearest and most convincing develop important nevr conservation and planning reãctions to the Lancaster Sound Regional Study rnitiatives. This tendency if continued and expanded derived from the public review Process. acts counter to alI the productive input achieved A discussion paper developed by the Federal during public review. The proposed northern land- that past decade has seen an use planning structure shows litÈIe evidence or Government noted "the recognition of the important role that the public increasing frequency of conflicting denands for use prior of land in the North' generaÈed by compeÈition among can play to reviewing ',acceptable" plans industrial, conservation and native interest". developed by planning commissions. As currently The report concluded that "to meet this chal- constituted, a director of Iand use planning pre- Ienge a Noithern Land Use Planning Policy and a pared northern plans in Yellowknife under the direc- Northern Land Use Planning Process are required to: - ensure orderly and planned development compatible with environmenÈal objective,s, Èhe ñational interest, and Èhe social and economic weIl-being of native people and other residents of the territories? sition of data, the organizaÈion of studies, the - improve co-ordination among departments and synthesis of these studies into planning strategies, agencies with resPect to northern land and renders the proposed planning process more and more resource usei distant from those who so strongly support the need - establish a system for deternining the allo- for planning in the region. cation of lands to various uses based on the To hrhom will the "acceptable ptans'r be accept- Iands composite values and for guiding the able if participation in their preparation is con- application of land and related resource strained to a few people working in yellowknife? regulatorY systemsi The Lancaster Sound Regional Study and the experi- - provide a public consultation process and ence derived from it indicates that the proposed iorum for assessing and proposing solutions planning process will either be boycotted or re- Èo land use conflicts ar ising among the cycled, hrith the inevitable delays that will result, government, natives and private sector bodies to include people from the region concerned. concerned with northern developnent and con- The Department is urged to reconsider the pro- servaÈion act.ivities; and posed structure and form of the northern land-use - make recommendations on changes in policy and planning process to incorporate local and regional programmes necessary Èo achieve co-ordinated public participation and review during alI phases ãnd comprehensive land-use planning and man- of the planning process. The process of public agement of territorial lands". review launched during the Lancaster Sound Regional

70 7I l i'' ¿' ; l ç t1 ì''' :'4"'.' !'úrt "i V '*- Lancaster Sound Regional Study Lancast,er Sound Regional Study

Study is quite probably irreversible. Potential ticipaÈion of the Government of Canada, the benefits in support of this st.rategy include a local Govern¡nent of Èhe Northwest Territ,ories, understanding and commitment to the planning process and regional and territorial organizations as well as an active and informed citizenry. representing aboriginal people. Inuit and Indian associations' reaction to the 8. It is recognized that the funding and federal planning initiaÈive focused on a joint other resources shatl be made available statement of principles to guide the land-use plan- for the system and be provided equitably ning process in the Northwest Territories that in- Èo allow each of the major participanÈs cludes the following eight points: referred to in paragraph 7 to participate effect ively. I. Man is a functional part of a dynamic bio- physical environment and land use cannot These general principles have been accepted with be planned and managed without reference only very minor nodifications by the FeããiãI-õôvern- to the human community. Accordingly, ment and by the Government of the Northwest, Terri- social, cultural and economic endeavours tories. In addition, negotiations are proceeding of the human community must be central to apace to achieve agreement on the definition and I Iand-use planning and inplementation. purpose of land-use planning in the North, on the 2 The prinary purpose for land-use planning operational principle t.haÈ will govern the process, in. the Nort.h\,rest Territ.ories must be to on the structures and process of land-use planning, protect and promote the existing and future and on the roles and responsibilities of the Govern- weII being of the permanent residents and ment of Canada and the Government of the Northwest communities of the Northwest Territories Territ.ories. taking into account the interests of all In the final chapter of people, Resources and Canadians. Special attention shall be Èhe Environment t,hat, reported @ew devoted to proÈecting and promoting the pha-se oFEñe tancaster Sound Regional Stnay a chal- existing and future well being of the abor- lenge was issued to government, to industry and to (-'I peoples /r iginal and their land interests as northern residents. The challenge articulated was they define them. to move beyond a planning scenario based on the per- .lo,ì ''n' 3 The planning process must ensure land-use ceptions of the southern culture of Canada towards plans reflect the prioritj.es and values of a thoroughly considered adaptable future for the the residents of the planning regions. Lancaster Sound Region. The report noted that "to 4 The plans will provide for the conser- do so will require irnagination and patience; coher- vation, development and utilization of ent policy and planning guidelines agreed Èo by Iand, resources inland waters and the off- those who have concerns in the region¡ pitot proj- shore. ects for transportation, research, education and 5 To be effective the public planning process training to test our ideas, most important we need must provide an opportunity for the active the will to persevere in developing an innovative and informed participation and support of planning and management process. - In-dustry, govern- the residents affected by the plan. Such ment and northern residents will have to forego participation wilI be promoted through adversary roles and efficiency may have to yield to means including: ready access to all rel- effectiveness so that r¡re may ensure the èultural evant information, widespread dissernination differences and heritage of the people who witl be of relevant rnaterials, appropriate and nost influenced by t,his growth',. realistic schedule, recruitment and Èrain- . The rgport noted that "the application of plan- ing of local residenÈs to participate in ning methods and techniqr es derived fron southern comprehensive land-use planning. Canadian experience may well aggravate rather than 6 The planning process must be systenatic and al,Ieviate problems related to Èhe future use and must be integrated with all other planning management of the Northr. The report noted further processes and operations. that while "northern and southern peop les and tra- 7 It is acknowledged that an effective land ditions are neither inferior nor suþeri oE r they are planning process requires the active par- differenÈ. If we plan we must do so with as full

72 73 LancasÈer Sound Regional StudY Lancaster Sound Regional Study an understanding of these differences as possible land-use planning process was expressed during the and with an astute sensitivity to the range of public review phase of the Lancaster Sound Regional values that underlie these differences". Study. The Department of Indian and Northern Affairs To a large extent the challenge expressed in was clearly anxious to proceed in this direction, People, Resources and the North has not been ac- and the Canadian Arcti.c Resources Committee had uggested, would re- sponsored a workshop in L979 thaÈ had established quire "coherenÈ poticy and planning guidelines, seven key principles for the development and pro- pilot projects in training and educaÈion amongst Èection of Lancaster Sound. During the workshops, other concerns¡ and that all actors forego adver- parÈicipants strongly supported their inclusion as sarial roles". part of the proposed planning process. The process will require a good deal more than The repo rt Peo e Resour S En ].ron- statements of principle such as those developed by ment noted that ono pr nc CARC and rnodified by public workshops t$to years ago guidelj.nes for the management of Lancaster Sound was and those developed subsequently by native organiz- virtuaJ-Iy unanimous during public review. Howeverf ations related to land-use planning. The process the brief submitted by the Department of Fisheries requires a strong conceptual basis' an appropriate and Oceans noted Èhat the real challenge with these form and structure, and an operational basis that principles will lie in their implementation". The allows real input fron those affected by Proposals report recommended that the final Green Paper infor growth, development and the changes associated corporate aspects of the policy paper released in with both. July 198l, and illustrate its application to the one glaring example of a weak conceptual plan- Lancaster Sound Region. The reporÈ noted that ning base is most evident in the draft policy - the "insofar as only the skeleton framework of a north- bio-physical realm is rather brutally disassociated ern land-use planning process can be developed in a from social, cultural and econonic considerations. pol j,cy paper, much work remains before a vj.able This flaw is so critical as to suggest Èhat the planning process can be established on an ongoing entire public review process was either totally and operational basis". Not the least of the ques- misunderstood, ignored, or both. Clearly everything tions thaÈ must be addressed is "How shall we plan?" that emerged from t,he transcripts of the public It is not at all evident that consensus to workshops over a t\.ro-year periodr as weII as from embark on a regional planning exercise for the high written statenents from native organizations and Arctic will a priori result in innovative and appro- from community meetingsr was Èhat the North is a priaÈe policy, strategy and tactics for the use and whole and cannot be neatly sliced apart into clean management of the high Arctic or for any region of independent sectors. This, more than anything eIse, tne high Arctic such as Lancaster Sound. In fact, is at the core of public revíew and reaction to the the application of planning methods and techniques Lancaster Sound Regional Study. The land' water' derived from southern Canadian experiences rnay weII icei the animals, birdsr fish; the peoplei all forn aggravate rather than alleviate problems related to one indivisible who1e. Any planning process that the f ut,ure use and management of the Nor th. I\,ly disassociates socio-economic and cultural factors intention of this final section is not to dampen from their bio-physical context is suspectr a pro- enthusiasÈic support for a regional planning process cess that does so in the North is bound to be re- north of. 60' , but rather to suggest that such a jected. This, at the very least' is the message venture must be truly adapted to the people and the inherent in the negotiated set of principles pro- place for which it is intended. posed by native organizations. One issue at stake is the design of insti- During the public workshops the DepartmenÈ tutions and decision-making processes that rnight noted that a policy fox land use in Èhe North "is illustrate Canadi.an recognition of our ovrn and dis- being developed by the Departnent to try to devise tinct north-south dialogue. In order that our re- a system by which Èhe type of conflicÈs that develop sponses to this challenge be meaningful and appro- for use of a given area can be attacked or con- priate, we must be innovative. We cannot rely on sidered right at the start, and not wait until con- the theory that those formulae developed in one flicts develop". context will necessarily be suitable in a context A great deal of supporE for a truly northern that is drstinctly different and unique.

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A southern paternalistic planning approach rooted in cultural perceptions? wich regard to ' the North would be one of the clearest signs that we are unwilling to learn and that we are dealing fro¡n a position of superior Space knowledge. Our southern and northern peoples and Our concept of space is equally bound by our cul- tsraditions are neither inferior nor superi.or¡ they tural heritage. In the South, space has been divided are, however, different. If we plan' we must do so and subdivided since the first military engineers with as full an understanding of Èhese differences from Europe set foot on NorÈh Anerican soil over as possible and wiÈh an acquite sensitivj.ty to the 400 years ago. Land surveying and land division is range of values which underlie these differences. a normal part of our view of the space that we in- One of the nost fundamental characteristics of habit. Land-use planning history and theory relies planning is Èhe intellectual and cultural setting heavily on the premise that differenÈ spaces can and which supports Èhe process. Whereas the Inuit seek should be used for different activities. Allocating consensus on those issues t.hat affect then most exclusive uses to specific spaces is a familiar part profoundly, we are accustomed to debating public of our Canadian urban experience. Occasionally, as issues that are terminated and resolved by majoriÈy in older western cultures, multiple-use areas have votes, frequently by elecÈed rePresenÈatives. De- been designated for a combination of Èypical urban cisions based on adversary posiÈions are distinctly functions such as commerce, housing and on occasion different from those based on consensus. The pro- snall industries. Restricted use of space has been cess requires more time, is highly participatoryt introduced in the urban fringe and in southern re- and directly involves those responsible for im- source management areas to allow a range of compat- plementing a decision and Èhose who will be directly ible, but limited uses to occur in the same place affected by such a decision. Not surprisingly, a at the same time. significant distincÈion between the North and the How applicable are Èhese concepts of spatial South is our understanding of time. division and the subsequent allocation of designated uses to the high Arctic where space has not been characterized by its divisibility, but rather by Time its ext.ent and continuity? How much more difficult Industry - and to a large extent the Federal Govern- is it to Èrace lines on a territory where the dis- ment - is concerned that expeditious decisions are tinction between land and water varies so radically required if Canadians are to achieve energy self- from winter to summer? How nuch more difficult when sufficiency, a favourable standing in the world vre know t,haÈ spatial segregations of northern and markeÈ place and the perception of competent manage- southern waters are predominately vertical and not ment of our or¡rn af f airs. The Inuit move to a dif - necessar ily hor izontal in shape and f orm? Can \^¡e ferent rhythm. "It takes people tine to change design appropriate planning methods and techniques their Iiving habits", time to adapt to the rapid - inoeed a planning philosophy - Èo accommodate cul- rate of change in the North, time to acquire the tural and technical variance in our southern percep- necessary training and education required to par- tion of space? ticipate fully in the future development of Èheir homeland. Time is also essential if we are Èo understand Appropr iate Technoloqy the concerns of t,he Inuit, if we are to perfecÈ the Energy self-sufficiency in Canada is a stated technology necessary to support our development national goal. To the South, the phrase irnplies proposals and to safeguard the environrnent of the secure sources of oilr gas, hydro-electricityr soÍrê North. Southern time is linear and sequential, marginal use of nuclear energy and other "alterna- northern time is cyclic and repetitive. Can we tive energy" sources. design a planning process capable of accommodating How appropriate is this vision for the NorÈh? both? Must one concept of tine doninate the other? Can we develop a planning process wherein the issues Do we really believe that \¡/e have run out of of energy self-sufficiency, shelter and travel, to southern timer or do we too have tine to deaL with name only a few, are appropriate to the context of this fundament.al dimension of the planning process Canada's high Arctic?

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Lancaster Sound Regional Study Lancaster Sound Regional StudY might function with due regard to our national AppropriaÈe technology, in short, is culturally interest. The Inuit participants based.-- It is not necessarily appropriate to all throughout the (western technology), but is public review process have articulated a clear and contexts at all times direct goal: the maintenance of life style options. by definition appropr iate t-o a specific context of time. when we speak National goals include energy self-sufficiency, ãüri"ó ã putticuiãr þeriod those outlined in Canada's North: 1970-I9B0i and of teèhnology to assure that oil spills can- be con- goals weather can ne properly moni- arti culated in a document entitled',Depart- t.ained or úñat the rnental Direction Plan for the 1980s", developed by the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs. To what extent can we design a viable planning process north of 60' which will accommodate and necessarily reinforce the realj.zation of these sets of goals? Can we stretch beyond the simple maintenance of Iife style options towards_ the qualitative and quantitat- j-ve improvement of ttiese optj-ons? Planning deals necessarily with a future state, and the changes which will occur .between a given condition and a set of possible future conditions. The Form of Informatioq lntormafron Withj.n a range of possible futures some are more Tne very manner by which we deal wrth probable t.han others. Many of the issues raised in is also culturally bouna. The acquisition of datat this paper which we reach on can be considered as a set of perforrnance its Èreatment and the conclusions criteria against which our efforts to develop a planning process north of 60'may well be judged. These criteria are by no means exhaustive. They do indicate some of Èhe conditions and issues which nlust be incorporated into a viable planning process for the North. Faj.lure to do so will undoubtedly lead to a certain and predictable future based on Èhe goals, objectj.ves , issues and perceptions of the dominanÈ southern culÈure of Canada. The challenge we face is to move beyond this scenar io towards a more thoroughly considered, a

Lancaster Sound Regional Study l¡ , i, tl 12ù¡rr structuring viable paths towards achieving "balanced Chapter Five ,.'' development" but only if such a process is creative and truly reflective of northern conditions and TRADITIONAL LAND-USE AND NATURE CONSERVATION perceptions. IN I\,IADAGÀSCAR By Joseph Andriamampianina, Département des Forêts Etablissement drEnseignement Supérieur des Sciences Agronomiques université de tqaãagascai B.P. 175, Antananarivo, liladagascar

ABSTRACT

Although the population of liladagascar is j ust 9 million for a country of almosÈ 600,O0O sq km, there is still a serious lack of productive agricultural soils. This paper discusses the original vegetation of Madagascar, the changes in land-use that have taken place over tine, and the traditional conservation measures thaÈ have been developed. As many of these traditional conservaÈion methods are becom- ing weaker with increasing land hunger, the Govern- ment has stepped in with a conservation programme which includes the esÈablishment of protected areas, public education, and international co-operation.

THE LAND DEVELOPMENT PROBLEM IN },IADAGASCAR In ì4adagascar, it has always been difficult to solve Iand development problems. In spite of its extensive area (590,000 square kilometres) for a population of 9 million, this agriculture-oriented country has buÈ littIe fertile and easy-to-cultivate ptots. This can be understood through the analysis of the key factors having an impact on the development of agriculture: the climate, the soil, and the distribution of the human population.

The Clinate Madagascar has the typical climate of subtropical countries which neans Chat water is the nain problem for agriculture. Water resources are unevenly dis- tributed depending on the geography and seasons. In the arid south-western part, precipitation amounts to abouÈ 350 mrn annually whereas rainfall

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Traditional Land-Use in Madagascar Traditional Land-Use in Madagascar reaches more Èhan 3'000 mm in the eastern parÈ and undergrowth and frorn l'800 m up with a thick bush comes to 1r500 mm in the cenÈre (where rain only composed of Iichen and moss-covered bushes. Apart falls during 4 to 5 months a year). from some isolated woodlands at the top of the nountains, all the forest vegetation highly sensiÈive to fire has been destroyed by man. Among the common The Soil Iand-uses are the flooded rice fields on the low- uov¡er¡er fertile Èhe soil might be, the land is dif- lands and oÈher croPs (such as nanioc) on the de- ficult Èo cultivate due to the very rugged land- forested hiIIs and most of aII, burning for gtazíng scape. Volcanism and geological phenomena have lands. Every yearr fire destroys vast grazing or played an important part in the shaping of the even reforestation areas. In this way' people hope island and furtherrnore, the soil is, by its very that old dry and hard grass will burn to be replaced nature, very sensitive to erosion. Most of the by tender shoots, and that ashes will fertilize the island is covered with a reddish ferruginous soil, soiI. But this is merely an illusion for not only the resulÈ of the modifications which have taken is selection taking ptace the wrong way, eliminating place in the underlying bed. Thus, wherever the fragile plants, but this practice enhances deser- vegetation cover has been unable to protect the soil tification and helps destroy the biological and cul- from run-off htatersr intensive erosion has formed tural heritage. However' Èhis is nothi.ng compared ravines and caused land slides, giving t.his bunpy to what happens in the west and south. look to the landscape. Wt Southern and ,Ea'stern l"ladagascar. In the west, the The Population tradition is more pastoral than agr icultural and to on Madagascar, there is a problen of population expand Èheir grazíog lands, the people choose the distribution¡ a densiÈy of more than 60 per square easiest way: burning down the forest. Savannah has kilometre on the central highlands and along the replaced the forest and as it has little nutritious eastern coast more than I00' falling down to 5 or valuer rrìot€ and more land had to be burned. Pastor- less on the western coast. The raw figure compared alists have thus created vast grasslands which to the total area does noÈ account for the pressure extend over most of t,he western parÈ of the island. placed upon some areas. The island having, as we The situation is even more criÈical in Èhe souÈh' said, a very rugged landscape, it is estimated that where large herds are left to graze overnight. Lands agricultural land does not exceed 15t of the total. are burned for graz).ng and little room is left for This inevitably leads to the deforestation of land some meagre food crops. unsuitable for agriculture, to the degradation of forests and consequently to the loss of wild flora and fauna habitats. Eastern Madagascar. Here peoPle are more dedicated to agriculture than in Èhe south and r.test. TheY have adopted another burning method called "tavY". LAND-USE IÈ consists of burning the forest after it has been cut down for temporary crops (mainly mountain rice)t Most probably, long ago Èhe forest covered the main the land being abandoned to natural vegetation once part of the island. Today it only covers 10t of the it is impoverished. In Madagascar, about 200'000 total area due to the impact of differenÈ land-uses hectares are cultivated in this way every year and and Èo centuries-old Èraditions that $¡e will dis- abandoned after 2 or 3 years. Under the alternaÈe cuss later. action of the sun and t,he rain, the barren soil' fragile by nature, is rapidly degraded- Different Land-Uses Psvcho-soc oloqical Analvsis of Tr adit ions Central Madagascar. According to botanists, Iong ago, Èhe cenEral highlands were covered, up to 11500 Burning practices. One could wonder why people of to 1,800 m, with mountain forest with herbaceous Madagascar are so keen on burning practices- There 82 83 Traditional Land-Use in Madagascar Traditional Land-Use in Madagascar

musÈ be reasons for this long-Iived habit. It seems see that these creeds and superstitions tend to to start with the fact that farmers do not yet disappear and that foresÈs which have been conserved realize the disadvantages of burning pr actices. until no\., are threatened. They cannot understand why the forest, which does not bring t,hem any advantage and appears only as an obstacle to agriculture and grazing cattle. should Consequences be protected. They think thaÈ a few hectares of It is not necessary to give all the consequences of deforestation does no harm as nature seems so vast this form of agriculture and cattle breeding based and infinite. A local saying even compares aII on burning practices. On the other hand, the extinc- that is endless to t.he eastern forests- Moreover, tj.on of a unique flora and fauna (resulting from the tavy and the fires are ancestral practices and tne fact that Èhe country has been isolated since for the farmers they are easy and simple techniques ancient geological periods) should be underlined. frorn which their ancestors always benefited- The Madagascar has an exceptional number of ecosystems, country has always been burned t hthy then should many endemic animal and planÈ species, some of they change their methods? It is hot, everything which are exÈremely old while others have quickly dries up, grass burns, trees are benE and consumed evolved to occupy the many available ecological by fire: they think it is the way it has to be and niches. Tr¡e loss of these species would not only thaÈ no one can fight Nature's will without risks. affect Madagascar but also the whole of mankind. So one wonders. Is it manrs ancient fatalism in front of naturets forces. or do technicians make a mistake when they v¡orry about burning pracÈices and GOVERNMENT MEASURES¡ PROTECTED AREÀS deforestation? The debate seems to be without end, for in Madagascar, PeoPle may think fire is evil First of all it should be said that it has been a but a necessary evil. long time since action for nature protection started Ín Madagascar. Already under the Ancient Malagasy Kingdom the "305 Articles Code" condemned those who Par t played by the catt.Ie in PeoPlçl r lil-e. For were convicted of deforestation to be chained. ilrârì!r Malagasy caÈÈle are status symbols' the number During the French occupation of the istand, the of which are more inportant than their qualiÈy. In authorities became aware of the progressive extinc- the west and the south - where fires destroy large tion of natural flora and fauna and of its conse- areas - people raise huge herds mostly for cel- quences. Several measures were enforced. most of ebrations and especially for funerals which must be which still apply or have been updated or appended magnificent. Fear and the culÈ of the dead are im- since independence. Î"Iany Iegal texts have been porÈant in Madagascar 7 ritual sacrifices require published including rules on burning practices and þ impressive slaughÈers. Thus people must own many deforestation, on proÈected species, reforestation. heads of catÈIe and this leads to Èhe unwise prac- soil conservation, etc. This document will deal \l Èice of burning. rnostly hrith protected areas and the steps taken to conserve them.

Good influence of some creeds. There are' howevert some creeds and superstitions which advocate forest The Different Categories of Protected Areas protection. They concern mounÈain forests r the of Madagascar proÈection of which is linked to Èhe awe people have of mountains. Even the many small pitons scatÈered Strict Nature Reserves. Madagascar now has eleven all over the island are often taboo: they are be- strict nature reserves, nine of which were created lieved to be the cemetery of the souls of the dead. in L927 (there were ten of them but one hras down- Nobody would dare seÈ fire to then. Therefore the graded in 1964). one vras created in 1939 and another natural reserves created mainly in the highesÈ areas one in L952. These reserves were established with of Èhe country are being conserved partly because the aim of preserving different types of fauna and of those creeds and partly because it is too dif- flora on the island and thus are sanctuaries for- ficult t.o cultivate their steep slopes. But we will bidden to all human activity and even to the circu-

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Tradit.ional Land-Use in Madagascar TradiÈi.onal Land-Use in Madagascar

IaÈion of the people from nearby villages' according the reserves are ahrare of the necessity to conserve to the I968 African Convention on the Conservation these terri,tories. of Nature and Natural Resources. The sites have been selected in order to provide a sanple as representative as possible of the many features of Protected Areas Manaqernent the island and are situated, unless impossible, in scarcely populated or mountainous areas, so that Staff. The Administration Forestière is in charge they would be protected from the population always õE-Þ-rotected Areas managenent. Unfortunately, there in search of new agriculÈuraI Iands (see paragraph is not enough monitoring staff. For a total area "Good influence of sorne creeds" ) . of 700r000 hectares, the 13 st.rict nature reserves and national parks only have one agenÈ each, most of the time isolated in the wilds without a vehicle National Parks. Madagascar has two national parks and thus unable Èo fulfil their missions. Only two which were created in 1958 and in 1962 to complenent of the special reserves have one agent each. the samples of nature protected in the strict nature reserves. Their StatuÈes are based on the afore- mentioned 1968 Convention. Funds. No funds are allocated to protected areas maintenanceT the funds allocated by the Adninis- tration Forestière are mainly used for acÈivities Special Reserves. This concept applies to parts of concentrating particularly on developrnent which is forests where any k ind of exploitation or land-use still the main priority area. is prohibited. There are now 23 special reserves in Madagascar and they aim mainly at the conservation of some plant and animal species. The re- INTERNATIONAL HELP serves created afÈer independence were established in L962, L964' 1965, 1970 and L982. We already mentioned that Madagascar had no adequate means to protect its parks and reserves but this does not mean that the government did not make a Peoplers Approach to Protected Areas move. Aware of the seriousness of the degradation vìIe said that Malagasy people had a strong respect of Nature in the country and of the difficulty in f.or traditions. However, they accepted the taboos handling daily problems raised by protection of imposed by their kings and masters on certain areasi Nature i.n general and of protected areas in par- they also accepted the reserves created by the ticular, the authorities have asked international French adrninisÈration. The word 'rReserve" and agencies for help. especially'rNature Reserve" implied a measure of respect and of fear of the unknown dangers concealed by Èhe sites situated in the high nountains. People The Contribution of IUCN and i^n¡IF understood the necessity of preserving menories of the past as well as the surroundings in which tsheir Madagascar is a mernber of IUCN. Since t.he first ancestors lived. Thus the reserve concept was fit- days of independence (196I, Ivladagascar became a ting well in their customs and did not hurt their member of IUCN, and was the first French-speaking feelings. But Èhis aLtitude tends to disappear due African country to do so. to wrong int.erpretations of the steps taken during the colonial era, to education which tends to banish creeds and pagan super stitions r Èo a population Conference on Nature Conservation. IUCN greaÈ1y increase leading to fear of lack of space for agri- helped the government in organizing the Conference culture, and to an unwise step of the government on Conservation and Rat.ional Use of Nature in which downgraded one of the first ten strict nature Antananarivo, OcÈober 1970. AEtended by Malagasy reserves in 1964. Fortunately, through education officials and several scientists from many efforts made by the authorities, in spite of their countries, the conference can be considered as an limited means, most of the people Iiving close to importanÈ step towards the protection of ltalagasy

86 87 TradiÈional Land-Use in Madagascar Traditional Land-Use in Madagascar parks and reserves. IÈ helped make people aware of Autonomous Managernent the exceptional part played in the world by Although it seems quite logical to place parks and Madagascar's proÈected areas because of the value reserves management under the authority of the of its natural resources? iÈ promoted understanding Admj-nistration Forestière, they need a measure of of the degradatì.on Èhreat which, as everywhere else independence since the staff needs to be specialized and perhaps more than anywhere else, grows with and therefore is not inÈerchangeable without good development. IUCN launched a real SOS Èo help the reasons. Most of the Èime they acquire necessary Government of Madagascar in iEs protection effort knowledge only in the course of Èheir career. and several recommendations were issued related to Furthermore, being autonomous, they could obtain protection of certain wetland habitat of threatened funds to be used exclusively for protection. birds, and related legal measures followed. Education Different forms of help. It is next to i.mposs ible Conservation of Parks and Reserves must not only be to go into details about the sort and amount of help brought about through legislaÈion. Enforced legis- WWF/IUCN rendered to the Malagasy covernment since Iation should be complemenÈed - and it is an essen- 1960, for proÈection of reserves and parks as welI tial requirement - by education or re-education of as for staff equipment. We will simply underline Ène people. No-one can blame the man who deforests that two years â9o r f ive ne\^r pro jects were handed part of a reserve if he has not been told that it over to wwF/IUcN by the Government, were accepted is part. of a unique national heritage. Much remains by that organj.zation, and are now being completed. to be done in this field and today educaÈion is the The projects concern protection of three reserves, main acÈivity of the monitoring staff. working equipment and vehicles for the managers of the reserves, audio-visual equipment for promotion of conservation and environmental education. CONCLUS ION The main hope for the protection of Malagasy parks Establishment of a W!\lF agency. I n 1979, the govern- and reserves is the noticeable awakening of a ment issued a decree allowing V{WF/IUCN to create an national a\¡rareness. Nowadays, a strong current agency in Antananarivo. This WWF/IUCN move is very tends to underl ine Madagascar I s uniqueness. The important for it makes it possible to obtain inter- islandrs natural heritage is being promoted, as well national funds. Moreover, Èhrough the WI,VF/IUCN as j.Ès historical, literary and artistic wealth. agency, better nonitoring is assured and projects In the meantime an international current supports can be dealt with according to thej.r priority. national ef forts. In that sense, the t/tWF/IUCN agency will contribute a lot to these efforts which aim at Èransmitting the Malagasy heritage to future gener- GENERAL PRINCIPLES ations. Staff Training There are not enough personnel in the protected areasr pârtly due to the fact that their activities are si-ightly dÍfferent from those of the forestry staff. To ensure the monitoring and conservation of protected areas is an essential task but it is by no means the only one. The study of plants and animals of the areas is the main activity of the monitoring agents. They must therefore take an interest in nature, have good observatÍon capacity, be sociable but severe. Such staff must be trained.

88 89 Chapter Six

INFLUENCE OF HISTORTCAL AND CULTURAL DIFFERENCES ON THE ACTUAL LEVEL OF CONSERVATION OF NATURE BET!{EEN },IAJORCA AND MINORCA ISLANDS (BALEARIC ISLANDS, SPAIN)

By Miguel Morey, Depto. de Ecología Facultad de Ciencias, Ctra. de Valldemosa Km 7 5 Palma de Mallorca, Spain

ABSTRACT The paper argues that social and cultural systems can lead to critical ecological differences even in very similar environments. The example of Minorca and t{ajorca is used to demonstrate t.hìs point. Itlinorca has had a relatively slow process of economic arowth based on sound commercial princj,ples and a relatively liberal politj.cal and social environ- mentf with tourist numbers also growing gradualty. Majorca by conÈrast, depressed economically due to Iand fragmentation and a stratified society, was also subject to a massive post-r4,ar tourist influx, which Ied to much more environmental degradation Èhan in irÍinorca.

The state of conservation is the result of the interaction between the natural characteristics of the territory and the culture developed historically by the people living there. The interaction occurs in both direct.ions, the physical environnent influences the type of culture developed (agriculÈure, cattle raising, industry, commerce, etc.) and the culture developed (depending in part on religion, ethics, etc.) modifies the environment. In this paper I want to ernphasize the importance of the apparently snall historical differences between people to produce differenÈ culture models and to achieve actually a very different level of conservation. This is the case in the west Mediter- ranean Spanish Islands, Majorca and I4inorca. After successive occupations since ancient tines, Majorca was conquered by the Catalonian army in L229 and from this date almost everybody was and spoke Catalonian. The conquest of Irltinorca by the

91 Culture and Conservation in Balearic Islands Culture and Conservation in Balearic Islands

Catalonian army was achieved 57 years later and very small hisÈorical and cultural differences be- this difference in time affected patterns of rural tween two very near and similar countries or terri- inheritance. However' the most important cultural tories have produced completely different types of differences beÈween both islands arose during the conservation. ISth century in three successive periods of British The Majorcan and Minorcan Islands are situated domi-nadon of Minorca (1708-1756, L763-L7Bf, and in the middle of the west Mediterranean Sea, separ- l738:ffi1 þroperti.es passed fro'm the ated only by 20 nautical miles (36 km). Majorca is nobility to the bourgeoisie with a concomitant more than five times bigger than Minorca and its change of econony and to semi-extensive cattle population in 1960 (before the tourist boom) was commercial raising, giving a higher standard of eight tines bigger. As a consequence of their pro- Iiving than MaSorca, which remained underdeveloped. ximity, the physical and geographical character- Wrth the advent of mass tourism in the 1950s the istics are very similar. They are very similar in economic and social structure of both islands vJas flora, fauna and types of communities and eco- very differenU. In Majorca "minifundism" dominated systems. The most imporÈant differences are due to j.n rural areas making difficulÈ the development of the presence in Majorca of a northern mountain ridge a prosperous agricrtlture and economy; Minorca has that is absenÈ in Minorca and from t.he presence of modern farming and industrialization. DIa-i9I-qên a siliceous Iithological substrate in Minorcar âDd plon-gt.g.-_.ê-"-_nqEq-*ge-U.f_1*çrn societya.,,.. is., forced to that on the ot,her hand to the historicat and cultural Çiïes an easy wealth but spoJ.ls the environment, differences that we will analyse in this paper whÍlst in Minorca it is possible to delay the begin- (Table 6.I summarizes the main types of environ- ning of touristic development, slowly increasing ment) . the number of tourists and developing a rational Both islands have had a very similar historical tourism without spoiling nature. The negative type development, suffering since ancient times invasions of tour ist development of Majorca (and also of by different ethnic and cultural groups (religion, Ibiza) has received internationally the name of Ianguage, etc. ) until the 13th century. Majorca "balear izac ión " . was conquered by James I in L229 and Minorca by Both islands belong to t.he same administrative Alfonso II, 57 years after. In both cases the old province of Spain, have Èhe same laws and local inhabitants (of Arab or igin and language and government but have been able to develop different Mahomdan religion) were almost completety eliminated environmental policies. This emphasizes t,he import- from the islands. which were populated by Catalonian ance of cultural influences on environmental plan- Christians speaking Catalonian. This difference of nrng. 57 years affected the rural transmission of noble In many countries Èhere has not been conscious properties but more important effects were due to environmental planning for conservation. Some the conquest and occupation of Minorca by the \^restern countr ies have very recently developed and Brrtish. Though Èhe British occupat,ion was only applied a set of laws for conservation and sustained for 60 years, Minorca really had a British model of development, but generally only when there has been development for almost a century (I708-1902). much environmental degradation. Because of lack of WhiIst Mj.norca developed a commercial agricultural planning, the actual level of conservation depends system and a liberal political system, Majorca in most cases on the interaction between the natural remained linked to Spain and medieval models of characteristics of the territory and t,he cultural society. At the beginning of the British domination, background of the people that live in the region. Minorca was divided into a few noble properties, The first steps in environmental planning must begin totally lacking in l4ajorca. During the century of with an accurate analysis of the status of conser- British domination almost all the noble properties vation and historical research. r.rere bought by the middle class. The exploitation Different. cultures produce different types of systems of the nobility were substituted by dynamic conservation approaches. For example, even if a capitalist-type systems with developmenÈ of manufac- I generalization, eastern cultures emphasize conser- turing of agricultural products and commerce. poor f vation whi.lst the western cultures tend to be ex- dry cereal crops \^rere replaced by improved semi- I ploitive. It is, however, necessary to be very extensive pastures for sheep and cattle as in Great careful in making generalizations, because sometimes Britain. This kind of land management is only

92 93 Culture and Conservation in Balearic Islands Culture and Conservation in Balearic Islands

Table 6.1 - Maih Environments in wlaior ca and Minorca Islands

Type of Environment Majorca Mi nor ca

Mountain (mountain Èype plants and animals, with a Serra de Tramuntana high proportion of endemic types) Evergreen oak forest (climax vegetation) t/fet parts of the low Scattered in the island mounta ins especially in the centre Pine forest (forest of Pinus halepensis with Arid zones of low Very scarce. Scattered in developed shrub layer) mountains the island

"Mar inatt (shrub comrnunit.y with Olea, Er ica, Proxinity of the coast, Proxinity of the coast. Pistacia, Rosmarinus and pine¡ except parts of the Sonetimes penetrating far - nor th inland Marshes (brackish zones with PragniÈes, Thypha Albuferas in the north Albufera in the north. Artrocnemum and aquatic avifauna) and south. Menaced It4enaced Coastal dunes (nobile sand dunes and fixed dunes by Palma Bay (destroyed). On the southern coast shrubs and pine) Alcudia Bay (half destroyed) and big system of Campos (virgin but menaced) Coastal cliffs Almost all Èhe coast Alnost all the coast Semi-extensive pastures (without irr igation , f.or Very widespread in the cows and sheep) centre and north Irr igated forage (sÈabulated catÈle) Plain zones near Palma, OnIy on a few protected La Puebla and Canpo areas of the south Cereal crops with scatÈered trees ALI the plains and low parts of nountains possible when Èhe land is divided into big proper- impoverished and had, of necessity, Eo sell the Èies, but not when the size of property is too properties in Iittle parcels of land producing sma1l. Properties t.herefore were not divided "minifundism" (the average size of rural properties between all the sons of every owner and they have in Majorca in 1970 was only 7.91 ha) (GALMES and remained relatively Iarge averaging 43. 15 ha in SALVA, L9B2). The larger properties, with cattle, L972. On t,he other hand the medieval management of permitted in l4inorca the development of industries land in Majorca continued almost until the beginning derived from the product,s of cattle (cheese, butter, of the 20th century, when the rural nobility becane leather, shoes, etc. ) .

94 95 Culture and Conservation in Balearic Islands CuIÈure and Conservation i.n Balearic Islands

Another cultural effect of the British domi- I9B2). This fact has produced drastic social nation (and of the French too' in spite of this changes. Traditional agriculture had been abandoned occupation oeing even shorter) was the improvement and only in a few parts of the island has it been of schooLs and the creation of cultural- institutions substituted by more modern systems of culture and many years before these appeared in Majorca. coflìmer ce . D'-rr ing th is same per iod employment has When mass tour ism started in 1950 there r'tas passed from an agricultural situation in 1960 (348 "minifundism" in Majorca in the agr iculturally working in the primary sector, 3lt in the secondary oId-fashj.oned sysÈems of and 358 in the tertiary sector) Èo an unbalanced richest areas, with very popu- exploitation and commerce r ând almost without proportion in 1973 with more than half of the industrialization or hotels. At the same time in Iation working in the tertiary sector (13? in the l"linorca there were improved pastures vJith the primary sector, 342 in the secondary and 53å in the inÈroduction of new weII-adapted forage species Lertiary sector) (AElas des Iles Baléaresf 1979). lrKe Hedisarum coronar ium, ( ALENYAR eÈ al. l-982) This represents a change in 13 years from a rural which was very widespread from L870 ( BOLOS et al. t society to a commercial one without passing through phase. passed from 400 1970) as well as Trifolium alexandri.num Medicago an industrial Imports '000 aroorea, Vicia sativar etc. 'Iïn in 1960 (200 '000 Tm of exports) to more than In tl¡ese circumstances it is natural that when 2,000,000 Tm in 1973 (300,000 Tm exports). mass tourism came the people of Majorca accepÈed Another consequence has been an increase in this as the only vray of improving the level of liv- immigration to Majorca especially by people from ing. There was a massive social, economic and the south and centre of Spain (a positive inmigrant environmental transformation after the construction balance of 75'000 immigrants in l"lajorca from 1960 of hotels first and then flats and chalets. On the to L975 , and only 5 ,000 in the same per iod in other hand, Minorcans preferred a slow development Minorca) (AtIas des Iles Baléares , L979'). This of tourism without negative impacts not only on the high proportion of immigrants produced the most Iandscape, but also on rangeland. Io give some idea important cultural changes in Majorca since the of the increase in tourism in Majorca, the case of conquest of the 13th century because of the dif- the Iittl-e village of CaIvia (about I20 km) at the ferent languages of the immigrants (Castilian vrestern part of the Bay of Palma may be ciLed. Spanish, not Catalonian), cultural IeveIs and cus- Calvia, from having an almost nil tourist capacity toms. The impact of aIl these changes on the en- in 1950 had 35,519 beds in hotels, 46,909 beds in vironment has been very big in Majorca. The con- bungalows and 9,324 beds in chalets in 1975 (BISSON' sciousness of Èhe necessity for the protecÈion of L977 i Consef General Inter j.nsular , L9821 . These naÈure in Majorca began approximately i n 1965. The 9LJ52 beds for tourists represent more than the main law regulating the occupation and transform- total number of beds in Tunisia' 508 of those of ation of land up to L973 was the "Ley del Suelo" Rumania, 252 of those of Greece and I5t of those of (Law of tshe Ground) Lhat did not take into account YugosJ-avia. In Minorca there j.s not anything like conservation. In 1973, the Provincial Environmental Calvia, but in Majorca there are nany other very PIan for the Balearic Islands ("Plan Provincial de similar cases like EI Arenal of Palma and Llucmajor ordenación de Baleares") was promulgated, but was and tne Bays of Alcusia and Son Servera. The data insufficient and inadequate for the protection of on the BaLearic Islands reflect very closely those natur.e. The destruction of nature did not increase of Malorca, from about 4t054 beds for tourisÈs in too much because of the energy and economic crisis I950, Eo 222,680 in 1975. Tourist growth increased of the European countries, not because of the re- enormously, L25,000 visited in 1950' 400'000 in 1960 straints derived from the new law. In l-975 there and 3,573'000 in 1973 (ALENYAR et al. , L982). Since was a political change in Spain htith the inaugur- then there has been slow growth as is seen in both ation of a democratic monarchy and there r¡¡ere per Lods . changes in environmental planning, reflected in These facts have produced in Majorca very im- L978/79 in a new improved provincial law' "Plan portant changes on the economy, sociologyr commercet Director Territorial de Baleares", which is stiII agriculture, industry and conservation. The "per too general and has great difficulties of applì-- capita" rent has increased from 100'000 pesetas in cat.ion in pracÈice. In fact, in spite of this law, f960 to 270,000 pesetas in I973 (ALENYAR q! al.' some important environments are stilI threatened in

96 97 Islands Culture and ConservaÈion in Balearic Islands Culture and Conservation in Balearic rHomme Majorca, especially the last near virgin brackish tsissonr J. 1977. La Terre t I aux maishes and Èhe coãstal dunes system of Èhe island Baléar es. Edis Bolos, O., MO linier, R. and Montserrat, P. 19 70. phytosociologiques dans IrIIe de Observari ons q. Minorqu e Acta Geobotánica Barcinonensis, r-150 . Calmes, J. and Salva, P. Agr icultura Y Ga4qer r-a. In SA NOSTRA. n años de la istor ia de fauna to the souÈh of Majorca. Fron the study of Baleares. Ed. Sa va rce the evolution of culture and conservation of nature El TurIêño -ãn las Baleares. 1981. Consel General two Mediterranean de Mallorca. dur ing the history of these en las Balea some conclusions can be drawn¡ El Urbanis 1 Medio Ambi islands a n Í ar. 1. Small cultural differences over a period Mallor ca. of time can produce very big differences in the status and perspectives of conservation. 2. Insular ity Produces cultural systems es: pecially conservative, but subjected to successive drastic changes by miliÈary or pacific invasions. 3. Ñew cultural influences come erratically but inÈerrupt normal evolutionary processes rather like catastrophic natural events such as fires. 4. When there is more wealth there is a beÈter possibiliÈy of coping with such poten- LiallY-aestructive invasions. 5. The quick increase of the econo¡nic leveI, in tñe Majorcan case, Èoo rapid economic

subject of particular and differentiated environmental planning. In the case of Balearic Islands there is a cornpletely different environmenEal and developnent problem for t'lajorca and Minorca (and also for Ibiza).

REFERENCES Alenyar, M., Barcelo, B- and Arnaiz, P.C. Evolución ica. IN SA NOSTRA. Cien anos de la stor ra de Ba es. Ed. Sa lvat. Barcelona. ATIaS s ares Geo fic. Economic E 7 ora rce ona. 99 98 Section Three

THE VALUE OF CULTURAL, TRADITIONAL AND INDIGENOUS RESOURCE KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICE

INTRODUC'ITON One of the premises for a management approach based on an increased degree of co-operation wiÈh IocaI indigenous people is that there j.s much more to tradi-tional knowledge, philosophies and practices than environmental nanagers have realized. The collection, collation, evaluation and discussion of these mater ials is an urgent task but \^te already have some materials and a selection of these is presenteci here. One point to emerge clearly is that these valuable r and usually environmentally sound, knowledge systems are disappearing and often disappearing rapidly. There is an African saying' that "when a knowledgeabl-e old person dies a whole library disappears". As srgnificantly, outside attractions are pulling .LocaI people away from their home environments to the cities, and encouraging Èhem to spend their time on other th j-ngs r êVêÍt if they stay at home. Tne traditional knowledge system is often then destroyed even if there is not the colonial regime that Gadgi-I talks about in India. Many of the papers in Èhis section point to the environmental proÞlems that arise with the disappearance of the traditional cultural base.

r01 ChapEer Seven

THE ANDEAN NATIVE PEOPLES IN THE CONSERVATION PLANNING PROCESS

By Hernán Torres Corporación Nacional Forestal Chrle

ABSTRACT It is argued thaÈ t,raditional societies in the Andes region have a righÈ to preserve their cultures' whitst at the same time they are entitled to benefits from outside. Many development projects have not included the local peoPle or their cultures and they have suffered for this reason. What is needed are both naÈional and local policies ensuring such par È ic ipat ion.

INTRODUCTION In the Andes there are traditional societies with economies based on llama and alpaca and subsistence cultivation. Their survival today is threatened by Iand degradation as well as economic and cultural pressures from the surrounding regions. To protect chese native peoples, decision makers and planners must help them by acknowledging their right to a separate existence as weIl as their rights to the lands where they have tradiÈionally Iivedr whilst permiEting them to aEtain benefits from outside' such as education and health. Isolation in the modern world is in fact almost impossible and hence some degree of cultural assimi- laÈion cannot be avoided. Such an evoluÈion nay be beneficial if there is not to be massive damage to the culture and if poverty is to be avoided. Par- ticipation in planning is parÈ of this communication process. But nany develoPment projects which have been carried ouÈ in the Andean region of Peru, Chile, Bolivia and Ecuador, have unfortunately not included t,he active participation of the Andean peoples in the planning process and have suffered r03 I

Planning and Andean Native Peoples Planning and Andean Native peoples for this reason. plans must include the needs and aspiraÈions that In spite of Èhe demographic and cultural shock are felt in the nat,ive communities. of the Spanish conquest and the economic domination Essential also when formulating plans to pre- of Èhe central Andes by a small outside elite, the serve the environment and to hetp t.he- Andean põpu- hispanic syst,em of multiple ecology is still a pre- Iation is equitable access to, and rights in, faña. dominant pattern from Ecuador to Bolivia (Brush, In some cases, it should be possible to implement L9821. The system involves agriculture at varying new regulations on tenancy of the land which will altitudes between 3,200 and 4r600 m. Due to a 508 allow for greater popular participaÈion in the con- inclination in the terrace level, the communities servation planning process. practise a varied agriculture based on native po- Brownrigg (f98I) has suggesEed some achievable tatoes, barley, maize - an agricultural system which forms of participation which seem feasible to both has existed for thousands of years. Each species planners and native peoples. Two proposals are is pJ-anted in accordance with a system of fallowing appropriate for the region: in which a parcel of land rests from one to five years. Natural fertilizers such as the manure of a) In a ProtecÈed Area, where a protected cameloids are applied. This traditional technology natural area correspond s with the territory is menaced by pressures to plant other, more market- of a particular native populaÈion. able products, as is happening in nost of the central highlands of Peru. The native knowledge b) Native-Owned where the protection about the ecosyst.erns, plants, weaÈher prediction, o the area native peoples. and the roÈation system which -has served efficiently for land use over many cenÈuries, is in danger of extinction. In a Protected Area Frost is frequent at higher levels in Èhe In this alternative the government agency at the Andes, so that herding in these regions is more national level is the administrating ãuthôrity and inportant than agriculture. Most of Èhese areas are the official planner,/manager has to work in close moderately to severely overgrazed. The excessive relationship with the resident native peoples. The number of animals causes a major problem for native protected area must be sufficiently large Èo perrnit pastureland. The use of these lands for grazíng Uhe accomplishment of Èhe two functions - preserving could be optimized for. a good yield of neat, milk, the environment and protecting their nativã culture. or vrool per hectare, yet carefully controlled to Both cultural changes and population increases have conserve the natural resources. to þe anticipated. planñeis,/managers should not AÈ present, many Andean peoples do not regulate expect Èhe local people not to make progress or or rotate grazing activities. The shepherds are vrorse, to return to some traditional technotogy when usually unÈrained women and childrenr and most of there is a rnore modern alternative. the aninals are of mixed breed and the introduction _ _Tle inÈegration of natives as park rangers of exotic animals Iike sheep, horses, cattler. etc. would improve the communication between natives and is still occurring in a random fashion. In summary, manager, and also this utilization of natives would bad exploitation of the land has, in some areas, improve Che control of the protected area, as has produced extensive destruction of natural resources. occurred in Lauöa National park in Chile and pampa Galeras National Reserve in peru.

PLANNING ALTERNATIVES In Native-Owned Lands A conservation planning process conceived in terrns In this alternative resource, planners and rnanagers of benefits to the native peoples demands two care- can assist native peoples by technically documenting fully defined levels of participation for national the advantages of the naÈive systems of resource action and a native peoples' action. Native peoples management. To the native peoples, who are facing have to participate in the planning process volun- pressures to change their production practices, such tarily. Maximurn attention should be given to the recognition may enhance their security of tenure, viewpoints of these populations and the conservation while simultaneously creating protected areas within r04 105 Y Planning and Andean Nat,ive Peoples Planning and Andean Natj-ve Peoples a domain beyond the systems of national parks. If Mountain Research and Development, VoI. 2t No changes in Èhe law allow the recognition of the 1, pp. 19-38. natj.ve peoples and their communities as the official Lanino, Italo. L977. Antecendentes de las explo- protecÈors of the areas where they Iive, this may taci.ones ganaderas en Isluga, altiplano de enhance their legal position. Iquique, ChiIe Uni.versidad del Norte. Torres. Hernán. 1981. Some considerations about the rights of primitive peoples in the areas of CONCLUSION forest development. Paper presented at the International Seminar on Forest, Environrnent The partj.cipation of the Andean native peoples in and People in the Third World. ENDA - United conservation planning, as well as motivaÈion and Nations, I'ladras, India. interest, will only be possible if they exercise direct influence on the administration and utilization of the natural resources. Obviously, the latter cannot not be achieved if there is not a national policy allowing a gradual participation of Ëhese groups in t.hese activities which lead to a harmonious and balanced economic development of rural areas. Successful planning wiII require the participation of the native peoples themselves, using 1nÈerpreters where necessary. AIso, Èhis planning process will require Èhe enÈry of professionals with consicierable experience among native peoples and in specific ecological zones. Working with native peoples, planners and managers will obtain benefits, because naEives becone strong supporÈers of conservation policies. Also, planners and managers will obtain benefits by recruiting native personnel with profound knowledge of local areas and learning abouÈ long-term resource strategies which have proven their adaptability over thousands of years. On the other hand native peoples will obtain benefits by the legal recognition of their traditional Iand-use practices, appropr iate employment on their traditional lands, and new and more support at the national level.

REFERENCES Brownrigg, LesIie. f9Bl. Native cultures and protected areas: management options. In Proceed- ings of the lEth Working Session of IUCNTs Commission on National Parks and Protected Areas. Lima, Peru. Brush, Stephen. I980. The environment and Native Andean agriculture. In Synposium on Environ- menÈal Problems of Developnent in Latin Americar San Francisco, California. The Natural and Human Environment of the Central Andes. t06 I07 i Chapter Ej.ght

THE HEMA SYSTEM OF RANGE RESERVES IN THE ARABIAN PENINSULA IÈs Possibilities in Range Improvement and Conservation Projects in the Ñear nast!/

By Omar Draz, Desert Institute Council Matarieh, Cairo, Egypt

ABSTRACT The Hema system, once common in the Arabian Penin- suJ-a, was based on a philosophy of protection and improvement instead of exploitation. Basically the Hema provided a fodder reserve for nomadic popu- Iations, and controlled grazing, protecting certain species. The paper asks for a reintroduction of the Hema system as a means of range improvement and stopping the present destructive grazing and uncontrolled tree and scrub cutting.

INTRODUCTION The Arabian hema gr.azíng system is probably the world I s oldest effective range conservation programme. It can be controlled for use by indivi-dua1s, by tribes or by government. A survey in Saudj- Arabia (1962-66') of histor ic ahmia, such as Hema Hai.I, Hema al Hourma and Hema Al Rarbza (rainfall under 150 run), formerly administered by the covernment, showed that these lands were opened to free grazing by Decree in 1953. Today it is difficult to see any difference in the vegetation on these government reserves and adjoining lands because of destructive gr.azing and uncontrolled tree and scrub cutt.ing. The tragic story of loss of fertility, aridity and transformation to man-made desert, the fate of millions- of acres in the Near East, has thus been repeated. In contrast, tribal or personal ahmias,

!./ First published in 1969 as FAO/PLzPîC/L3.1I and since revised.

109 -f---

Hema System in Arabian Peninsula Hena Systen in Arabian Peninsula which have been properly nanaged, show the suit- TYPES OF HEMA abilit,y of this system to the local environment. This paper wilI discuss the hema system of The ahmia nay be classified, according to the types range reserves in the Arabian Peninsula and possi- of proÈection, as those where: bilities of reintroduction in the Near East as a means of range improvement and for soil and water a) animal grazing is prohibited. CutÈing of conservation purposes. grasses is, however, permissible during specified periods and droughts. The head of the tribe grants special privileges for HEMA IN ISLAM a Iimited number of needy people to use the reserved range. A specified number of The Prophet Mohammed was concerned with fodder each famj,ly are allowed to cut mature grass reserves because they preserved the strength of the during the seasonr either for storage or Islamic nation. He proÈected Hema Alnaquia (a wadi for direct use; near Medina), which was used mainly by animals, to b) grazíng and/or cutting is permitted, but defend the cause of Islan. The prophet is knoutn to restricted.to certain seasons of the year, have said: "Hema is only for God and His Prophetrr. as in Hema Elazahra and Hema Hameed around Evidently t,his saying has been interpreted t,hat a Belgurashi in Saudi Arabiai governor or an Islamic state is allowed to protect c) grazíng is allowed all the year round. The the ahmia in the besÈ interests of t.he community. kind and nu¡nber of animals pernitted for Al-Iman A1 Shafi's (ninth century) stated that gr.azíng are specified. Most of the ahmia during pre-Islamic days, a Sharif-a1-Koom (influen- around Taif are in this category, and gtaz- tial person), upon arriving in a village, would mark ing is restrict,ed Èo cattle and donkeys. the boundary of his grazing land by the distance one There is, however, no restriction on hay could hear a dog bark. In addition to this area for cuùting after grass maturesi his personal use, he also enjoyed the privilege of d) the reserve is kept for beekeeping. There the surrounding lands grazed by others. is a limited number of these ahmia and This extremely unfair practice, according to grazíng resÈrictions are relaxed after the AI-Imam AI-Shafi'y, was the system practised by the flowering season¡ Jahilia (pre-Islamic or unenlightened people). It e) the reserve aims to protect forest trees was subsequently corrected in accordance with the such as juniper, acacia or ghada (HaIoxylon saying of the prophet, "Muslim people are partners persicum). These ahmia are usually the in water, fire and ephemeral range". common property of a village or a tribe. The Hema Al-Rabza, near Dar irya in Saudi Cutting of trees is prohibited except in Arabia, is the pasture reserve once protected by great emergencies or needs, such as re- Omar Ibn-El-Khattab, Èhe second caliph. The length building a house destroyed by a calarnity of the hema was about 250 km. A geographic Arabic or for buj.lding a mosque or school. Some- dictionary "Mo rgam ¡4a Ista rgam", revealed that tines the wood is sold Èo raise funds for during the time of Othman, the third caliph, this the benefit of the village or tribe. hema was expanded and the number of grazing animals (nainly camels and horses) increased to 40r000. Some ahmia are reserved for a particular tribe' one Omar Ibn Abdul Aziz (seventh century), one of village or more. The tribal or village head manages the nost capable caliphs of the early Islam days, the utrlization of such reserves. Howeverr compara- is known Èo have been very strict in keeping the tively smaller units are kept close to terraces or hema protected. Cutting of even a single branch culti.vated wadi beds for the use of local residents. from such a reserve warranted a severe beating. The Holy Quran is a proponent of conservation and forbids the unnecessary cutting down of trees, RIGHTS OF OWNERSHIP OR USE destruction of crops or any vranton destruction whatsoever i.n war or in peace. Both law and the Rights of ownership or use are determlned as Islanic concept are against. such destruction. follows: IIO 111 Hema SysLem in Arabian Peninsula Hena Systen in Arabian Peninsula

a) those who possess documentary evidence of grass cover. This soil has retained its fertility hereditary ownership of rights of use? and has the capacity to produce abundant forage. b) those without documentary evidence but Increased growth of choice grazing plants has who maintain control of ahmia because' of reduced the growth of undesirable vegetation, and long-term possession and use. high producing grasses now dominate the Iandscape. The grass cover is mainly composed of Themeda some difficulty is, however' experienced in Saudi Èriandra, Aristida sp, Andropogon sp-and and Stipa spp.- Arabia in protecting the hema, because of people who io'caffi-d pãffies of cyn-opogon sp po-I-ygala sp misunderstand the 1953 Decree. were also found, t,ogether h,ith some Olea chryso- Through the local tradition "ourf", such rights phyll-a and Juniperus procera. The pla-ñt correr of are mainÈained. Trespassers are penalized by chiefs the areas outside the hema is composed of heavily of tribes or viltages. A person committing offence grazed grasses and Iarge numbers of non-paIatabIè for the first time usually pays a fine of a sheep shr ubs . Dodonea viscosa Olea chrysophylla and or its equivalent. The fine, in certain cases¡ corl- Juniper us pr ocer a aEããEõ present in fair numbers. Èributes to the welfare of the tribe or community, The r ight o f use of this hema is stric Èry instead of being paid to the owner of the hema. I imi ted to the Beni Sarr tribesnen. No year-I on9 During a drought year' when there is a great gt az Lfrg I s allowed but cutting of grasses is per- scarcity of fodder, a calamiÈy-stricken tribe may miss ible dur ing per iods of scarcity or late in the request permission to gEaze animals on the hema. summer season when Èhe grass is mature. The owner of the hema generally permits grazing but Permits for cutting or collection of grass are places a limit on the number of animals and speci- granted by the tribal head. No more than a speci- fies the period of grazing. This restriction is a fied number of persons of each farnity are allowed protection against overgrazing. Èo cut mature grass and only on certain days of the week. Although no reliable data are available on the HE}{A SYSTEM IN SAUDI ARABIA numbers of aninals for which t,his range is kept as a reserve, it is evident t,haÈ an equilibrium between Ahmia in the Taif area of Saudi Arabia were studied vegetation and animals has always been naintained. to determine boun

The total number of exis ting ahnia in Saudi (rainfall about 300 mm) are maintained chiefly for Arabia has recently been r epor ted to be not less vrinter grazíng of goats. The I958 Forest protection than 3r000. Act was designed to stop goat grazing in the forest areas and provided for confiscation or slaughter of goats found grazíng in public Iands including most THE MAIIUIA OR MARAH, AND THE KOZE SYSTEM IN SYRIA of the mountainous areas of Syria. Ho\^rever, the Government has not enforced the AcÈ and perhaps the A reference to hema practised in the Sweida moha- only place where goats are still grazed wiÈh no fazaL rangelands is made by Shibly Al-Aisamy and co- interference from forest guards can be found within workers (L9621 who, while describing the troubles these marah. Other mahmiat within the same area which occurred Iate in the 19th century, reported Èhat were formerly managed by Syrians (about 30) the following: have alI been abandoned or confiscated under the same Act. Observations indicate that adverse results the harsh injustice, which had been have followed enforcenent of the Act because of in- described clearly and in detail by the adequate control. Cutting of the edible sindyan folkloric poet (Shibfy El-Atrash), created tree (Quercus sp. ) for firewood or charcoal pro- a neht widescale revolution in 1897. Among duction has gone fasÈer than expected, Ieaving the direct reasons ¡nentioned for this behind denuded hills and mountains subject to the revolution hras that one of the guards of effect of wind and water erosion. The prot,ected the hena of Urman (close to EI-Qrayé, mahmi.at did not suffer Èhe same fate, as they have rainfall about 300 mm) quarrelled wiÈh a been carefully managed and grazed to naintain a good bedouin who trespassed tshis hema. Upon tree. shrub and grass cover. the complaint made by the bedouin to A mahmia sÈudied in more detail þras found to Mandouh Parsha (the Military Governor) in have a vegetative cover mainly composed of sindyan Sweida, 30 soldiers urere sent to Umran trees, z ) and under the pretext of arresting the guards a comPar ubby and punishing therni yet Che real reason billan ( y oi had been to arrest representatives of this clovers, e and village who previously met secretly with perennial grasses at an early sÈage of development representatives of neighbouring villages were present. About 50 goats were grazíng this 50 to protesÈ the Turksr injustice... ha reserve. The vegetative cover in the surrounding areas The previous presence of hema in Èhis region has h¡as greatly deteriorated. The shrubby billan was also been confirmed by several old Sheiks of the !he dominant plant species, indicating previous Drouz during personal discussions (Drazl2/. forest cover. Remnants of Èhe heavily grázed and Investigations in Syria revealed the presence cut sindyan trees are scattered over the area. The of a large number of hena-Iike reservations, nain- Mukhtar of the nearby Elhawi vitlage stated Èhat tained at present in groups. The local name for these trees hrere cut down within a few years after these is mahmia (plural mahmiat ) der ived, like the 1958 Forest Protection Act. The only remaining ahmia, from the Arabian word for protection. The mahmiat are the trees wit.hin the viltage cemet.ery. termmarah or mahmia is used along the Syr ian- These findings indicate that probably man Lebanese border, while koze is Kurd for hema. rather than goats is responsible for the destruction The reserves along the Syrian-Lebanese borders of the forests. Elimination of goats has not proved to be the answer but rather has aggravated the situation. As demonstrated in the prótected mahmiat, a system of grazLog management with Èhe correct Z/ A unique type of hema existed close to Damascus nu,mbers of goats and sheep has proved its ef- for about five centuries up to 1930 where (according ficiency. These systems, whether named hema, to government documents), a 100 ha area had been mahmia, or marah, have been developed by the local maintained as pastureland for aged or unfit horses people over countless decades and could noÈ success- until the end of their lives. fully be replaced by systems planned for different II4 rt5 Hema System in Arabian Peninsula Hema System in Arabian Peninsula Eo Èhe Forest and sociological conditions. In Syria' Government and has been transferred environmental Depar tment. Practically the same system of gtazíng the result has been nearly complete denudation of about and,/or forest rands and management has been maintained, except that its highry Productive range ha are now completely protected from grazing to a loss of about one million goats. 600 (Zweitina koze, has allow for nat.ural forest regeneration A mahrnia system of grazing, called area). The rest of the area is now gxazed only by been traced along Èhe Syrian-Turkish-Iraqi borders' previously it was grazed j.n the area between Karnishly flocks of sheep while Var ious kozat (rainfall' mainly by goats. It seems that a smaller number of Makek ízeh, Ein Diwar and TetI Kotchek no\,t being grazed through the year' as 400-500 mm) were visited. In principle' there animals ãrè appears to be no difference in the methods of main- teãance and,/or utilization of such reserves' TribaI tradition is adequate for controlling rights and responsibilities . Usually the local people are relucEant to give information about the kozat, fearing Èhat they may Iose their right of use because of government inter- vention. Insþection of a reserve south-east of Ein frontiers, showed the Diwar, close to the Iraqi ã-nnual precipitation rnighÈ be between 200 to 250 mm' In a féw villages south of the Hassia-Brei9 region, smaller mahrniat are managed as range re- for the benefit of viltage flocks. Both ourf and".i.r." government orders suPport efficient control of these reserves. The possibility of application and utilization also has great value as a soil binder. graã-ing in adjacent areas and Tribal tradition allows most of these reserves of the sa-me system õf to be grazed only during the winter season' between under similar conditions appears encouraging' and the end of March. Areas where mid-December plant shafer and/or giachon constitute most of the HEMA AND ITS CONSEQUENCES cover may, however, be grazed in the summer season. NEGLECT OF THE fheie is evidence that a number of native and,/ In Saudi Arabia' marked denudation of plant cover or exotic perennial plants which have .proved suc- occurred in most of the previously protected ahmia cessful at Himo Experiment SEation (Kamishly) could as a result of free gtazing of these reserves which be tried for reseeding and expanding progralnmes of took place Èhrough misundersÈanding of the I953 the kozat system of grazing in this and adjacent Decree-. While this Decree was meant to rePlace the regions in TurkeY' Iraq and lran- so long as they were hema has also been observed in grazing rights of ahmia only Another type of irotecÉed oV the Iocal Amirs in different regions the Hassia-Br eig region, located souÈh of Homs iitn grazíng animals owned by the Governmentr the between Èhe main roads to Damascus and the Lebanese inÈerpreted by Èhe different authorities borders. This unique range reserve, which covers a decreJ was poor as withdrawal of aIl controlled grazing measuresf surface area of about 40,000 ha of rough soils' thus allowing free gtazing. Resultant denudation was, uP to 1958r a part of a feudal system of land of the plant cover in these range reserves led.to tenure thaÈ came to an end Èhrough the enforcement de- system of graz' serious soil erosion associated with frequent of Èhe Ayrian Land Reform AcÈ. The structive floods. Consequently, most of the ancient dams and vtater conservation systems which previously

3/ This hema has been developed to become the Hassia govern¡nent range and sheep centre' 117 lr6 Hema SysÈem Hema System in Arabian Peninsula in Arabian Peninsula

HEMA IN THE RANGE IMPROVEMENT worked efficiently under the Prevailing climate con- AND ditions and protective measures of the hema system' CONSERVATION PROGRAMMES IN THE NEAR EAST failed to withstand the flooding and siltation Èhat proÈective vegetative cover was de- The hema system was once common in parts of the oòcurred when Arabian Peninsula and is stiII used in parÈs of s tr oyed . Saudi Meanwhile, large amounÈs of runoff waÈer have Arabia, Yemen, Oman and Syria. It originated created another serious problem. The flood water in the Near East and is suitable as a means for after any aPpreciabte rain storm soon collects in controlled grazing in selected areas in arid, semi- the wadi beds, to disappear into the sea, salty arid and mountain ranges, where nomadic grazing is depressions or into nearby sand dunes. The scarcity the only system practised. CarefulIy protected water conservation ahnia would furnish fodder reserves essential for of plant cover and destrucÈion of stability nonadic grazing. wor-ks have thus become rna jor f actor s inhibiting of They would also change percolation of rainwater. The decreased water per- the attitude of t.he peopJ_e to\.rards the range, intro- flow ducing the philosophy of protection and improvement ãolation in most areas has in turn reduced Èhe instead of exploitation. Ahmia, moreover ¡ give the range manager an insight int.o the potential forage pioductivity of range sites and indicate how much improvement can be expected when large areas of run-down ranges are upgraded and given prudent care. Atthough soil and water conservaÈion programmes might include several residents of the area lack even the ability Èo re- physical or mechanical methods, in most, cases there more dams, or is no substitute for revegetation for which the hema store the damaged spillway. Five system has proved "sad", close to Hema Nageeb, have met a similar its efficiency. fate and about ten surrounding villages have been Introduction of the system to new areas in this adversely affected. Wells have almost dried uPt region, or to localities where it. has previously and villages are continuously asking for help' Þeen practised, rnight require different techniques Altogether Èhe number of ruined dams in the area from one country to another. In most cases, however, this has to be a gradual rather than an abrupt are 20 sad and about 40 smaller sad known as "stony change. okadt'. In Saudi Arabia, concepts have lately been Sad Saisad is an example of another neglected changed ciam, which was constructed probably by Moawia' the to support ahmia. The Royal Decree of fSS¡ fifth Islamic caliph, who succeeded Mohammed the which allowed for free grazLng of the historical Prophet 13 centuriés ago. The Ministry of Agri- ahmia, has been clarified so as to exclude tribal or personal ahmia. To demonsÈrate the role and culture of Saudi Arabia has lately authorized the inportance development of a soilr water and vegetation plan in of the system, part of Hema Saisad (one of the abandoned historic ahmia) east of Taif, was tfte saã Saisad area Èo' include a part of the adjac- put under protection plans ent abandoned Hema Saisad, thus reviving its pro- in 1965. have been made tection. by the Government to establish a range experiment The only two springs (gheil)' which kept flow- station within this hema. ing after a long period of drought, have their main During 1968 the Syrian Arab Republic approved rainfalt catchment areas along two well-protected the execution of a !ìIorId Food progranme/FAO assisted Hema aI Nomoor (the largest hema in the project, in which range and forest potentialities ahmia, i.e. of the Gebel Abou Rejmaine, palmyra, Taif area) and Hema al Machada. north of would Recharging of the groundwater table by recon- be managed as a hema within a project for stabiliz- struction of the ancient dams and water-works, and ation and development of no¡nadic sheep husbandry. revegetation of the ahmiar would greatly increase The Al Ommor tribe, supported by governmental and supplies for the Taif deficienE area. WFP assisEance, has become responsible for protec- water tion, development and use of this mountainous area. The successful introduction of hema in the forn of range co-operatives has encouraged expansion of the II8 119 Hema System in Arabian Peninsula Hema System in Arabian Peninsula pioneer work. The number of hema co-operatives has Samhoodee AI Medani. 1367 Higri calendar (L947). now increased to 46 (1979), covering around 4 Kholaset eI Wafa Biachbar Dar Al Mostafa, Issa million ha. The recent discovery that ahmia do A. El Halaby Printing House, Cairo, E9ypt. (In exist in a number of localities in Syria, indicating Arabic). previous existence in similar areas' might aIlow for Shibly AI-A1samy and co-workers. L962. Sweida expanded application of this system. It could also mohafazat. Ministry of Culture and National be integrabed r,'rj.thin pilot agricultural development Guidance. (In Arabic) . pro9rammes. Yacoot EI Hamawee. A dictionary of towns. Dar Sader In certain cases, minor changes in Forestry, and Dar Beirut. Beirut. (In Arabic). Land Tenure and/or Range Protection Acts legalize these reserves. The system could also be integrated within a grazing act suitable for many parts of the Near East countries. croups of people'" meeting in the various countries where hema has been maintained, are of the opinion that if previously practised rights of usufruct were restored or allowed to be given, subject to fulfilment of certain requirernents, regeneration of vast areas of range or foresÈ land could be ach ieved .

REFERENCES Abu Obaid Abdullah Ben Abdul Aziz el Bakree eI Andalosse (about 1000). A dictionary of the unknown names of towns and places. Four volumes revised and explained by Mustafa EI Saqqa. Committee for blriting Translation and Publish- l-ng Press, Cairo, Egypt I L949. (In Arabic). Arram Assalami. (abouÈ I000). Mountains of Tihama and Hijaz, their inhabitants, viIIages, water resources and names of their trees. Revised by Zainal and Nassif, Jedda, Saudi Arabia, 1953. (In Arabic). Brockelmann, C. 1949. History of the Islamic peoples. Routledge and Kegan PauI, London. EI Hamadanee. 960. Description of the Arab island. Revised and published to the satisfaction of the historian Mohammed Ben Abdullah Den Belheed El Najdee, Saadah Press, Egypt, 1953. FAO. 1953. Report to the Government of Saudi Arabia on agricultural development. J. D. Tothill. Rome. ETAP ReporE 76. Fitzgerald, D.F. 1955. Vesey. Vegetation of the Red Sea coast south of Jedda. S. Afr. J. Ecol (43). Fj.tzgerald, D.F. 1957. Vesey. Vegetation of the Red Sea coast north of Jedda. S. Afr. J. Eco1., July. Philby, H. St.J. B. I952. Arabian highlands. Cornell Unj.versity Press, New York. L20 L2L Chapter Nine

THE CONSERVATION AND MANAGEMENT OF THE JEBEL QARA REGION By

H. F. r,amprey!/ Project. Co-ordinator Unesco/UNEP Arid Lands Project Nairobi, Kenya

ABSTRACT The management of Jebel Qara Region depends, it is arguedr on the preservation of the traditional JebaIi economy, including the indigenous caÈtIe þreed, forest reserves, national parks, etc. A Conservation and Management Authority is proposed, including both government departments and the people.

INTRODUCTION Mr R.H. Daly, Government Adviser on the Preservation of the Environment in rural Oman, asked the author Èo visit the Jebel Qara plateau in South Oman with a vj-ew to furnishing advice on measures necessary to ensure the conservation and rational development of the area. This missi.on was also undertaken because 1t was apparent that the unusual state of preservâtion of the Jebel Qara ecosystem rnight present valuable clues to indicate how the processes of ecological degradation and desert encroachment can be avoided through appropriate land-use practices. During his visit to SaIaIah, capital of the southern region of Oman, the author was privileged to have an audience with His }lajesty, Qaboos bin Said, the Sultan, in company i'rith Mr DaIy and Dr M. Woodford, FAO Veterinarian. His Ivlajesty Iistened to a brief account of the recommendations for the

L/ Report prepared for H.M. Sultan oaboos bin Said and reproduced herewith by his kind permission. L23 I

Conservation of Jebel Qara Region Conservation of Jebel Qara Region

conservation and management of the JebeI Qara. After Experience elsewhere in the arid and semi-arid expressing his great corrcern for the conservation zones has shown that there are considerable dangers of the Jebelr His Majesty requested a written re- inherent in the economic development of rural econ- port. This has been prepared in response to his omies based upon fragile ecosystems if the develop- request. rnent is not guided by the application of certain fundamental ecologì.cal principles. There can be little doubt that the grasslands and \^¡oodlands of BACKGROUND INFORMATION the Jebel Qara are vulnerable to ecological degradation through excessive or inappropriate land-use The Jebel Qara is a long, narrow plateau approxi- meÈnods. The equilibrium which has, until nor^r, mately 2,OOO km2 in area, with an average height existed between the Jebali people and their re- of 700 m above sea level, lying roughly parallel to sources, resulting in the preservation of their the sout,h-facj.ng coastline of the southern region habitat, will inevitably be threatened by almost of Oman. The plateau, which is some I00 km long and any form of development. It is of the greatest 20 km wide and is somewhat irregular in outline, importance that the future management of the Jebel lies about 20 kn from the sea from which it is sep- Qara should be éirected towards its conservation; araÈed by an arj.d coastal plai.n. In1and from the firstly as the home and source of subsistence of plateau is the great expanse of the Arabian Desert. the Jebali people; secondly as a productive eco- The Jebel is remarkable for the richness of its system capable of contributing indefinitely to the vegetation, i.ts undulating surface being covered by economy of Oman; thirdly as an area of outstanding tall grass and its valleys and the seaward slopes natural beauty and scientific interest and fourthly by moderate to dense broad-Ieaved woodlands. ft is as a major water catchment area serving the town of inhabited by the Jebali people whose population is Salalah and the agriculture of the coastal pIain. estimated at beÈween 15r000 and 20,000, and whose With its very low rainfall, the capacity of economy is based upon their unique breed of small the Jebel Qara to gat.her water from the hill nists cattle (estimated at between 40.000 and 100r000). carried in by the southerly monsoon depends mainly on the presence of the natural has ¿ The Jebel is the only extensive area of Arabian vegetation, as I indigenous vegetation which has survived in a vir- been demonstrated by the experiments of Dr Fallon, f tually undamaged state. Unlike the greater part of rangeland ecologist. The protection of the $¡ater Í the Arabian Peninsula, which is degraded to varying catchment is, in itself, sufficienÈ justification degrees, most of it being reduced to total desert, for the maintenance of the present vegetative cover the Jebel Qara remains as a productive and beautiful of the Jebel Qara. region, probably litt1e changed in several thousand In the absence of a weII planned and executed years. The possible reasons for its preservation management policy in which all aspects of the devel- are discussed below. opnent of the Jebel are integrated, hurried, piece- Until very recently Èhere hras no technoJ-ogical meal and inappropriate development of the region development of the area. In recent years development could result in the irreversible destruction of the has been confined to the building of a rnajor road vegetation and its loss as a productive region. across the plateau (with a small number of t.ributary Further to the west, and separated from the roads and tracks) and the provision of six "CiviI Jebel Qara by 50 km of arid country, lies the Jebel Aid Centres" served by bore-holes. Economic exploi- Qamr, a mountainous ridge rising steeply from the tation of the Jebel Qara has so far been minimal, sea to over Lt200 m. The seaward slopes of this consisting of the removal of some bull calves for ridge support Iuxuriant vegetation, watered by the fattening and a beef production centre near Salalah. monsoon mists, characteristic of the sub-humid However, general proposals have been nade for the tropics. The area is of exceptional beauty and further economic development of the region, through scientific interestf especially as the habitat of a an expansion of the beef production scheme, through rich and varied bird fauna. It supports a small tourism, and through the extension of civil aid population of Jebali people. facilities for the Jebali people. The siting of a The Jebel Qamr is similarly vulnerable to in- residential town on the Jebel Qara has also been appropriate management and could become ecologically suggested. degraded in the same r¡ray as the Mediterranean coasts L24 L25 Conservation of Jebel Qara Region Conservation of JebeI Qara Region of souÈhern EuroPe, parts of which it resembles' a) The Jebali people could possibly have been Thus the proper mãnagement of Èhe Jebel Qarnr, while a\dare of the dangers of damaging Èheir will become a matter of con- habitat and they could have limited the not as urgently needed, numbers of their catÈIe voluntarily. If cern over Èhe next decade. unique The wild animals of the region have become rare this were the case. they would be species among pastoralists, and it is unlikely and extremely shy. Although several mammal is even partially are known Èo live in the Jebel Qara and Jebel Qamr that voluntary restraint areas they are rarely seen. Those known to occur responsible for the limitation of cattle in Èhe f¡itfs' are the ibex, the red fox and the numbers. wolf and, in the foot hills and the adjacent desert b) One or more constraints, beyond the control plains, Èhe Arabian gazelle and the hyaena. In of the Jebali people, could have been act- iecent times the Arabian oryx is thought to have ing to limit both their own numbers and been exterminated in the desert areas of Oman as has those of their livestock. Any one or more the Arabian ostrich. There is the strong possibility of Èhe following constraints may have been that the declaration and protection of national crucial in Ii¡niting the human and livestock parks and nature reserves in the Jebel Oara and numbers. Jebel Qamr Regions would permit the re-establishmenÈ poputations wildlife. - The population of Jebali people may have of of indigenous been linited by high mortality and/or Iow birthrate in the absence of modern FACTORS IN THE PRESERVATION rnedical facilities i CONTRIBUTORY - the population may have been limited by OF THE JEBEL QARA AND JEBEL QAMR circumstances connected with frequent The presenÈ r"¡el1-Preserved state of indigenous ve9- local disturbancesi etation of the Jebel Qara and Jebel Qamr is due pri- - the hunan population may have been marily to the favourable geographical coincidence of Iirnited by constraints on their main re- the mõisture-bearing southerly monsoon winds strik- source, cattle ¡ ing the south-facing slopes of the Jebel. Since - the caÈtle population appears Èo be sub- most of the water gathered appears to be condensed jecÈ to unusual constraints. During the from nists, rather than as rainfall, the hazards of rnonsoon nonths of September and early soil erosion are virtually absent. The vegetation octsober' great numbers of a biting fly itself appears to be the main agent in pronoting (Stomoxys sp. ) make it necessary for the condensation. ,le6ãl-people to keep their cattle in Given these favourable environmental con- houses and caves dur ing the daylight has the veg- hours and to graze and water the¡n at ditions, the question remains, how probable number etation of the Jebels rernained in an undamaged night. It see¡ns that the state? Elsewhere in the tropics, particularly in of cattle that can be kept in this way semi-arid and sub-humid regions, Èhe presence of is severely limited, particularly since has caused or has they are also restricted by relatively pastoralists and their Iivestock few sources of water, and by the grazing accelerated ecological degradation and has been an foraging important j.nfluence in the Process of desert en- which is within one night's crõach¡nent. AfmosÈ uniquely, the Jebali peoplet range of the shelters and the water. It with their cattle, have occupied the Jebel Qara and also seens possible Èhat the absence of Jebel Qamr regions for over 2r000 years without veterinary facilities for the cattle has over-exploiting the grasslands and the woodlands. played a part in Iimiting their numbers. This situation is of the greaÈest interesÈr not only in the Whatever the Iimiting influencesr the important fact to Oman but also ogher countries situated numbers do not exceed the arid and semi-arid zones which are exPeriencing des- remains Èhat the cattle erÈ encroachment. Tvo possibilities suggest them- Iong-tern carrying capacity of the grasslands which selves as reasons for t.he lack of over-exploitation remain in a highly productive of the vegetation. state. L27 L26 I Conservation of Jebel Qara Region ConservaÈion of Jebel Qara Region certainty of soil loss by wind erosion and the POSSIBLE THREATS TO THE ECOLOGICAL STABILITY reduction of water gathering capacity due Èo the OF THE REGION removal of vegetaÈion and exposure of the soil surface. Nevertheless, questions concerning the feasibility and advisability of animal husbandry and agriculture can be answered by experimentation on a small scale. Any attempt at extensive agricultural development without the benefit of pilot trials could be highlY damaging. The breed of small cattle kept by the Jebali people is of great practical and scientific interest. Its perpetuation as an undiluted breed should be one objective of the management of the region. The uncontrolled íntroduction of exotic breeding stock could quickly destroy the integrity of the Jebali cattle population. Hohrever Èhere only three possible developments) . to limited experimental' An inðrease in the number of people would could be tittle objection wood for breeding programmes involving a part of the indigen- create an increased demand for firewood and ous caÈtle population, provided care were taken to avoid indiscriminate cross-breeding in the poPu- Iation as a whole. The introduction of a well managed beef production scheme would almost certainly call for experinental breeding involving the local cattle and introduced stock. A furÈher Èhreat to Èhe Jebel Qara Region through development is the possibility of increased uncontrolled hunting resulting in the extermination of the wildlife species which have survived there to-date. The strict enforcemenÈ of wildlife conser- the road. vation measures, at least in parÈs of Èhe Jebel Qara and Jebel Qamr areas, could be achieved in conjunction with the maintenance of national parks and nature sanctuaries.

PROPOSALS FOR CONSERVATION AND MANAGEMENT

The management of the Jebel Qara and Jebel Qamr pres- negions should be based uPon a fulIy integrated able and should be done with due regard to Èhe plan involving all aspects of the human and natural ervaÈion of the Jebel's ameniÈies. resources. Only with a reasonable fund of qualitative and quantitative information on the region can long-term management be planned. If the main objec- tÍve of management is Èo be the maintenance of the JebeIs as productive iegions and water catchment areas, in the face of possible deÈerioration due to it is essential to obtain animal husbandry, which has a prirne objective of developments activities, be a useful base-line informaÈion from which fuÈure ecological ðonservation of-the grasslands, could proceed. Such information would be addition to the economy of the region. Extensive monj,toring can pl-oughing, obtained through a thorough resource survey. The agriculture, with the prior necessity for survey would document human population character- iã likely Lo Prove hazardous since it involves the L29 L28 I

Conservation of Jebel Qara Region Conservation of Jebel Qara Region istics (nurnbers, structure, distribution) in re- of the peopler with livestock husbandry, range man- Iation Èo resources and environmental factorsi live- agement, forestryr hrater management, and the con- stock and agr iculturei other economic consider- servaÈion of naÈuraI flora and fauna. It could also ationsT sociõlogical attributes and constraints; include represenÈatives from the Jebali people and climate¡ hydrology¡ soils¡ geology¡ vegeEationi from the IivesÈock industry. The Aut,hority would animal life. The resource survey could incorporate be responsible for the planning and implenentation or be co-ordinaÈed with experiments and trials to of a balanced and integrated management programme test the feasibitty of various regimes of grassland which would nost apPropri.at,ely lay stress uPon the managementr agriculture and aninal husbandry. conservaÈion of the natural resources of the Jebel IÈ would be expected that a survey would pro- areas. It would evaluate and, where appropriate' vide the knowledge upon which management recommen- implernenb recommendations provided initially by the dations could be based. It can be anticipated that resource survey team and Iater by the ecological the recorunendations might include proposals for the monitoring team which would succeed it. zonation of the two Jebel areas for the following It is anticipated that the resource survey team Iand-use priorities: would work for at least three years to establish a basic description of the regions and would consist a) preservation of the traditional Jebali of perhaps five specialists whose interest would economy, in parÈicular the naintenance of jointly cover the following aspect.s of the survey: l{ the indigenous cattle breed¡ b) forest reserves for maintenance of Èhe a) Sociology, denography and human resource indigenous woodland and forest con¡nunitiesi ecology. c) foresÈ reserves for trial planting of boÈh b) Grassland ecology and range nanagement. indigenous and introduced species for the c) Forest and woodland ecology. provision of firewood and building timberi d) Livestock husbandry. d) intensive cattle husbandry area(s) for the e) Soil survey¡ geologyi geomorphology. reinforcement of the exisÈing beef Pro- f) Climatology and hydrology. duction schemei S) Animal ecology and wildlife managenent. e ) national parks established for the main h) Establishment of national parks and other purpose of conserving the indigenous plant protected areas. and animal life and to include complete i) Settlement and road planning and siting. cross-secÈions of the eco-climatic zones represented on the Jebets and in the adjac- The ecological monitoring team to follow up the work ent Iowland country. Such parks would pro- of the survey Èeam could consist of t.wo widely based vide the best opportunities for rehabili- ecologists capable of rnaintaining a system of re- tating endangered witdlife species¡ peated quantitative measurement of such important f) naÈional parks primarily for the enjoyment statistics as human numbers and distributioni animal of the people of Oman and visitors from numbers, productivity and utilizaÈioni plant distri- abroad. Limited facilities for visitors bution and productivity in relation to climaÈe and (lodges) might be constructed on the edge human and animal impact; climaÈe and hydrology. of the parks; and The survey could be planned and carried ouÈ g) rural aid centres and other building com- effectively by a suitable commercial concern such plexes designed for the welfare of the as Huntings Technical Services. It is suggested Jebali people, including water , medical, that the opportunity should be taken to train sev- veÈerinary, cultural and educational fa- eral Omani field technologists at professional and cilities. technician levels so that they could become qualified field officers and possibly teachers. The sur- The planning and management of the Jebel areas could vey and subsequent ecological monitoring progra¡nme be accomplished effectively by a "Conservation and would provide, through a counterpart schene , an Management Author ity" composed of representaÈives ideal training project. of aIl government ¡ninistries and deparÈments con- In conclusion it should be mentioned that Onan cerned with the adninisÈration, economy and welfare is extremely fortunate in possessing Èhe only sur- 130 13r

J I

Conservation of Jebel Qara Region Conservation of Jebel Qara Region

viv ar natural Report to the Sultanate of Oman. Land Resources eco and Middle Development Centre (O.D.A.), London: 2l pp. Eas abl-e s ince LawÈon, R.M. 1980. The Forest Potential of the Sultanate of Oman. L.R.D.C. (O.D.A. London: t o1ì it its'rive-' ), sÈock in apparent equilibrium with its environment- 39 pp. The value õi tnis region to oman in particular and also to the world as a whole, cannot be measured' in Reconrnendations on forestry development include economic terms. It can only be descr ibed as a specì.fic sites in the Jebel Qara Region. priceless heritage whj.ch must' at almost any costt be preserved. It probably represents a former' more Thomas, B. L932. Arabia FeIix. Jonathan Cape, extensive Arabian upland flora and fauna. It would London. 395 pp. be Èo the great credit and fame of oman if this rare and valuable example of nature should be conserved Shaw Reade , S. N. ; Sale, J. B. i Gallagher, l"[. D. i and for posterity and it would indeed make oman a leader Daly, R.H. (Eds.) 1980. The scientific results and an exanple among t.he world's nations with regard of the Oman Flora and Fauna Survey J-977 to progressive conservation policies. (Dhofar). J. Oman Stud. Special Report No. 2. the Jebel and Jebel The signj.ficance of Qara volume Qamr Regions in the contexÈ of the conservation of This fine includes the contr ibutions of the world's genetic resources is such that a very twenÈy -tr,/o author s and a foreword by His Majesty good case could be made for their inclusion in the Sultan Quaboos Bin Said. The subjects and authors Ùnesco Man and the Biosphere system of "Biosphere are as follows: Reserves". Through this system these regions would be parÈ of a network of scient.ifically monitored Arnold, E.N. The Reptiles and emphibians of Dhofar, areas and their continued conservation and monitor- Southern Arabia. ing would receive internaÈional support. Branch, hl.R. Chrornosome Morphology of Some RepÈiles Since this report was writ.ten, the Dhofar from Oman and Adjacent Territories. Province of the SuIÈanate of Oman, which includes Buttiker, W. and Gallagher, M.D. First Records of the Jabal Qara, has been the subject of a reconnais- Opthalmotropic Behaviour of Lepidoptera in sance Iand-use survey (Lawton, I978) and an exten- Oman. sive fauna and flora survey (eds. Shaw Reade et al., GaIlagher, M.D. InÈroduction: The Environment of the 1980). In September 1983 a specialisÈsr workshop MounÈain Reg j-on of Dhof ar. on the ecology and development of the mountains and Gallagher, M.D. and Rogers, T.D. On Some Birds of the marine environment of Dhofar will be convened Dhofar and Other Parts of Oman. at Salalah to consider the status of the region and Greathead, D.J. Beeflies (Bombyliidae, Diptera) from to make recommendations for its susÈainable develop- Oman. ment.. Guichard, K.M. A Preliminary Account of the Sphecid Wasps of Oman (Humenoptera, Sphecidae). Harrison, D.L. The Mammals Obtained in Dhofar by the ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY 1977 Oman Flora and Fauna Survey. Hoogstraal, H. Ticks (Ixodoidea) from Oman. It appears that there $¡as virtually no previous Mandaville Jr., J.P. Frankincense in Dhofar. published knowledge on the JebeI Oara. Thomas Mordan, P.B. Land Mollusca of Dhofar. (f932) mentioned "rolling yellow meadowsr clumps of Popov, G.B. Acridoidea of Eastern Arabia. giant f ig trees and wooded hillsides". lìIith that Radcliffe-Smith, A. The Vegetation of Dhofar. exception, aII t.he following references postdate Rogers, T.D. Meteorological Records from the Moun- t.his reporE. tain Region of Dhofar. Sale, J.B. The Ecology of the Mountain Region of Lawton, R.M. 1978. A reconnaissance survey of the Dhofar . JebeI Qara grazing land ecosystem, with par- Vachon, M. Scorpions du Dhofar. ticular reference to the impact of development. Waterston, A.R. The Dragonflies (Odonata) of Dhofar.

L32 133 Y

Conservation of Jebel Qara Region

Wiltshire, E.P. The Larger Moths of Dhofar and Their Chapter Ten Zoographic Composition. Wr ighÈ, C. A. and Brown, D. S. Mar ine lvlollusca of SOCIAL RESTRAINTS ON RESOURCE UTILIZATION: Dho far . THE INDIAN EXPERIENCE

By Madhav Gadgil Centre of Ecological Sciences and Theoretical Studies Bangalore, India

ABSTRACT This paper reviews a variety of cultural pracÈices which helped the Indian society to maintain an ecologically steady state wiÈh the wj.ld Iiving resources from around 500 B.C. to 1860 A.D. The Indian society is made up of a large nurnber of endogamous castes each with a restricted geographical range and each witn a hereditary profession. This hereditary profession is so specialized that the different castes, directly dependent on natural resources utilize the different resources with Iittle overlap with other castes of the same region. Thus any particular resource of a given region used to be utilized over generations by a small homogeneous breeding group which expected the same resource to sustain its future generations as well. These conditions were particularly favourable for the evolution of cultural traits ensur ing long-term sustainable utilizati.on of natural resources. Such practices included restraints on terr itory over which a given human group may exploit the plants and anrmalsr the season in which the expLoì.tation j.s permitted, the method which may be used for exploitation, the sex and stage in life history for which exploitation is permitted, the method which may be used for exploitation, the species or the oiological communities which may never be exploited and the. species in Èhe exploitation of which a given caste may be specialized. This equilibrium could be maintained because the ruling classes only tapped the agriculÈural surplus and a few select harvests from the wild such as musk and sandalwood. After the industrial revolution, however, many other raw nater ials , including wood, acqui.red commercial value, so that the forests, lakes, rivers and seas

134 135 !

Social Restraints on Resource Utilization Social Restraints on Resource Utilization

left to the local communities of an individual, does not favour the evoluÈion of \^rhich were earlier such restraint on population growth or prudence in resource utilization except under very special circumstances (WiIliams, L966i Dawkins, L976). WhaÈ happens, in fact, appears Èo be Èhat animal popu- Iations tend to reduce the avaitability of vari.ous resources that they utilize to levels at which the have been exploiting these resources since that populatì.on rnay occasionally go extinctr but more ti*ã are onfy- interãsted in irnmediate profit and commonly exists in a balance such that it cannot have no stake in the long-term preservation of increase any further (Lack, L954; Hutchinson, I978). these resources. India's wild Iiving resources Human popuJ-ations aPpear to behave in a basi- have therefore been steadily depleted, and the old cally similar fashion, increasing in size tilI the preservation of these resources resources they depend on are depleted to a level at social restraints on which the population cannot increase any further. are breaking down. Apart from the depletion - of natural resources, thia Pattern of development has This is however not the whole story, for with this contributed furÈher to the impover ishment of the symbolic language and cultural transmission of rural population which still largely depends on the knowledge, man has acquì,red a vastly greater ca- wild iiv:.ng resources to meet many of its basic pacity of deliberately manipulating nature around needs. It is now necessary to change Èhis non- hrn. This has enabled him to tremendously augment sustainable and inequitable pattern of development' the resources which he can put to his own use, and restore to Èhe local population a measure of control it has also permitted the cultural evolution of over their resources and reinforce the traditional sociall-y exercised restraj,nts on the utilization of practices of restraints on resource utilization' resources (Harr is , L977) . l'Ian has in fact behaved ifre Cfripko movement in the Hirnalayas provides a ray from time to time as a truly prudent predator. hope that we may indeed have begun to move in Hov¡ever, such prudence is far from a universal of feature of human societies which have often Cotally that direction. wiped out the resources which susÈained them, and in fact we seem today to be headed towards a global destructi.on of the resource base which sustains INTRODUCTION numanity (Martin and Wright, L967 i Brown t L97B', The continued existence of populations of alI EhrIich, 1980). An understanding of the conditions species of animals, including ¡nanf depends on the under which human societies did evolve effective methods of prudenÈ utilizacion of the resources, and availability of a variety of resources. The Popu- practices Iation can crash and run the risk of exEinction if of the circumstances under which these the availability of any of the critical resources broke down is therefore of vital importance in our falls below a Ehreshold value. But the availabiliÈy endeavour to steer ourselves onto a course of sus- iÈself be affected by the animal tai.nable utilizaÈion of the earth's resources oi a resource will (cadgil, 1983). The presenÈ paper is an attempt to review this problem in the context of the Indian exper ience .

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION of most animal species have evolved nechanisms made up of thousands of holding their þopulations at a level at which the The Indian society is levels, and closed, self-governing communities or castes. Each resources are not reduced to such low be' Slobodkin (f968) further raised the question of of these castes is, or tiII recently used to whether animals behaved as "prudent predators" con- character ized by the following four significant centrating their hunting on prey of low reproductive attr ibutes 3 value. The prevailing consensus, however, is that natural selection, acting as it does at the level L37 136 Social Restraints on Resource Utilization Social Restraints on Resource Utilization

duction. a ) Each caste is an endogamous groupr i .e . all marr iages are restricted within the This social mosaic had developed over several caste. This is still by and large true' centuries of interactions amongst a large number of particularly in the rural areas. tribal groups which had rnigrated into India at different times, the endogamous castes being largely b) Each caste is disÈributed over a restricted groups (Karve geographical region. This is also stilI der ivatives of endogamous tr ibal ' true by and large, except that few major f96I). While the lower rural castes undoubtedly urban-industrial cenÈres have brought slowly changed their modes of subsistence over the together a large number of people of aII centuries, each one came to occupy a raÈher well- casLes outside their traditj.onal range of defined and often quite narrow ecological niche in geographical distr ibution. adjustment with the other castes sharing the lo- c) Each caste is governed by a caste council cality with Èhern. It is in this context that we which settles all disputes within the rnust understand the cultural restraints on resource caste. This always was and continues to utilization that the Indian society has evolved. be more so with the lower, predominantly rural, castes. However the power of caste councils is being rapidly eroded. CULTURAL PRACTICES d) Each caste possesses a hereditary way of making a Iiving. This again was and is The Indian subcontinent abounds in a variety of much more true of the lower, predominantly traclit,ions of restraints on the exploit.ation of ruraI, castes. These are the castes which wild plant and animal resources. These traditions depend most directly on the natural re- relate to the territory over which a giveh human sources and ÈradiÈionally each caste had a group may exploit t,he plants and animals, the season particular and often raÈher restricted way in which the exploitation is permit.tedr the sex and of utilizing the natural resources over stage in Iife history for which exploiÈation is its range of distribution. For example' permitted, the nethod of exploit.ation and quantum in a region, one caste may catch freshwater which may be exploited, the species or the bio- fish, a second keep sheep, a third keep logical communities which may nev.er be exploited by ducks, a fourth make salt from the sea some or aII castes, and the species in the exploi- \^rater, a f if th maintain coconut orchards tation of which a given caste may be specialized. and so on. In addition, there would be We shall discuss below several specific examples of castes of specialized artisans enter- these various pract.ices. tainers, priests etc. Each small geographi-' cal region is a mosaic of populations of a number of sedentary castes, of the order Ter r itor ial ity of ten to fifÈy, living together, yet For most of evolutionary history human societies independently, within that region. The have been organized in hunting-gather ing tr ibes same region would be visited by another each with its own exclusive territory (Lee and De ten to fifty nomadic or semi-nomadic castes Vore, 1968) . This territoriality persisted in one of artisans and entertainers. These wander- form or the other with aII Indian castes tiII recent ing castes would also have a very fixed times. Thus the beach-seine fishermen of Goa on geographic region over which they would the west coast report that. seines from each fishing move. AII these castes had set up relation- village would operate on the coast within a weII- ships of barÈer with each other. defined limit. Sinilarly, Nandivallas are a nomadic caste of entertainers of !{estern Ivlaharashtra. They This rural society was to a large exÈent self- also engage in extensj.ve hunting with the dogs for sustaining. ft produced most of its own require- porcupines, monit.or lizards, wild Pigs, etc. Each ments within its own linits. Its interaction with group of t,he Nandivallas entertains and hunts within the urban society was restricted to surrendering a a wetl-defined territory (Mahlbotra 19). Sinilarly, fraction, someÈimes moderate but sometimes exorbi- pastorals like the Dhangar shepherds of Western rantly high, of the surplus of agricultural pro- Maharashtra wander extensively ¡ grazLng over an 138 139 -l /-

Social Restraints on Resource Utilization SociaI Restraints on Resource Util-ization area defined for and hereditar ily controlled by aware of the value of the bird guano, a fertilizer various groups of shepherds (cadgil and Malhotra, for their fields. 19B3) . This territoriality had t\¡¡o sì.gnifì.cant In Bhandura district of Maharashtra the tra- consequences. Firstly, the pressure of exploitation ditional fishing castes never disturb the spawning r¡ras evenly dispersed over the exploited pJ-ant and aggregations of fresh water fishes in Èhe hj.ll animal populations. Secondly, each group had an sÈreams (ChiÈampalli, 198I) , while the hunting awareness that the resources of its hereditary ter- tribe of Phaseparadhis of Ahmednagar district of ritory had sustained it for generations, and were rvlaharashtra whose main quarry is blackbuck report to sustain its descendants, who would inherit the that they tradiÈionally let loose any calves and territory and their mode of resource exploiÈation, pregnant does caught in the ir snares (Khomne , for generations to come. This facilitated Èhe cul- lvlalhotra and Gadgil, in prep.) tural evolut.ion of a variety of other restraints on the exploitation of Iiving resources. Method of tsxploitation The freshwaÈer fishes of Èhe river Yamuna in its osed Seasons upper reaches in the Himalayan district of Tehri- The Hindu month of Sravana (roughly August) which Garhwal are exploited through netting as well as coincides wiÈh the peak of the main rainy season poisoning. TradÍtionally, netting was permitted at over most of India is a period during which many any time of the year r but poisoning was perrnitted castes abstain totally from consumption of fish, only at one tine of the year, for a few days in poultry and meat and consequently suspend all hunt- conjunction with a communal festival known as Maun ing as well. The harvest of certain wild planÈs is Mela. This festival is at a time when the river is ritually restricted to certain days of the year in spate and the effect of the poisoning is probably only. Thus in the Jakhol-Panchgai area of Uttarkashi quite restricted in tj.me. The fish are poisoned and district of Èhe Himalayas the tubers of a plant, consumed by aIl the meaÈ-eating castes of t,he tract Iocally known as Nakhdun may be harvested only at as a communal endeavour (Bahuguna, 1980). the time of a rel-Ïliõlil festival, as is also the Many Indian villages maintained a village case with flowers of Brahmakamal a herb of alpine foresE on communal land. The village forests were meadows near the llandaããÇT--peak in Chamoli district protected and carefully exploited by Èhe village of Himalayas (tsahunga, 1980; Bhatt, 198Ib). communit.y as a whole. There were often well specified limits on the quantum of exploitation for na- terial such as fuel wood from these village forests. Life History Stages Thus, only one member of each household gathers The famous Indian epic, Ramayana, begins with the fuelwood once a week from the village forest of scene where the poet - a member of a hunting tribe Gopeshwar in Chomoli distr ict of Uttar Pradesh' - is inspired to compose poetry for the first time Himalayas. In consequence, this village forest is in his life on witnessing the killing of one of a still welI preserved, although most of the neigh- pair of copulating cranes by a hunter¡ such a kill- bouring land has been completely deforested. rng being strictly against the prevailing ethic There occur¡ throughout India, patches of veg- (Shastri, f959). In fact heronaries - breeding etation, or sacred groves which receive special colonies of storks, egrets, herons, ibises, cormor- protecÈion from the IocaI community on grounds of ants, pelicans, etc. - almost invariably receive their association with some deity. As will be fuII protection from the village closest to the expl-ained below, most of these sacred çtroves were heronary. For j.nstance, in the Bangalore district traditionally totally free from any exploitation. of south India is a village known as Kokre-BelIur There are however groves known as Orans associated (Iiterally village of the storks) where painted with the goddess lógnaya in the erã¡ra-Il i hills of storks and grey pelicans have bred on trees lining western India where it was permitted to Èake away the village streets since time immemorial. The wood for fuel so long as the collection did not villagers not only chase away the hunters, they even involve the use of any metal implenents (Ishhtar chase away photographers if they disÈurb nesting Prakash. 19B0). birds. The villagers are often quite rationally 140 14r Social Restraints on Resource Utilization Social Restraints on Resource Utilization

Sacred Groves, Pools and Ponds of the genus Ficus are also considered sacred, and classic shown t were not felled traditionally by all Hindu castes. way of nction It is notable that Ficus is now considered a genus nsinaisto of particular signiEiãã-nce in the overall rnainten- witn re which ance of Èropical biological diversity - a keystone the prey is immune fron predation. Such a tra- mutualist (GiIbert, I980). In particular, its pres- ditional system of refugia in India was the neÈwork ervation may have helped maintain high Ievels of of sacred groves, ponds and pools in the courses of populations of highly edible frugivorous birds, rivers and sÈreams (Gadgil and Vartak' 1976-8I). esppcially pigeons and doves. These were patches of land or water which were Monkeys are a group of animals held as widely dedicated to some deity and were kept free of aII sacred as Èhe Ficus trees over most of India, except exploitation, boÈh of plants and animals. They f or Coorg, KõãTã and the nor th-eastern tr ibat ranged in extent from fifty hectares or more to a tract. They are never hunted even if they do con- few hundred square metres. Where the network of siderable danage to the cultivated plants, but sacred groves has remained intact tiII recent times' merely chased away. Unlike the Ficus trees, it is as in the South Kanara district of Èhe west coastt dj.fficult to see any rationale in their proÈecÈion one can see that they formed islands of climax veg- which may relate nore plausibly to their close re etation at densities of 2 to 3 per sq km, ranging semblance to man. in size from a small clumP to a hectare or more' Other plants and aninals receive less universal and original-ly covering perhaps 58 of the Iand area proÈection, being sacred only in particular Io- (KaranÈh, 1981). This must have been a very effec- cations or to particular castes. The peafowl, for tive way of preserving tropical biological diver- example, is sacred to Lord Kartikeya and is never siÈy, f or vire are still discover ing new species of hunted, and is consequently abundant around plant, species which have disappeared from every- KarÈikeya temples in the southern state of where else, in these sacred grovesr as for instance Tamilnadu. It is more widely protected all over the recently discovered woody climber, Kunstleria the western staÈes of Gujarath and RajasÈhan (per- keranlensis (Mohannan and Nair' 1981). sonal observations). The blue rock pigeon (Columb ia In Bangladesh every shr ine has at least one livia ) is considered sacred to the saint Hazrat Shah pond attached to it, and the animals in such ponds Jalal and is proÈected and encouraged t,o breed in are inviolate. Tvo such sacred ponds are of bio- artificial nest baskets in rural Bangladesh (Reza Iogical interest, for they harbour populations of Khan, 198f). Even the rodents are protected and endangered species¡ Èhe Byazid Bostami has a turtle abound in the famous tenple of Karnimata goddess in Tr ronyx nigricansr âDd Khan Jahan Ali has marsh the state of Rajasthan (Ishwar Prakash, 1980). crocodil The former is of particular interest T\iro notable animal-s which receive such local- since it is the only known population of this turtle ized protection in the vicinity of t.emples of cer- in the world. It is noÈable that the Muslim shrine tain deities are the two most feared animals of of Byazid Bostami was apparently built around 800 India: the tiger and the cobra. Within a few kilo- A.D. at a spot which was earlier occupied by a metres of the temple of the Èiger goddess Waghjai Buddhist shrine. Thus the tradition of Protection of Mahrashtra, for example, no tiger or panther is of the turtle and the sacred pond is likely to be hunÈed. In turn, it is believed that the tiger or an ancienÈ Èradition assimilated by IsIam (Reza panther will never kill any man or domestic animal Khan, I980) . wiÈhin that IocaIity. In a similar fashion, no cobra is killed near certaj.n temples and it is be- Iieved that no snake-bite will ever be fatal in the Sacred Plants and Animals same IòcaIit.y (personal observations). These Èaboos fn India a variety of plant and animal species have may help to remove the fear of Èhese very dangerous been considered can-s¡f by one or more communities animals, and may have survival value âs r for and therefore never destroyed (Preslerr 1971). The example, if many deaths from snake-bite are due Èo most widely protected of such organisms is the fear of death rather than from the poison. peepal tree (Ficus religiosa) found depicted on a Many castes or clans within the castes have laohãnjodaro seal of 2000' B.c. other species certain totemic plants or animals which they do not

L42 -around 143 SociaI RestrainÈs on Resource Uti.lization Social ResÈraints on Resource Utilization destroy or let others destroy if they can help it. they do a Iittle shifting cultivation. Their major Thus the Maratha clans or Mores and Ghorapades from occupation is keeping buffaloes and cattle. fñey Maharashtra der i.ve their clan names from their curdl-e the milk I consume the buttermilk at home anã totemic animals - peafowl and monitor Iizard re- barter the butter for cereal graj.ns from the Kunbis. spectivellr, âÍrd will protecÈ Èhese animals, although The Gavlis get their protein supply from the butter- other clans of the same Maratha caste wiII hunt and milk and do no hunting. Thus the cultivation of eat them (personal observations). valleys and lower hilt slopes is resÈricted to By far the most remarkable examples of protec- Kunbis and of hill terraces to Gavlis; maintenance tion of certain species is that of the Bishnoi sect of domesticated animals and exploitation of alI of western India (Ishwar Prakash and Ghosh, 1980; fodder and grazing is restricted to Gavlis and hunt- Gadgil, 19BOa). This Hindu sect, founded in 1485 ing of wild animals to Kunbis (Gadgil and tvtalhotra, A.D. enjoins its followers never to cut a green r979). tree, or kiII any animal. They hold as specially Another interesting; instance of niche diversi- sacred the khejdi tree (Prosopis cj.nerarea), which ficatio com- is by far the economically most valuable tree in the munitie htra; desert tracts in which this sect originated. It is Nandiva omne, recorded t,hat in 1630 4.D., 363 Bishnois sacrificed ivla l-ho tr occu - their Iives to prevent the king of Jodhpur from pation rtune cutting down P. cinervea trees to furnish the fuel teIJ-ing, that of Vaidus dispensation of herbal nedi- for the Iime-kiIns to build a ne\¡r palace. The cines, while Phaseparadhis are specialist hunter- Bishnois also protect the wild animals including gatherers. The Nandivallas and Vaidus, unlike the blackbuck and chinkara. To this day, the tradition settled castes, do a great deal of hunting in ad- is very much alive and the Bishnoi villages are a dition to thej.r primary occupations. It turns out refreshing scene of greenery and plentiful wildlife that the three castes use distinctly different hunt- in the Indian desert.

Niche Specialization The various castes living within a small geographi- caI region showed everywhere adjustments in their utilization of natural resources, so that each caste specialized in the use of some narrow range of resources and overlapped Iittle with other castes of the same region. The consequence was that a given Protection by Rulers resource of a given locality sustained one rela- The ruling classes of India collected agricultural tively small homogeneous endogamous and self- surplus from the rural areas of their own territory governing group over a long time span. These con- as tax and from territories of other rulers as trib- drtions must have facilitated the cultural evolution ute or loot. Their demands on the wild plants and of restraints on over-exploitation of Iiving re- animals were minimal and largely restricted to items sources. of speciaL value such as cardamom, sandalwood, musk TVo specl.fic examples of such niche diversifi- and ivory. An edict of the Maratha King Shivaji cation may be cited here. The region of the crest- dated around 1660 A.D. forbids the cutting of fruit- l-ine of the Western Ghats in Maharashtra around bearing trees such as nango and jackfruit for use I8' N. Iat.. is inhabited by two major castes, Kunbis in building ships for his navy, on grounds that and Gavlis. Of these the Kunbis practise paddy cut- this would result in considerable suffering for the tivation in the river valleys and shifting õuIti- peasantry in his kingdom. Much more common \^rere vation on the hill slopes. They indulge extensively the at.tempts to protect special hunting preserves in hunting. They bart,er their cereal grains for for the princes and forest habitat of elephants butter produced by the Gavlis. The Kunbis keep only which were particularly valuable for the armies. a few cattle for draft purposes. The Gavlis õn the Kautj.Iya rs Ar thasastra, the four th century manual other hand live on the upper hill terraces on which of statecraft, prescribes the preservation of eleph-

L44 145 on Resource Utilization Social Restraints on Resource Utilization Social Restraints strove to establish their hold on the natural re- ant forests near the borders of the kingdom' their sources of the counÈry as quickly as possible, strict supervision including periodic censuses of regarding the indigenous cultural traditions of elephants based on their sPoor r and death penalty reÀtraint as mere obsÈacIes in their way. This for a-y poacher (Kaugle, 1969). The use of elephants attiùude is beautifully illustrated by Buchanan' for war declined only in the ISth century with the reporting from the west coast of India in I80l: Iarge scale introduction of gunpowder while the gods the practice of maintenance of hunting preserves' for "The forests are the proPerty of the of princes continued until the I950s (Geer 1964; Ishwar Prakash and Ghosh, 1980i Gadgil, 1980b).

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS ing his leave brings vengeance on the guilty person. This seems, thereforer merely a contrivance Eo Pre- The Indian subcontinent was probably colonized by proPertyrl hunÈer-gatherers as 50r000 B.C., and con- vent the government from claiming the early as (tsuchanan, L8O2? rePrinted 1956). Èinued to support this mode of subsistence till the perforce oeginnings of agriculture in Èhe river valleys of The village gods and the people had north-western India around 3000 B.C. The hunter- to yield quickly Èo the will of the rulers who gatherers presumably claimed a Iion's share of the natural resources so were organized into tribes with carefully husbanded by the local village communities their own territorj.es and may have evolved cultural over the centur ies. This takeover was followed traditions of protecting resources within these ter- unregulated exploitation for rj.tories. ResÈrictions on seasons of hunting and initially by cornpleÈely hunting of particular stages of life history are the first hundred years of British rule tiII its primitive final consolidation after the war of 1857. The Iikely to have been the most of such re- IB50s sa\r¡ the beginning of the Iaying down of the straints. We know nothing of the impact of early length agriculture and the Mohanjodaro-Harappa civilization great network of railway lines through the practices. and breadth of the counÈry to complete its conver- on these Our knowledge of hisÈory really sion into a supplier of raw maÈerial and a market begins with the invasion of primarily pastoral (Dutt, 1960). Aryans, equipped with horses and iron weapons, from of finished goods for imperial Britain central Asia around 1500 B.C. With their iron axes, This generaÈed an enormous demand for wood for rail- the Aryans had the ability to clear thick forests way sleepers. To meet this demand at as little cost t{ years as possible, the Government decided to IegaIIy take and the next,1000 record a long struggle be- over a large fraction of communally owned forests tween the pastoral-agricultural society of invaders wíthout any conpensaÈion. This move \^tas strongly and the native hunter-gatherers. At the end of this resisÈed and there I¡Iere agitaÈions frorn 1860 to phase aII arable land was taken over from hunter- in gatherers, who were forced to accept a low status 1930 as the reservation of foresÈs was conlinued casÈe produc- the more and more remote corners of the country. in the system, or to retreat to less The agitations even led to shooting of people as at tive terrain. The gradual spread of agriculÈure and around 1930 pastoralj.sm did coirtinue t.ill present times at a the TiIadi massacre of Tehri-Garhwal pace, (Bahuguna, 1980). slow although the settlement of the vast Indo- The burning of wood as fuel for Èrains quickly Gangetic plains was over by about 500 B.C. (Kosanbi, forests, and the railways 1965; Karve, L967l. . depleted the accessible The caste society which crystallized out of switched to using mineral coal. But other commercial uses for wood, such as for the Paper and polyfibre this inLeraction in the first millenium of Christian the V use industry were developed as time went by' and era developed the whole system of sustainable needed wood of living resources and remained ecologically in an growing urban and industrial sector also approximately steady state till the consolidaÈion charcoal. The Iast century has Èherefore seen rapid of the British in the late lBth century. By this depletion of India's forests through non-sustainable time BriÈaj.n had Iargely exhausted its own forests usè for commercial purposes. The rivers, Iakes and and hras hungry for forest raw materials, particu- seas were also taken over by commercial inÈerests IarIy teakwood for shipbuilding. They therefore and put one by one to non-sustainable exploitation. L4'7 L46 SociaI Restraints on Resource Utilization Social Restraints on Resource Utilization

When large tracts of forests, constituÈing more sources for t.wo reasons: than one-fifth of Indiars land nass' were taken over by the Government for management, it had to lay down a) The profit margj-ns are so large that the another set of regulaÈions to ensure due restraint investment pays for itself very quickly, in the utilization of these resources. These regu- and the entrepreneur is not concerned if Iations now had their rationale, not in tradition the paper miII has to be closed down and or religion, but in modern science, and this ushered the capital invested elsewhere; in the era of modern scientific forestry in India b) The entrepreneur can go on to the use of (Sagreiya I L967). As a renewable resource the other resources such as softwoods and forest stock was supposed to be so manipulated' as sugarcane bagasse. This pushes up the cost to result in maximum sustainable yield. A whole of paper production, but the market is a sysÈem of working plans and their execution was captive seller's market and the industry developed to implement this principle; There has, can jack up the paper price without suffer- however r been a very wide gap between this theory ing any loss of profit. and what has happened on ground. I would like to consj.der here just two case historiesr that of bam- These vested interests are so strong that Èhe at- boo resources of Karnataka and that of the Himalayan Eempts to ensure sustainable use of resources, them- for es ts . selves based on a totally inadequate empirical data base, are easily vì.tiated. As a result, the bamboo forests have been all but wiped out in recent dec- BAMBOO RESOURCES ades in many of the Indian sÈates (cadgil and Prasad I L978; Prasad and GadgiI, l98I¡ GadgiI, The monsoon forests of India are very rich in bamboo 198r ) . stocks which have traditionally been Èhe most irnportant raw material for rural housing and various implements, and the basis of livelihood of a large HIMALAYAN FORESTS community of basket weavers. The management of forests by Èhe Governments has however entirely The Uttarkhand region of northwestern Himalayas had focussed on meeting commercial needs, totally ignor- retained a good tree cover until the early I960s. ing the traditional needs of the rural population, This was because the road network in this hilly or at best treating these requirements as privileges tract was very poor and there was litÈle commercial most grudgingly conceded and cancelled at the first exploitation of the forest. Beginning in the early opportunity. Since bamboo had no commercj.al value I960s, however, a good network of roads was devel- prior to its use by modern paper and pulp indusÈry, oped anci the forests were opened up for large-scale it was considered as a weed and earlier forest work- commercial exploitation. This commercial exploi- ing plans prescribed its eradication. tation was based on working plans which had the When bamboo became a commercial resource for objective of ensur ing maximum sustainable yield. Èhe industry, working plans began to include pre- Unfortunately the working plans were again drawn up scriptions for its extraction based on the principle with an inadequate empirical data base and neglected of sustainable yield. However, determination of several crucial factors. With an orientation towards such prescriptions needs a proper empirical data supply of commercial timber, they Ieft out of the base which was totally inadequate. Therefore, the reckoning the heavy demands on the forests by local prescriptions that were made were essentially arbi- population. They also ignored the vital role of trary and of doubtful value in ensuring the sus- tree cover in insuring the stabilit,y of soil in this tainability of the yield. Moreover, when commercj.al geologically highly unstable zone. Furthermore, the interests come into play, there is a drastic change vested interests often vitiated what,ever discipline in the whole attitude towards resource utilization. the work ing plans prescr ibed and prompt.ed over- For now, those that utilize Èhe resources have exploitation. The consequences were disastrous, Iittle stake in its continued existence, and unfor- landslides and floods resulting in loss of hundreds tunately the paper industry is not genuinely con- of human lives and damage to property \^rorth millions cerned with t.he sustainable supply of bamboo re- of rupees (Bhatt, 1980).

148 149 Social ResÈraints on Resource UtilizaÈion Social Restraints on Resource Utilizat,ion

RESPONSE OF THE PEOPLE b) when the local inhabltants begin to derive genuine benefits from the tree cover they The situation in Èhe Himalayas was of course quali- wiII once again have a stake in its preser- tatively no different from what has been happening vation; for over a century, with the local inhabitants feel- c) the Èree cover can be preserved only under ing completely helpless to protect the Iiving re- chese conditions when those who benefit sources which stj.lI hold a key to their prosperity- from it have a genuine concern for its sus- As Presler (I97I) has described, the central Indian tainable utilization. tribes saw their traditional shífting cultivation banned Èo them in the 1870s on grounds that it was Thé Chipko movement has abundantly demonstrated its destructive of forests, only to witness forest con- success, albeiÈ on a restricted scale, in Èhe catch- tractors move in and cut down thier sacred Saj ment of Alakananda river and its tributaries. Here, trees. In consequence, the local communities have they have succeeded not only in halting the pace of been losing or have already lost their own cultural dêforestation but, also in inspiring the local in- restraints on the utilization of living resources habitants in taking up a vigorous prograrnme of tree and have become a party to their destruction. In planting (BhaÈt, 1981a). fact t,he present, pattern of land ownership is such that a local viltager or tribesman stands to gain Irttle for himself from a piece of tree covered ACKNOI^¡LEDGEMENTS land, since Èhese resources are managed exclusively for Ehe benefit of commercial interests. On the A number of friends have helped me in putting contrary, if he desÈroys t.hat tree cover, he has together this material, and I am grateful to them every chance of gaining control over that land for all. In particular I wish to acknowledge rny grati- cultivation. As a consequencer the local inhabitants tude to: Sunderlal Bahuguna, Chandi Prasad Bhatt, everywhere have been playing a role on a Par with Maruti ChitampaIIi, Ramachandra Guha, K. Sivaram the commercial interests in destroying the capital Karanth, Sudhakar Khomne, Kailash Malhotra, V.M. of India's living resources (GadgiI and Malhotra, Meher-Homji, Ishwar Prakash, M.A. Reza Khan, H.C. 1982b). Sharatchandra, Indra Kumar Sharma, K. Usman and V.D. While, however, the situation in the Himalayas Var tak . has been qualitatj.vely the same, Lhe nagnitude of suffer ing of the Ioca1 population has been far greater. This is because the geologically young REFERENCES Hirnalayas are very unstable, and the bare mountain- sides are apt to come down in huge landslides. The Bahuguna, Sundarlal. 1980. Personal communication. disastrous landslides and floods of the recent years Bhatt, C.P. 1980. Ecosysten of Central Himalayas have therefore brought a new level of consciousness and Èhe Chipko Movement. Dashuali Gram Swarajya to the people of the Himalayas. The result has been Sangh, Gopeshwarr U.P., p. 40. a vigorous grassroots movementr known as the Chipko Bhatt, C.P. I98la. Trees - a source of energy for movementr to save and to regenerate the foresÈs of rural development. Himalaya - Man and Nature Himalayas (Bhatt' 1980). 5 (4): pp. 7-13. It is this Chipko movement, and more particu- Bhatt, Chandi Prasad. 198Ib. Personal communication. larly the approach it has developed in the Chanoli Brown, L.R. 1978. The Iïenty-ninth Day. I¡lorId Watch disÈricÈ, that, is the one ray of hope that we may Institute, lilashington r p. 363. yet turn back the mounÈing tide of destruction of Buchanan, F. 1956. Journey through the northern India's Iiving resources. The approach of Èhis párts of Kanara. Karhrar, Nagarika printers. movement rnay be summed up as follows: Chitanpalli, M. 1981. Personal communication. Dawkins, R. L976. The Selfish Gene. Oxford Univer- a) the most important role of forests for sity Press, Oxford, pp. 224. Indi.a is j.n meeting the rninimum basic needs Dutt, Romesh. 1960. The Economic History of India. for fuel, fodder, fertilizerr fruit and New DeIhi r Government of India Publications fibre for the countEyrs rural massesi Division, VoI. Ir pp. 312 and vol. II, p. 476.

150 151 Social ResEraints on Resource Utilization Social RestrainÈs on Resource Utilization

nhrlicn, P.R. 1980. The sÈrategy of conservation i.n Ishwar Prakash and Ghosh, P.K. 1980. Human-animal Soule, M. and Wilcox, B.A. (eds. ) Conservat j-on interactions in the RahasÈhan desert. J' Bombay giology, Sinauer, Sunderland. Nat. His t. Soc . 75 (Suppl . ) '- 1-259-L26L Gadgil, M. 1980a. Guardians of green trees. Karanth, K. S. 1981. Personal communication' Hindustan Times, New DeIhi, 22 September 1980. Karve, I. 1961. Hindu Societ an Inter e tion t cadgil, M. I980b. WiId Iife resources of India: Decan College ¡ rP A review. Golden Jubilee Volume. National Karve, I. L967. Yugantha. Deshmukh. Pune' P. 287- Academy of Sciences, Allahabad. Kauglee, R.P. 1969 . Arthasas Èra. An English trans- GadgiI, M. 1981. Indian Villagers Bamboozted by lation with critEãT;õles. 3 Parts. univer- Paper Companies. IUCN Bulletin 12: 53-54. sity of Bombay' BombaY. Gadgil, M. I983. Cultural evolution of ecological Khomne, S.e., Malhotra, K.C. and Gadgitt M' (in prudence, in T. Schultze-Westrum (ed¡ Eco- prep.) on Èhe role of hunting in the-nutrition culture (in press). ãnd- economy of certain nomadic populations of Gadgil, M. and Malhotra, K.C. 1982a. Ecology of a Maharashtra. Man in India (in press). pastoral caste: Gavlj- Dhangars of peninsular Kosambi, D.D. 1965. e Culture and Ci ilisaÈion of India. Human Ecology 10: 107-L43. ient India in H s tor cal Outl ne. Rou e GadgiI, and people's a Kegan aul. Lon on. p. 43. M. Malhotra, K.C. 1982b. A view Animal of Ecodevelopment. Env i ronmental Services Lack r D. 1954. The Na al Re ulation f croup, New Delhi. Populations. ar or ,P. GadgiI, M. and Malhotra K.C. 1983. Adaptive sig- Leef R.B. and Devorer 1. (Eds. ) 1968. Man the nificance of the Indian caste system: an eco- Hunter. Aldine' Chicago- Iogical perspective. Ann. Human Biol. (in ualhoEiãl--R.C. I974. Socio-biological investigations press . among the Nandivallas of Mashrashtra' Bulletin ) (Austria) 16: Gadgil, NI. and Prasad, S.N. I978. Vanishing bamboo urgeñt Anthr. Ethn. sciences. stocks. Commerce, 136: 1000-r004. 63-L02. Gadgil, M. and Vartak, V. D. L976. Sacred groves of Martin, P.S. and Wright, H.E. (ed.) I967. Pleisto- the Vùestern Ghats in India. Economj.c Botany. cene Ext inctions: the Sear for a Cause E VET S ty ress, New Haven. 30: I52-I60. Kunstler ia Gadgil, M. and Vartak, V"D. 1981. Sacred groves of Lvlohanan , C.N. and Nair, N.C. 1981. Maharashtra: an inventory in S.K. Jain (ed.) Prain a new genus record of India and a new GI es of Indian Ethnobotan Oxford Univer- species in the genus. Proc. Ind. Acad. Soc" v ress, ay. B 90: 207-2L0. Gause, G.D. I934. The St.ruggle for ExisÈence. Prasad, S.N. and GadgiI, M . 1981. Conservation of Haf ner, New York, p. 163. bamboo resources o fK arnataka. Karnataka SÈate Gee, E.P. 1964. WiId Life of India. Collins, London, Council for Science and TechnologY, Bangalore' p.224. pp. 340. Gilbert, L.E. 1980. !{eb organization and the con- Presler r H. H. 197I. Pr initive Rel I in India servation Chr i.st. Lit. Soc ras, pp. of NeoÈropical Diversity in Soule holy turtle of M. E. and Wilcox, B. A. (Ed . ) . ConservaÈion Rheza Khan, M. A. 1980. The Biology, Sinaner, Sunderland, Mass. ttangladesh. HornbiII l9B0 (4): 7-fl' Harris, 14. L974. Cows, Pigs, Wars and Witches¡ The Rheza Khan' M.A. l9Bl. Personal communication' rI ddles of culture. New York: Random House. SagreÍya,- K.P. L967 - For99Çs and--I'orestry' pp 276. Nãtional Book Trustr New Dehli' pp. 239' Valmiki' Harr is, M. L977 . Cannibals and Kings . Collins, Shastri, Hari Prasad. 1959. The Ramavana of Glasgow, p. 255. 3 VoIs. Shanti Sadan, London' Hutchinson, G.E. 1978. An Introduction to population Slobodkin, L.B. 1968. How to be a predaÈor' Amer' Ecology. YaIe Universi.ty press, New Haven, p. ZooI., 8:43-5I. 260. WiIIiams, G.C. 1966. tion Natu r aI Ishwar Prakash. 1980. Personal communication. tion. Princeton Un Press r Pr ncetonr pp.

L52 153 Social ResÈrainÈs on Resource Utilization

Eleven Wynne-Edwards. v. c. 1962. Animal Dispersion in ChapÈer Relation Behaviour. Oliver and Boyd. to Social TRADITIONAL MARINE PRACTICES IN INDONESIA AND THEIR BEARING ON CONSERVATION

By Nicholas V.C. Polunin Department of Biology University of Papua Nevù Guinea Papua New Guinea

ABSTRACT This paper discusses many of the ways that traditj.onal Indonesian culture has helped to conserve marine resources. Various marine areas are Pro- hibited to people, are designat,ed for particular villages, families or individuals or are concessioned out to individuals on an annual' basis. Tra- ditional Iimited-intrigue areas have been described from many parts of Indonesia. Little is known of their current status, though they may not have developed in several areas because of the instability due to piracy and maritime seasonality. A number of practices influence the allocation of particular resourcesr âDd many controlled areas seem to have resulted fron conflict over specific resources. A plea is made for additional informaÈion on traditional Iimited-intrigue areas, because these may represent a valuable basis for managing coastal resourÇes, especially by enhancing local responsibility for shallow water habitats and exploited marine populations on settled coasts.

INTRODUCTION Marine reserves and other conservation measures in the coastal zone are generally thought of as a modern concept. This appraisal fails to recognize that in some coastal societies controls on the use of marine resources may have existed for centuries. It is now appreciated that regulaÈions and attsitudes of peoples in the island world of the western Pacific have widely influenced paÈterns of marine resource use there (Johannes' I978) but what of other well-populated archipelagos? In particular'' 155 154 -t

Traditional Marine Practices in Indonesia Traditional Marine Practices in Indonesia what of the island nations of southeast Asia, whence duaÌism evidently forms the basis of combats between many inhabitants of the oceanic Pacific evidently fixed pairs of villages, each village representing came? There seems to be no work currently being one of the conflicting elements (Downsr I955). Often carried out which might attempt to ansrler this broad hiIl-dwelling people were the synbolic inhabitants question, but the available Iiterature does contain of the upperworLd, while the coastal dwellers rep- many relevanl anecdotes and I wish to bring together resented the underworld. This phenomenon has been the Indonesian ones here. I wiII include a whole most extensively referred to in the case of BaIi' range of practices which, instigated for whatever where Swellingrebel (referred to in van der Kroef, reasons, tended to preclude some or aII people from f954) felt that the land/sea opposition dominaÈed using particular marine organisms and areas. Much human existence. The mountains give forth water' a of thrs information seems to have been ignored or symbol of life, while Èhe sea is downstream, a realm torgotten and I therefore hope thaL the present of calamity, sickness and death. The volcanic moun- summary will return iÈ to scrutiny. However, more tains are the home of the gods, and the sea is at impor tant, at a time when plans for conserving the opposite pole - it is religiously dangerous, critical marj.ne species and habitats are being elab- the home of evil spirits, and the reposi.tory of all orated, is the realization that some traditional worldly filth (Covarrubias, L937 ¡ Hobart, 1978 ) . practices may have a part to play j-n modern develop- Among many Indonesian societies, when disease ments. Hopefully this review will start to fill an strj-kes a community, it is symbolically discarded important need identified recently by Unesco (l9Bl), into the sea, or into waters which ultimately lead namely that of assessing the value of traditional there (Frazer, 1922). In many areas, especially in arrangements for marine resource management in the the eascern part of the country, the soul is rit- Iight of today's pressures on the coastal zone. uaIIy put to sea in a boat.. This is not for the While the present account attempts to be com- soul to end up therer but rather so that it should prehensive in scope, other information may yet come cross the sea to reach its ancestral homeland; those to Iight, since I have based my revj-ew on readily who drown at sea, howeverf are left there (Frazer, available sources onIy. Additional literature, some 1922). On islands such as Lembata (Barnes, L9741, of which may be relevant to the present topic, is the Keis (Barraud, L97 9) , and on Pagai (Loeb, 1935) , harder to come by. marine animals such as fishes, turtles and crocodiles are thought to be the forms ultimately assumed by many souls. PERCEPTION OF THE SEA The Javanese have traditionally viewed the sea as a horrid wilderness beyond the control of human The sea has traditionally been feared by many society (Lombard, 1980) r âod there are analogies Indonesians. This attitude has probably come into with perception of the virgin forest, although on being for a number of reasons. Dualistic percep- Java the latter habitat has now all but disappeared tions are common in traditional Indonesian thought; (Iombard, L974). Both realms are regarded as sources amongst these, sea and coast are often seen as being of eviI, and in both cases the people associated in conflict with land and mountain. The sea is also with them - particularly the maritime Bajau-Laut a wild environment beyond the confines of human (Sopher, I965) and the originally forest-dwelling civilization. In addition, in a region where piracy Kalangs (Ketjent L877'' - are, or hrere, held in some has been rife for many centuries, the sea is to be contempt. The Bajau-Laut in turn Cend to be shy and feared as the direction from which raiders often wary of coming on land. came. The threat of piracy, which was widespread into Symbolic antitheses are widespread in Indonesia modern times, must have reinforced these attitudes (van der Kroef, 1954) and while dualistic percep- in many places. The taking of slaves from Irian Jaya tions of the sea have all but disappeared from the for pearl-diving in the Moluccas and o.ther purposes social organization of inland groups of people on made the local people aggressive to outsiders, so large land-masses such as Kalimantan (Èhe Indonesian that even bold Buginese traders were afraid to go portion of Borneo) and Sumatra, they remain an im- there (r\non., 1852). Piracy was an ever-present portant element of traditional life on many smaller risk on the coast of many islands such as Sumba islands. On SoIor and FIores, for example, such (Anon., 1855) .

156 157 Traditional Marine Practices in Indonesia Traditional Marine PracÈices in Indonesia

The consequences of these sources of insta- of certain coastal areas. bility are many. In areas such as Javaf Bali' Timor Coastal dwellers and fisherrnen are commonly (though not Roti¡ Bühler , L937't and Sumba (Anon. Iooked down upon (Emmerson, 1980a), while marine f918), people widely fear the sea. In BaIi, few' specialists such as the Bajau-Laut are generally coastal dwellers are true Balinese (EarI, IB50). despised (Sopher' 1965). There are, howeverr notes LittIe sea-fishing is carried out by local people of ambivalence in aII these attitudes. Where the on Seram (Ellen, 1978), on the south coast of Tinor sea has been overcomer as it has been to a consider- (Bruijnis, 19I9), or in the Banggai Islands to the aoJ-e degree by the Bugineser it is possible to trace east of Sulawesi (Goedhart, 1908). This has conmonly chänges in percepÈion from a position of fear to Ieft the exploitation of profitable marine conmodi- one of greater confidence in the face of the marine ties such as trepang (sea-cucumber), turÈIe-shell, wilderness (Lombardr 1980). Even the Balinese can oyster-shell aãã--Enãrk-fin open to a minority of respect the sea as a dynamic systemr transforming intrepid specialists. A dominant role in this impure worldly waste into pure products such as business was long ago taken by the nomadic Orang clouds and fish (M. Hobart, Pers. comm. ) . Such Laut (wesÈern Indonesia) and Bajau-Laut (eastern ambivalence of thought may be connected with Èhe Indonesi.a), who collected and otherwise hunted the powerful Malay and Javanese god Batara Guru' who' valuable items, and the Buginese-Makassarese and a through his exclusive possession of the water of few other seafaring groups (Dick I L975), who traded life is able both to destroy life and also restore in then. it¡ Batara Guru di Laut is the form of this deity Traditional religious beliefs are wi.despread who presides over the sea (Skeat' 1900). Like the among those residents who do make use of the sea. forest to the Javanese (Lombard' L9741, the sea is Ceremonies are held to celebrate the beginning of a viewed by many, such as the Toraja of Sulawesi, as nevJ seasons's estuarine fJ.shing in eastern Sumatra a natural adversary which must be overcome if the (Gramberg, L877ì, and coastal fishing in eastern Java child is to become man (Downsr 1955). (Mander, 1956) , and to acknowledge a good caÈch in Irian Jaya (de Clercq, 1B9I). Magic is conmon in traditional marine exploitation, where care has to CONTROLLED AREAS be taken to win the co-operation of the spirits whose domain is being infringed. Special words are There are records from throughout Indonesia of used to avoid beÈraying the terrest.rial origin of various types of controlled area, and these faII the fisherman (Schrieke, L925), and to denote par- into three categories. There are cases where entry ticularly sensitive species and places (Snouk or use was prohibited to everyone on a time-scale Hurgronje, I906; Endicott, 1970) . People visiting varying from weeks to generations. There are areas Enu in the Aru Islands to collect turtle eggs where the right Èo exploit marine resources is lim- observe special rituals (Compost, I980). In the ited to particular groups or individuals. There are Mentawei Islands taboos surround turtle fishing also cases where exploitation is poÈentially open (Loeb, 1935), while the skulls of dugongs and to anyone providing that a fee is paid. t,urtles are hung in sacred places to placate the In the Kei Islands' when a boat sets out on a spirits both there (Tilson, L977 ) and in Irian Jaya Iong journeyr the place previously occupied by it (van der Sande, 1907). Magic is an important ac- on the beach is regarded as sacred while the vessel tivity in the coastal fisheries of Aceh and Java is away at sea; infringement rnay lead Èo destruction (Snouck Hurgronje , L9O6¡ PaIm, L962). The Pagai of the boaÈ (Frazer , L9221. I4ore significant than and Sipora islanders in Èhe Mentaweis revere nany this are t,he taboo areas established around the types of spirits, one of which is regarded as pro- grounds habitually fished by a deceased man in the tecting marine animals (Nooy-Palm, 1968). On Pagai, Sangihe Islands during his Iifei anyone caught ,using the crocodile is thought to be the servant of the the area could be enslaved by Èhe family of the 'rrvlother of the lVaters", and may be sent to punish deceased (Hickson, 1886). This prohibition presum- those who disturb her donain, for example by throw- abty lasts or lasted, for several years. An area in ing rubbish into the sea (Loeb, 1935). Vosmaer which fishing has evidently been prohibited for (1839) describes sacrifices made by the Bajau-Laut centuries is that. surrounding the sacred Place of of southeastern Sulawesi to spirits of the sea and the sea goddess Loro KuduI at ParangtriÈis on the

158 159 --Y-

Traditional Marine Practices in Indonesia Traditional Marine Practices in Indonesia south coast of Java (Epton I L9741. Vosmaer (1839) they \¡rere off-shore and only intermittently occu- ãescr ibed sacr ifices made by the Bajau-Laut of pied, and because the harvest began to decline in southeasÈern Sulawesi to the spirits occupying par- t.he Iast century (van HoëveII, I890a). Schot (I882) ticular isl-ands, cliffs and points, and it seems menti.ons disputes between groups of Orang Laut over likely that these places would not have been fj.sning grounds on the eastern coast of SumaÈra, explo i ted . which led to adat (traditional law) agreements over Inter-village reserves, where only members of who should fis-ñ--where. Snouck Hurgronje (1906) also Èhe community aã¡acent Èo the marine area could speaks of conflict between boats fishing the same exploit resources, have been briefly mentioned Íot coastal area in Aceh. Evidently, as a result, the ðãi¡erar parts of eastern Indonesia such as the Kei shore is partitioned between guilds of fishermen, Islands (van Hoëvell, I890b) and the north coast of each one with a designated individual to settle dis- Irian Jaya (van der Sande, L907 i Feuilleteau de putes. At least in Irian Jaya, right of access to Bruyn , tlgzo ¡ Galis 1955) i they have been noted certain marine areas can be held by the chief of the recãntly in the bay' of Ambon in the Moluccas (C' village (van der Sande, L907), while off Salayar, AngelI I pers. comm. ¡ . In thg Kei instance the reef and tidal-trap fishing areas are tenured and seãward b-oundary apparenEly ended in about 20' m of handed down from father to son (KriebeI, 1919). water, while anyone was free to fish outside this The right to use many marine areas has tra- area. There must have been some understanding r at ditj.onally been concessioned ouÈ to individuals or least' over the use of tidal fj-sh-weirs, which have groups. One of the best described cases of this is been mentioned from several parts of the country the marga of Sumatra (van Royent L927). Here the such as Sapudi (Jochim, 1893) and the LeÈi Islands right to fish and to cut nipah palm in estuarine (van Hoëvel-l, I890c), but no regulations have yet areas is hired annually to the highest bidder. colne to Iight. In the coastal s\4ramps of eastern Tur tle nesting beaches have traditionally been Sumatra, villages own particular stands of sago palm rented for the collection of eggs in many parts of (Gramberg, fSBl). At Ieast on Tanimbar, the right vrestern Indonesia (SomadikarLa, L9621 . to use certain reef areas is held by particular If there is little known about the nature and J-ineagesi members of these groups are gj-ven access extent, of these var ious protected-area practices, to such reserves on consulting a person called the even less is known about their consequences. In 'fLord of the Land", (LeBar, L9721 - The role of the tne case of concessioned areas, it is not possible t'Lord of the Land", or tuan tanah, is widely re- to establish whether resources have tended to be ferred to in eastern Indonesia, but there has been conserved or depleted. The fact that an individual little written about his potential function in the often gained access to an area for only one year at allocation of marine areas. In parts of the country a time might have led him to take more than he would such as Manggarai in Floresr Èhe tuan tanah evi- otherwise have done. On the other hand, giving only dently monitors fishing areas (LeBar , L972), and in one user access might have reduced the level of the Arus the hunting of the dugong (Compost, 1980). exploitation j.n the J-ong term, below that which it An analogous framework for organizing the use. of the woulci have been if everyone had been allowed in. coastal êxploitation in western Indonesia is pro- On the rented turtle beaches egg-yields have, in villaqe several cases, declined significantly in recent vided by the Sumatran g!!ar a tradiÈional years, commune system (Forbes, 1885i van Royent L927't. although this could be as much due to the The fact that disputes over the use of marine incioental taking of breeding turtles off-shore as areas arise is clear from a few accounÈs. Neigh- to any short-comings of pracÈice in situ (eolunin O bouring villages on the north coasÈ of Irian Jaya Sumertha Nuitla, in press). often fight over trade and fishing in their respect- Several of the other controlled areas described ive wateis (van der Sande, I907), a source of con- above must have had the effect of reducing the flrct which has been mentioned from further east by pressure on resources, and promoting a certain ef- (19I8) . Fights over access to reefs off fì.ciency in their long-term use, even though they Malinowski rnay Tanimbar I Aru and Salayar have been reported by often have been established for reasons other KoIff (f840) van Hoëvell (I890c) and Kriebel than conservation. Such a beneficial effect may (l-919). Aru 'pearling-banks were a reason for con- not have been the case where unique areas such as flj.ct (Kist, 1938) , no doubt in particular because Èhat at Parangtritis existed¡ it is not known in 160 16r Y

Traditional Marine Practices in Indonesia Traditional Marine Practices in Indonesi.a

this case whether any conserving effect was exceeded In many cases parEicular species are protected. by a more intensive exploitation in the area out- This can usually be attributed to spiritual or reside. IÈ is more likely that some conservation of Iigious reasons. In the southern Moluccas, croco- resources accrued in the Sangihe Islands, where the diles, Èurtles, eels and other species are pro- taboo areas respecting the deceased probably led to hibited to particular families because they are part a type of rotaÈion on the fishing-grounds. Par- of totemic systems and people believe that their titioning of the shore in Aceh may not have con- ancestors take the form of these animals (Frazer, trolled the activities of those fishermen who were L922). Crocodiles are forbidden species to the in guilds¡ but presumably Iimited the total amount Tobelorese of Halmahera (R,j.edel, 1885) , and to the of exploitation in the organized area. It is surely Pagai Islanders, though not on neighbouring Siberut the case ÈhaÈ the other Iimited-entry areas, whether (Loeb, I935). The Galelarese collect trepang, but established for viIlages, lineages or individuals, these are apparently forbidden to the Tobelorese enhance the conservation of resources. This is so (RiedeI, 1885) . Crocodiles and snakes are tra- because not only is the number of people using each ditionally taboo to many lvlalays while fishing discrete area lirnited, but it is also Èhe domain of (Endicott, 1970). Porpoises are not caughÈ by resident fishernenr who would take greater care to Ambonese fishermen (Deane, L979) , whilst among use iÈ wisely than, sây, a group of itinerant sea- plants the strand species Pisonia grandis is, or nomads. was, protected at Karang Bandong in southern Java, because of its association with the origin of kings (Teijsmann, 1855). In the case of such prohibited PROTECTION AND ALLOCATION OF RESOURCES species, it is not possible Èo say whether any conserving effect resulted; inforrnation is needed on Many conflicEs over the use of particular areas such the number s of people involved r the nature of as coastal reefs resulted from the high commercial exploited populations, and if, and how, attention value of particular resources. KoIff (1840) and van is diverted to other species. Such details are not Hoävell (1890c) have mentioned disputes between vil- ava ilable . lages on Taninbar over the harvesting of trepang, Where Islam is irnportant, it is forbidden to while on islands off the north coast of Irian Jaya eat the meat, but not the e99sr of sea-turtles, inter-village reserves are est.ablished in parÈicular though Èhis has not prevented Mohammedans from for trepang (Feuilleteau de Bruyn I L920). Such catching turtles for others to eat, as described by Iimited-entry areas have been discussed above. Jochim (f893) for Sapudi Islanders bringing turtles Another evident source of conflict $ras that to Hindu BaIi. It has also not prevented partially- within communities over the allocation of the catch, Moslem or aninistic groups such as the Bajau-Laut because regulations for distributing it are widely (Vosmaer, 1839) , Orang Laut (Pelras , L972) or reported from Indonesia. For example, such rules Siberut Islanders (Loeb, 1935) from eating turt,le have been described for coastal fishing off Aceh neat¡ the sea-nomads $/ere in fact important in de- (Snouck Hurgronje, I906), Java (ENI, L92Li Palm, veloping the trade based on these animals. In some L962) r and Irian Jaya (Feuilleteau de Bruyn , L920) , cases, however, the Bajau-Laut evidently do not eat, for the catch of whales, turtles, rays and other or have stopped eating, turtle (Jochirn, 1893¡ J.J. Iarge animals off Lembata (Barnes, 1980), and for Fox, pers. comm.). An example where protect.ion of the produce of stake-traps in southern Sulawesi a species has been insEigated for functional reasons (uliggers, I893). While such rules refer prinarily is that of sea-birds which nest colonially on cer- to direct participants in the fishing activities, tain rocks of f nor thern Sulawesi (J. R. Ir{acKinnon, iÈ is clear in nany cases that non-fishing individ- pers. co¡nm.)¡ here the birds are valuable in helping uals in the community can also benefit (Snouck to locate shoals of cakalang (tuna). Hurgronje, 1906¡ ColIier, Hadikoesworo & l'lalingreau, There are other practices which influence the L979¡ Hnmerson, 1980b). Although catch-sharing way in which resources are used. One of these is would not conÈribute directly to a conservation of the storing, or rearing, of all or part of the resources, it may reduce cornpetit iveness within catch. An important example of this is the stunting communities and thus increase the efficiency with of Milkfish-fry in tambak (brackish-vrater fish which people use the resources available. ponds) so Èhat two harvests of adults can be ob- L62 r63 l

Traditional Marine Practices in Indonesia Traditional Marine Practices in Indonesia tained in spite of the seasonal scarcity of larvae also by Skeat (f900). This returns us to the idea (Schuster I L952i Yanashita & SutardJo, L977). There that the Indonesian sea and its inhabitanLs were are of course many facets to the impact of exploi- fearful to many people. It seems likely t.hat this tation on stocks of this speciesr ând almosÈ nothing attitude influenced Èhe number and Èypes of people is known about any of them, but it is probable that who have used marine areasr âûd the pattern which the production of this marine species for human marj-ne exploitation as a whole has depicted in Èime. benefit has been increased greatly. Further, since larval mortality is likety to be high' a source of food j.s being made available which would otherwise AN OVERVIEW OF' TRADITIONAL MARINE PRACTICES have been lost to man, or even gone to \^taste . The AND CONSERVATION keeping of edible sea-tur tles in pens as in southern BaIi, night also be included here,' but Practices whj.ch seem significantly to affect pat- since turtle meat was traditionally dr ied and ierns of resource use and allocation are summarized salted, it is not possible to argue in this case in Table II.I. Probably the most importanÈ types that storage has led to increased efficiency of use. of practice are those which limit access to marine Even in the past, when turtle-pens might not have and coastal exploiÈation over extensive areas, such been maintained, if more turtles $tere caught than as the marga of Sumatra, tenured areas off Salayar, were currently needed, these did not therefore go and inter-village reserves of the Moluccas and Irian to waste. These turtles were not actually reared, Jaya. It is worth reiterating here that rnost of the but turtle-rearing from hatchlings or eggs has been available information on these come from old papers, carried out for some time, and a similar argument many from the last century, so that their currenÈ could be put forward for this activity as has been status is for the.mosÈ part unknown. proposed for the milkfish above. It is surprising that in a counÈry where the People using marine resources in Indonesia have sea has long been important as a source of food and been taxed quite heavily for a long time, either in trade commodities (Polunin, in press a) r there are kind or in money. This has, for example, been de- so few daÈa on activities such as fishing and on any scribed for the Bajau-Laut of Sumbawa (Freys, 1859) ways in which they might be controlled. This Lack and of east Kalimantan (von DewaII, 1855i Hageman, of evldence may mean Èhat such regulations do not I855), where they paid annual tribute in items such exist, or perhaps that there has been Iittle study as trepang and turtle-shell to the local rulers. of them. Against the former point, there is the Coastal fisheries and mangrove exploitation were indication that regulations do occur, and at that also Iiable to tax, as on the east coast of Sumatra quj.te widely, in the country, as suggested by Table (cramberg, L877; Schot, 1883), at least in quite lI.I. On the latter view, it is clear that there modern times. In the Bajau-Iaut case it is not has been surprisingly IitÈle work on maritime south- possible to infer any effect on patterns of exploi- east Asia (Emmerson, I980a). While I tend to support tation, but in the Sumatran case it is conceivable the latter vlew-poj.nt, I do think that traditional that some Irnitation hras introduced, and that those measures fot controlling the use of resources may who did enter the fishery tended to be specialists noÈ be as extensive as they might be predicted to who could carry out the work more efficiently than be on simple theoretical grounds. Significant Iess experienced individuals. At Ieast in the case causes of this may be both the result of traditional of Èhe Èr ubuk fishery, however , the harvest had fear of the sea together with the expansion in the already -EIIen markedly in the 19th century trade in marine products in Èhe last Èwo or three (Gramberg, I880). centuries, and also of the influence of seasonality Where species were not wholly protecÈed, for in coastal districts. whatever reason, there was undoubtedly ofEen a cer- Some original attitudes to the sea have been tain alre connected with the exploitation of large described above. At least partly because of this species in parÈicular. GaIis (1955), for example, timidity, the opportunity for exploiting valuable refers to turÈle-demons in Irian Jaya, while Schot mar ine species was widely Ieft open to a few (I883) mentions the belief that dugongs are pro- specialists. These people, in particular the sea- tecÈed by spirits in Sumatra. Superstitions about nomads and traders such as the Buginese-Makassarese, crocodiles are widespread, as mentioned above and were themselves in many cases pirates, who proÈected

164 r65 I

Traditional Marine Practices in Indonesia Traditional Marine Practices in Indonesia

Table lI.I - Important Types of Traditional Practice Influencing the Use and Allocation of Marine Resources and Habitats in Indonesia

Type of Practice Ar ea Resource or Habitat Sources (exanples)

I Restricted ]. Sunatra, Java, Kalimantan Turtle meat Polunin & Sumertha Nuitja spec]. es (Moharunedans ) (in press) 1I N. Sulawesi Sea-b ir ds J.R.MacKinnon (pers.comm. ) 11t S. Maluku Var ious species, Frazer I L922 depending on family iv Halmahera (Tobelorese) Crocodiles Riedel, 1885 2 Stor ing,/rear ing i Java, Sulawesi Milkfish fry Schuster I L952

3 Shar j.ng of ]. Sumatra (Acehnese) Fish Snouck, Hurgronje, I906 catch ii Java Fish Palm, 1962 iii Lembata !ùhales, turÈles, rays Barnes, 1980 iv Irian Jaya Fish Feuilleteau de Bruyn, L920 4. Concessioned i Sumatra, Java, Kalimantan Turtle-nesting beaches SomadikarEa, L962 areas 1I Sumatra Nipah and mangrove use van Royen, L927 (marga ) iii Sumatra Estuar ine frshing van Royen, L927

5. Tenured areas ]. Sumatra (Battam Orang Coastal fishing Schot, l8B3 Laut ) ii Sumatra (Acehnese) Coastal fishing (guilds) Snouck Hurgronje, I906 iii Sumatr a Sago stands Gramberg, I881 iv Salayar (S. Sulawesi) Reefs, coasÈaI fishing Kr iebel, 1919 v Tanimbar Reefs (Trepang) LeBar, L972 vi Kei Ree fs van Hoëvell, 1890b vii Irian Jaya (Geelvink) Ree fs van der Sande, L907 vi ii Irian Jaya (Humboldt) Reefs Galis, 1955 their livelihood through piracy and came to pervade existed may have been lost, in the scramble for valu- the country. WhiIe making marine exploitation an able commodj.ties. Some concern for the way in which unstable profession for others, many of them were marine resources are used should rather be sought by nature wandering opporÈunists who, if resources amongst societies which have a more stable history. \ ran low in one area, could presumably move on to A case can be made for explaining the presence, or \ another locality. Under such conditions, they would perhaps survival, of marì.ne practices such as inter- have been unlikely to regulate their use of narine village reserves in eastern Indonesia in this way, areas, because these were extensive and under- because Èhe influence of people such as Bajau-Laut exploited. The domination of the archipelago by in this region came late and remains sparse (Sopher, these maritime people is, howeverf a comparatively 1965; Fox, L977). A comparable case could be nade recent event, so that many practices which formerly for the marga of eastern Sumatra, a part of the

166 t67 Traditional Marine PracÈices in Indonesi,a Traditional Marine Pract.ices in Indonesia country which it is true has had a Èurbulent his- discussed below, after first assessing Èhe characÈer tory, but where extensive coasEal swamp-forests of modern marine environment,al problems. must have afforded some protecÈion frorn the outside wor ld . A second najor reason for which resource regu- MODERN MARINE ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS IN PERSPECTIVE J-ations may not be more extensive than it is possible to predict, is the fact that in most parts of Marine exploitation has been carried on for at least the country the \deather varies seasonallyr so thaÈ a few millenia (van Heine-Geldernr 1945; Gorman, fishing is not feasible throughout the year. 197I), and international trade in Indonesian sea- Fishermen can, and usually do, turn to other methods produce has existed for many centuries (Rockhill, of susÈenance during the rough season, and there is l-9I4-15). The last decades have, however, seen an even prehistoric evidence that coastal sites vrere escalation of hunan impingement on Ehe sea (Polunin, only seasonally occupied (cf. Brandt, L976). Under in press a). This has been intimately involved these conditions coastal people could hardly be wÍth rapid population grovrth and in some cases expected to attach the importance to marine re- through precipitate introduction of neb, technology sources that they do in areas where they are more and ideas. exclusively dependent on then (cf. Johannes, 1978). In the 19th century the first measures began If certain Èradit,ional measures have disappeared in to be taken to curb some of the problems which were some areas, this would not seem to have been due to arising. The realization that Java could be supplied commercialiåation per se. because trade in marine with increasingly valuable protein by fisheries (van species has also been carried out for a long t.ine Soest, I86l) Ied Èo the removal or reduction of in areas where Iimited-entry practices are still taxation on fishing activities in the 1860s. In the extant today (e.g. for Irian Jaya see Anon., 1852 I850s regulations had already been imposed on the and de CIercq & Schmeltz, 1893; for the Keis see oysEer fishery in t.he southern Moluccas, and with Bosscher, I855 and van HoëvelI, 1890b; for eastern the entry of stean-powered vessels, stake-trap Sumatra see SchoÈ, I883 and Croockewit, 1853). In fisheries needed co be confined in busy sea-lanes any case, as noted above and observed by Kriebel (ENI, L92L). From the I890s, a series of legal (f919) off Salayar, Èhe more productive an area is, measures was brought in to attempt to regulate other the more likely is its use Èo be regulated. fishing activities (mesh-size of nets, use of It is not known exacEly how measures such as po isons ) more widely in the counÈry. In a f eri, Ir.mited-entry areas came into existence. I have cases, such as the estuarine trubuk fishery of inferred above that at least in sone cases t.hese eastern Sumatra (Gramberg, I880) and the oyster- arrangements resulted from conflicts within and shell yield of the Aru banks (van Hoëvell, 1880a), beÈween communities of coastal people. It is pos- production was already declining. Denand had evi- sible that such conflicts þ¡ere accentuated by the dently exceeded Iocal supply of milkfish fry for depletion of marine stocks in particular localities, fish-ponds, because these had long been brought ancl that, the controlled areas were thus established from outside Javar and of turtle ¡neat, because this because the limits of natural resources were rec- was being inported to Bali (e.g Jochin, 1893). ognized. A proper answer to the question may come The growing need actively Èo develop coastal partially from detailed studies on areas where these fisheri.es around Java, in particular, followed fron practices are still naintained. In any case, it is investigations such as that of the 1904-05 Welfare possible that the analogous measures observed on Commission (Verloop, 1906). ExPloratory trawling western Pacific islands (Johannes,1978) do have was soon carried out in the Java sea (van Roosendaal their origin in Indonesian, and other souÈheast and van Kampen, I907). In the 1920s motorized fish- Asian, practices. ing on a large scale began rl,ith the commercial It is probable that for the time-being tra- Japanese muro-ami fisheries of the western Java ditional regulations limiting access to coastal Sea, but attempts at the mechanizaÈion of local areas have at least as much a role to play in de- fisheries only started in the 1930s with the payang (Furnivall L93'l) Nevertheless velopment as the often unenforced measures attempted fishery of Java , . ' by a central government acting at a distance of at the end of the colonial period Java remained a hundreds or thousands of kilometres. This will be major importer of fish, though surrounded by pro-

168 169 Traditional Marine Practices in Indonesia Traditional Marine Practices in Indonesia ductive sea (Bottemanne, 1959) . In the lasÈ 30 I971). As rain forest inland is felled. increasing years Indonesian fisheries have developed consider- siltation, salt-intrusion and other effects on the ably: the country is no longer a net importer of coast can be expected (Brubridge & Koesoebiono. in fish, and marine produce is now a valuable source press). It is to the coastal zone that most concern export commodity (Anon., 1979). Traditional snall- is di.r ected. scale operators, however, still constitute some 98t of Indonesiars fishing populaÈion (Sidarto and Atmovrasono, L977 ) ¡ their activiÈies are sail-powered TRADITIONAL MARINE CONTROLLED AREAS and comparatively inefficient (Kartono, f958). IN THE MODERN CONTEXT Al-though fish production has increased, the catch per fisherman has decreased since the 1950s Many of t,he problems which have been briefly sum- (Krisnandhi, f969), and the waters of the northern mar ized above reflect a poor state of knowledge coast of Java and much of the eastern coast of about the ecology and use of coastal areas. Lack Sumatra are considered to be seriously over-fished of action, however, often also reflects a Iack of (Sujastani, 1980), although they support the vast responsibility. Ineffectiveness in enforcing regu- majority of fishermen. The fact is that some 698 lations usually results from an incomplete commit- of Indonesiars populaÈion is concentrated in only ment to the esÈablished objective, and this is com- 7f of its land area, around Java and Bali (Anon, monly because legal controls applied by government 1978). This has led to incipient polluÈion and are Iittle respected by local people. How can a extensive coastal habitat modificaÈion, as well as fuller commiEment be achieved? tne over-exploitation of stocks. Concern about A ma¡or role can clearly be played in coastal pollution has been brought to a head by the deterio- zone development by protected areas, particularly rating condition of Jakarta Bay waters and fears of where these are seen as covering a whole range of high oil-hydrocarbon concentrations, habitat modi- states of control, fron "Rêsource Reserves" to fication by the silting-up of deltas, the replace- "National Parks" (PoIunin, in press b). I have ment of mangroves by fish-ponds, salt-production shown above that various types of controlled area areas and settlenents, and over-fishing due to t.he have long existed in Indonesia; the idea of re- conflict between traditional and mechanized fishing. stricting access to particular zones is not a new For some time Èhe government has endeavoured to one. These traditional areas of limited entry have alleviate population pressure in Java and Bali by also demonstrated that widespread local responsi- encouraging people to "transmigrate" to sparsely bility for the use of marine resources has long inhabited parts of the country. Among these poorly- existed. Measures such as the marga of Sumatra, populated areas are coastal sr¡ramp habitats r and tenured reefs of Salayar, or inter-village reserves although projects for developing such environrnents of lrian Jaya and the Moluccas may once have existed have been started in a number of areas, there is in Java, but there is apparently no record of the¡n doubt as to whether these wilI succeed (Hanson & no\.r. IE cannot be claimed therefore that such Koesoebiono, L979¡ Burbridge, Dixon & Soer^rardi, pracÈices could alleviate the critical problems of f98l). In the meantime extensive deltaic areas are coastal fishing in that area. This is not the case being transformed. for the outer, Iess populated, pârts of Èhe country, Although many major environmenÈal problems are for many of which there is evidence that traditional centred on Java and BaIi, there are also many areas Iimited-entry areas exist, or existed until quite of growing concern outside these islands. An im- recently. If these syste¡ns of coastal tenure and porÈant one of these is the conflict bet$reen de- concession sti1l exist, why worry about them? An velopment and protection of mangrove forests, the ans\¡rer is that in at least two cases, quite widely former alternative for wood and organics, fish- separated in the country, Èraditional systems are ponds, salt-production and other uses, the latter threatened with replacement apparently without any- for shore-protection and as a basis for certain one being aware of their exisÈence. One of Èhese fisherj.es. Coral reefs are being widely affected cases is afforded by the Sunatran marga, which are by nj.ning and fishing with explosives, although they evidently being supplanted in transmigration areas are important in traditional fisheries (Unar, 1979) (Hanson & Koesoebiono, L979). The other example is and potentially also in Iarge-scaIe ones (Cusing, Ambon in the Moluccas, where aEt.empts by the central 170 171 Traditional Marine practices in Indonesia Traditional Marine PracÈices in Indonesia

government to establish a marj.ne naÈure reserve at REFERENCES Pombo Island have met with little success; the reef Anon. L852. Ceram Laut Isles. J. Indian Archipelago and Far EasÈ. 6: 689-691. Anon. I855. Beschrijving van het eiland Soemba of sandelhouÈ. Tijdschr. Ned.-rndie 17 (1-6) : 271 -3L2. Anon. 19f8. A manual of Netherlands India (Dutch reported, however, nothing is known of the current nast fndi igence status of Èhese controlled areas. Department. 548 PP. The inclusion of tradit,ional protected areas Anon. 1978. Statistik Indonesia. L977. Jakarta: in conservat,ion work may not be consistent wiÈh a Biro PusaE-sEãEfstik. txxii + 1202 pP. purì.st view Èhat in reserves nature should ideatly Anon. L979. Fisheries Statistics of Indonesia 1977. be lefÈ entirely to its own devices. Inclusion of JakarÈa: kanan. these measures, however, is increasingly acceptable xxxviii + 83 pp. to those who seek a more functional approach to Barnes, R.H. L974. xédang. Oxford: Clarendon Press. marine protected areas, and view strict nature re- xiv + 350 pp. Barnes, R.H. 1980. Cetaceans and cetacean hunting' Lamalera, Indonesia. Gland, Switzerland: !'rorld wildlife Fund. 82 pp. (mimeo) . Barraud, C. Lg7g. tanebar-evav, Une Société de Mais rnées Vers le Lar e Canbr idge: Cambr dge Un VET S ty. x + pp. Bos scher , c. 1855. Bi jdr age tot de kennis van de Ket J e i landen. Tiidschr. indische taal - Land en Volkenk 4: 4 23- 458. Botfenanne, J.1959. Principles of Fisheries Dev- elopment. Ansterdam: North-Holland. IX + 65r PP. coasts. To Èhis end it is clearly essential to know Brandt, R. hl. L976. The Hoabinian of Surnatra: sone more about their distribution, structure and varied-i" remarks. Mod. Quatern. Res. S.E.Asia 2z 49-52. functions in the country. If this Lntormatio., Bruijnis, J. K. 1919. Tvee landschaPPen oP T tmor. not soon made available, then a valuable forum for Tij dschr . K. ned. aardrijksk. Genoot. 36: coastal-zone planning may be lost before it has been 16 9-19 8. properly considered. Bühler, A. 1937. Bericht über die im Jahre 1935 auf Timor r Rote und Flores angelegÈen ethno- graphischen Sammlungen. Verh. naturf. Ges. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Basel 48¡ 13-37. Burbrf@ P., Dixon, J.A. & soewardi, B. 198I- For- This work vras carried out under contract to t,he estry and agriculture'. OpÈions fot resource alloóation in choosing }ands for transnigraÈion develoPment.. APPI. Geog - Lz 237 -258. Burbr j.dge, P. & Koesoebiono (in press ). Coastal zone management in southeast Asia. In: Chia Lin Sien & C. MacAndreers (eds. ) , Frontiers for DeveIo the Sou ian Seas. pore: raw-

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Hickson, S.J. 1886. Notes on the Sengirese. J. Palm, C. L972. Notes sur quelques populations aqua- anthrop. Inst. 16: L36-L42. tiques de lrarchipel nusantarien. Archipel 3: Hobart, M. I978. The path of the soul: the legit- 133-168. imacy of nature in Balinese conceptions. pp. Polunin, N.V.C. (in press a). Þlarine resol¡rces of 5- 28. In! G.B. Milner (ed.), Natural Symbols Indonesia. Oceanoqr. Mar. Biot. Ann. Rev. in Southeast Asia. London: School of Oriental Polunin, N.V.C. (in press b). Marine "genet]-C re- and African Studies. sources" and the potential role of protected Jochim, E.F. 1893. Beschrijving van den Sapoedi areas rn conservrng them. Environ. Conserv. Archipel. Tijdschr. indische Taal-land-en PoIun i n, N.V.C. and Sumerta Nuitja, N. (in press). Volkenk. 36: 343-393. Sea turtle populations of Indonesia and .lohanñE--ã.n. 1978. Traditional marine conser- Thailand. In: K. Bjorndal (ed. ), Biology and vation methods in Oceania and their demise. Conservation of Sea Turtles . Washington, D.C.: Ann. Rev. Ecol. Syst.9: 349-364. Smithsonian Institsution. Kartono, R.A. 1958. Comparison of fishing ef- Riedel, J.c.F. I885. Galela und Tobeloresen. Z. ficiency between A. Iongline and 'rra\.rai" Ethnol. L7z 58-89 (prawe) B. trawl and "dogoI" C. various types nocfnÏfTF.lv. 1914-1915. Notes on the relations and of rpajangr. Proc. Indo-Pacific. Fish. Coun. trade of China with the Eastern Archipetago 7 (2-31: p. 83. and the coast,s of the Indian Ocean during the Ketjen, E. L877. De Kalangers. Tiidschr. indische fourteenth cenÈury. ParÈs I and II. To I ung Taal-Land-en Volkenk. 24¿ 42L-436. Pao 15: 4L9-447. 16: 16-159, 236-27L, Kist, F.J. I938. The geo-political and strategic ñ+-øzø. importance of the rrraterhrays in the Netherlands Schot, J. c. 1883. De Battam-Archipe I. Indische Gids Indies. Bull. Colon. Inst. Amst. I: 252-262- 4 (2t z 25-54, 16I-I88, 476-479 | 6L7-625. Kolff, D.H. 4(I) : 205-2LL, 462-479. Dourga. London¡ James Madden. xxiv + 365 pp. SchrÍeke, B. 1925. De zee in ethnographie en volks- Kriebel, D.J.C. 1919. Grond en waterscrechten in de kunde. pp. 283-286. In: D.A. Rinkes, N. van onderafdeeling Saleijer. Koloniaal Tijdschr. Zalinge & J.W. de Roever (eds. ) , Het Indische 8: 10 86-1109. Boek der Zee. weltevreden: Volkslectuur. Krisnandhi, S. 1969. The economic development of Schus water Indonesia ls sea fishing industry. ponds of Java. Spec. Publ. Indo-Pacif. Fish. Bull. pP. Indonesian Econ. Stud. 5 (1) : 49-72. Coun. l, 143 Le Bar, F.M. (ed.¡ L972. Ethnic groups Sidarto, A. and Atmowasono, H. L977. Policies and of Insular programmes Southeast Asia. Volume 1. Indonesia. Ne\¡t of artisanal fisheries development I ndones i.a . Lockhrood & Haven s Human Relations Àrea Files. viii + in PP. L57-L62 In: B. 236 pp. K. Ruddle (eds. ), Small Scale Fisheries Devel- Loeb, E. ¡{. 1935. Sumatra iÈs Histo P o e opment. Honolulu: East-West Center. Vrliener Bei trage zur urges n Skeat, l{.hl. 1900. Malay Magic. London: MacMillan xiv guistik 3, ix+350 pp. + 685 pp. Lombard, D. L974. La vision de la forêt à Java. Snouck Hurgronje, C. 1906. The Achehnese ( tr an s Iated Etudes Rurales 53-56z 473-485. by A.W.S. OrSuIIivan) s Volume 1. Leiden: Lombard, D. 1980. I€ Èhème de la mer dans les lit- Brill. xxi + 439 pp. tératures et les mentalit.és de Itarchipel in- Somadikarta, S. L962. Penyu Laut di Indonesia. Buku sulindien. Archipel 20: 3L7-328. Laporan Kongres Ilmu Pengetahuan Nasional Kedua Malinowski, B. 1918. Fishing in the Trobriand 5 (C-BioIogi): 573-585. Islands. Man I8: 87-92. Sopher , D. E. 1965. The sea nomads. Mem. natnm. Mus. Moss, R. 1925.-1he Life afÈer Death in Oceania and Singapore 5, x + 422 pp. the tutalay lr Sujastani, J. 1980. A review of Èhe current sÈate of sity. xii + 247 pp. the Indonesian marine fishery resource exploi- Nooy-Palm. H. 1968. The culture of the Pagai-Islands tation. Manila: South China Sea Fisheries and Sipora, Mentawci. Tropical Man I.. L52-24L. DevelopmenÈ and Coordinating Programme 28 pp. (nimeo ) .

L76 L77 TradiÈional Marine Practices in Indonesia Traditional Marine Practices in Indonesia

Sunadhiharga, O.K. L977. A prelininary study on the von Dewall, H. 1855. Aanteekeningen omtrenE de nord- ecology of the coral reef of Pombo Island. oostkust van Borneo. Tijdschr. indische Taat Mar. Res. Indonesia 17: 29-49. Land-en Volkenk. 4: 423-458. Teij snann, J.E. 1855. IeÈs over de !{idjojo Koesoemo Vosnaer, J.N. 1839. Korte beschrijving van heÈ zuid- (Pisonia sylvest.r is Teijsm. Binnd. ) . Natuurk. oostelijk schiereiland van Celebes Verh. Tijdschr. Ned.-rndië 9: 349-356. batav. cenoot. Kunst. WeÈ. L7: 61-184. Tilson, R.L. L977. Social organization of Simonkobu Wiggers, H. D. 1893. Schets van het Regentschap monkeys (Nasalis concolor) in Siberut. Island, kadjan, onderafdeeling Kadjan, afdeeling Indonesia. J. Manmal. 58: 202-2L2. Oosterdistricten, Gouvernement Celebes en Unar, M. L979. Perairan karang sebagai taman laut onder hoor igheden . d ndische Taal- dan aspek sumber perikanannya bagi tujuan Land-en Volkenk. 36 z 247-278. pengusahaanya . Bio Indonesia 6: 53-61. Yamashita, M. and Sutardjo. L977. Engineering Unesco. 1981. Mar and coastal processes in the aspects of brackish water pond culture in Pacific: aspects of coastal zone management. Indonesia. pp. 26L-280. In: Joint Unesco Rept. mar. Sci. 6, 20 pp. van der Kroef, J.M. 1954. Dualism and synbolic anti- ing, Volume 2. ¡.,lan thesis in Indonesian Society. Am. Anth. 56: Fisheries Development and CoordinaÈing Pro- 847-862. gramme. (ScS/cEN/77/L5). van der Sande, G.A.J. 1907. Ethnography and anthro= pology. Nova, Guinea 3, 390 pp. This paper was prepared for IUCNTs Comnission on van Heine-Geldern, R. 1945. prehistoric research in National Parks and Protected Areas in co-operation the Netherlands Indies. pp. L29-L67. In: p. with the United Nations Environment Programme. Honig & F. Verdoorn (eds.), .science and Scien- tists in the Nethertands rñ,ã.jlF-new -io-ñ-: Board for the Netherlahds IndTèE Surinan and Curacao. van Hoëvell, G. trl.hI.C. 1890a. De Aroe-e ilanden r 9êo- graphischer ethnographisch en commerciëel. Tijdschr. indische TaaI-Land-en Volkenk. 33: 57-101. van Hoëvell, G.Vl.W.C. I890b. de Kei-eilanden. indische Taal- nk. 33: van HoëvelI, G.ú{.W.C. 1890c. Tanimbar en Timorlaoet- eilanden. Tijdschr. indische TaaI-Iand-en Volkenk. 33 : 160-I86. - van Roosendaal, À.M. and van Kanpen, p.N. 1907. Verslag van der verrichtingen van het onder- zoek ingsvaar tuig "Gier'gedurene de tijdvak 2 Sept.ember I 907 (datu¡n van indienststelling) tot 1908. IvIeded. Vis eri'i Sta. Batavia 4z 1-36. van Royen, J.W. L927. De Palenbangsche marga en haar grond en watersrechten. Thesis, Rijksvmver- siteit, Leiden. van Soest, c.H. 186I. De visscherijen in Indie. Tijdschr. Ned.-Indië 23 (21 ¿ 9-23. Verloop, c.N. 1906. Beschouwingen over de voor- stellen der Welvaart-commisie in zake visscherij. Tijdschr. Nijv. Landb. Ned.-Indië 732 2L3-239, 337-349.

178 L79

_t Chapter Twelve

CUSTOMARY LAND TENURE AND CONSERVATION IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA

By Peter Eafon University of Papua New Guinea Papua New Guinea

ABSTRACT Many problems have been encountered in acquir ing and leasÍng customary land for natj-onal parks. A malor alternatj.ve is to permit customary groups to retain their ownership r ights , and involving them in park development. WiLdlife management areas already provide a precedent where some customary rights are maintained but there is agreement on rules of hunting and exploitati-on.

INTRODUCTION At the Conference on the Human Environment in the South Pacific held at Rarotonga this year one of the areas for conservation recommended as 'being of particular regional importance was defined as fol- ]ows: The study of traditional land and marine tenure systems and their reconciliation wj.th environmental management, especially in relation to conservation and the designation and management of reserves. In this paper I shalI attempt to examine this re- Iationship of customary land tenure to conservation in one of the countries of the region. In Papua New Guinea traditional societies have their own forms of resource management and conservation, but these have not always proved adequate to cope with changes resulting from population increase and new forms of economic activity. In many areas unique natural environments are threatened and there is a need to set aside land for conservation IBI Y_

Customary Land Tenure in Papua New Guinea Customary Land Tenure in Papua New Guinea l purposes. However, these Purpos.es may be impe-rfectly a ban on hunting it for a period of maybe six mont,hs ündårstood and often unappreciated by local land- or a year. Other moratoria on hunting might be associated with a Èaboo on a piece of land following the death of a relaÈive. Traditional religious and magic beliefs control the hunting or eating of many forms of wiIdIife. Some groups may have a particular association with a species of aninal or bird which prevents them from kilJ-ing it, perhaps because iÈ acts as the totern for their moiety or because of a belief that they were once descended from it. There is often a prohibition against the hunting of wild dogs¡ someÈirnes because they are regarded as guardians of a community, in other cases because it is feared that if you kill one they will steal a child in return. It is also believed that certain insectivorous birds, such as wagtails should not. be kiIled in gardens because the tribal grouP. they are really ghosts; this protecEs them and also helps to keep down insect pests. There may also be tenporary bans on hunting and CUSTOMARY LAND TENURE IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA eating wildlife at particular times of the year. These are often associated with agricultural activi- In Papua New Guinea this type of customary land ties. In parts of the Highlands, cassowaries may Èenure is prevailing over 972 of the country' not be hunÈed during the taro planÈing season and Aþsolute ownership of the Iand is vested in the in some coastal areas turtles are not hunted during kinship group or clan which retains control over the yam harvest. its ailoóatiõn, use of transfer. CerÈain rights In the territories of most Papua Ner,, Guinea are usually exercised concerning sweet qotato.r tarot villagers there are sacred areas where access is yu*" and öassava. Sago is a staple food in some restricted¡ here vegetation and wildlife should not ãreas and a variety of fruits and vegetables. are be disturbed. Some of these places are ceneteries, also produced. eigÀ are Ehe main domestic animals others are associated with iniÈiation rites. There [ãpt; they featurJ largely in ceremonies and gift are also places which belong to the spirits, ples .*õhung"", tfreir possession conferring social prgs- masalai, and are therefore protected. tige oi the ownei¡ they do noq provide a re.gular Traditional beliefs and techniques have helped suñpfy of meat. In some areas hunting may make up to protect the environment in the past and in many tor- aèfi.ciencies in diet¡ it may also be plumage areas are still operative. They have not, however, and other ornaments for decoration and ceremonial proved comprehensive or strong enough to withstand purposes. Wildlife hunted includes wallabies, croco- many of the present-day pressures associatèd $rith äifä", bandicooÈs, echidna, pigeonsr birds of Para- population increase and nobility, Èhe gro\.rth of the dise and cassowaries. In coastal areas dugongs and case economy and the adoption of new techniques of turtles are caughti fishing is inportant on Èhe hunting using the shotgun and nylon nets. Many types coral reefs and in the estuaries. of wildlife are becorning scarce and t,heir continued In many ways Èhe customary land tenure system existence threatened. In addition, large areas ot encouraged the conservaÈion and nanageme-nt of wild- forests have been destroyed by the activities of life reéources. It excluied hunters and collectors shifting cultivators, logging companies and com- who drd not come from the land-owning group' Rights mercial agricultural projects. Traditional cont.rols io Uit¿ of paradise display trees, megapode -b-reeding are no longer sufficient Èo deal with these Èhreats¡ grounds and- caves where bãts lived rt¡ere all jeal- new approaches have proved necessary. óusty guarded. There were also controls wiÈhin the grouþ=í it particular bird or animal seemed to be É..oÃittg scarcer^ then village leaders night decree L82 183 Customary Land Tenure in PaPua Ne\4t Guinea Custonary Land Tenure in Papua New Guinea

CONSERVATION MEASURES of out,siders, they do not always provide rigid enough controls over hunting by members of the group The main piece of specialist legislation protecting themselves. wildlife has been the Fauna (Protection and Control) In addition to the Fauna (protection and Con- Act,. This provides for the declaration of protected trol) Act, other environmental Iegislation includes fauna which can only be hunted by the indigenous three acts passed by Parliament in 1978. The En- inhabitants and then only by traditional methods and vironnental Planning Act requires developers to for traditional purposes. The Act also provides for submit a plan outlining the environmental impact of the estabtishment õf sanctuaries, protected areas any projecÈ Èhey propose to put into effect. The and wildlife management areas. Environmental Contaminants Act was intended to pre- In wildlife managemenE areas, the land remains vent and control different forms of pollution. Un- in the possession of t,he customary Iandowners who forÈunately neither of these acÈs has been fully form their own management commiÈtee which makes implemenÈed although developmenÈ plans for Iarge- rules to control the hunting of wildlife within the scale projects now usually have an environmentaÌ designated boundaries of the area. Altogether content. These may include the setting asj.de of tnirteen management areas have been declared and certain areas as reserves for the prot.ection of a many more have been proposed but not yeÈ gazetted. particular species. The first nanagement area to be established was at One example of these reserves is to be found Tonda in western Province. This is an area rich in in the Kumusi timber project, in the Northern prov- wildlife where the local people have made rules ince. Here three parts of the t.imber rights purchase restricting hunting by outsiders. Any visitors must area have been set aside to preserve the habit.at of buy a licence or Pay fees if they wish to hunt deer the Queen Alexandra Birdwing, the worldts largest shoot duck or go fishing. ' butÈerfly. A fortunate factor in this case is that other wildlife management areas are at Pokili the vine which is the butterflyrs only source of and Garu in West New Britain. Here the main aim is food grows best in secondary forest which is not the to protect the breeding grounds of the megapodes most produc!ive area for logging. A problem with who Iay their eggs in the vrarm sands near volcanic this and other protected areas in timber projects springs. These eggs have Èraditionally been a source is that Èhe owners of the reserves wiII have to of food and income for the local people¡ they became forgo the royalties which are paid to their neigh- worried about over-collection, hunting of the birds bours. The question arises here, as in other types and the destruction of their habitat by tree- of conservation areas, as to wheÈher customary land- felling. The rules of these areas noe, forbid shot O\^rners should receive an v compensation in return for guns, dogs and logging in the breeding areas¡ the forgoing the financial benefits that might accrue number of eggs collected is controlled and outsiders to them from the development of their resources. are not allowed Èo take any. The third piece of legislation, the Environ- Some wildlife management areas are designed to mental Planning Areas Act, was passed in 1978. This protect marine resources. One at Maza in the Western provided for conservation of sites and areas having Þrovince is concerned with the control of dugong "particular biological, topographical, geographical, hunting? another on Long Island aims to ProÈect scientific or social imporÈance". Under the Act turÈIes frorn over-exploitation. Iand would not change ownership but it would be The great advantage of wildlife management administered by a management commit.tee on which the areas is that local people are involved in Èheir customary landowners would be represented. Any initiation and rnanagernenÈi they are not imposed by development which would alter the existing use of the government fron outside. There are no problems land in a conservation area is forbidden unless it of transfer of land, all rights are reÈained by the has the approval of the lvlinister for Environrnent and custo¡nary owners. The Procedures involved are suf- Conservation. No conservation areas have yet been ficiently flexible to allow each area to be treated declared, mainly it seems because of shortage of as a separate case and for rules to be drawn up staff to carry out the initial work of investigation according to the particular local problems. Their and establishment of the areas. There also stiII main lirniÈation would seem Èo be that although they seems to be some confusion over the function and may be very effective in restricting Èhe activities status of t,hese areas in relation to the existing

184 185 Customary Land 'fenure in Papua Nevt Guinea CusÈomary Land Tenure in Papua New Guinea

national park system. the valley of the Bulolo River. This has caused some confusion concerning park boundaries. At one Èime the boundary ran along the river and included NATIONAL PARKS some of the areas leased for mining, but it has now been amended to exclude Lhem. problems have still The first areas to be renewed for national parks in arisen when miners have illegally squatted on park Papua New Guinea l^tere Èhe McAdarn Park in L962 and Iand and cleared forest, to make gardens. A threat Variarata in 1963. Both $/ere placed under the super- from nining interests on a rather larger scale oc- vision of the National Parks Board when it was es- curred when Èhe large Australian corporation, Broken tablished in 1967. Since Èhen several smaller parks HiIl Proprietory, aþplied for a proõpecting licence have been declared under different classifications. in an area which included Èhe park, but this appli- Two small islands off eäsÈ New Britain coast, nanuk cation was withdrawn after opposition fron the and Talele, have been designated as a provincial National Parks Board. park and a nature reserve respectively. A two hec- In Variarata National park, extension of the tare area at Cape l^Jom' which \¡tas the site of t,he park area has been prevented by the local Koiari Japanese surrender in the country at the end of the people who have disputed the government's title to Second World War, has been declared an international land adjacent to Èhe park. There have also been memorial park. Another historical site associated problems of burning the forest in the park area. with the war has been gazetted at Namenatabu near Most, of the new areas proposed for national Port Moresby. Other types of park are the Kokoda Trail Walking Track and the Baiyer River Sanctuary; the latter is important for its collection of birds of paradise and other indigenous fauna. The first fuII national parks' Variarata and McAdam, were established on what was considered to ation of the land. Neverthel_ess, leasing does have þe government Iand, but this has not always Pre- a nunber J @ntea Iand dispuÈes which have affected their de- of very distinct advantages. The local velopment. McAdam provides a good examPle of t,he landown-ing group will not feel they are losing problems that. may arise due to conflicting land their land perrnanently. They should maintain an righÈs. This park occupies an area of 2'080 ha on interest in park area and its developrnent¡ in some the western sj.de of the Bulolo River VaIIey. It is cases, such as Mount Gahavisuka in the Eastern of particular interest because of its naÈural veg- Highlands, lhey have expressed an interest in taking etation of hoop and klinki pine. In the past its over the management when the lease comes to an end. steep and precipitous topography had been a deter- Financially, it means that the iniÈial costs t.o the rent to both shifting cultivation and to commercial government are reduced, while the custonary land- logging operations. The land was in fact originally owners are guaranteed a regular income from the part of an area acquired by the colonial government rent. Under the lease arrangements the customary as being "waste and vacanttt. After self-government olrners may also be allowed to retain certain tra- iÈ was decided thaÈ conpensation would be paid to ditional righÈs. Examples of these that have been local people who had clains to historical ownership discussed in relation to proposed parks include of the land. The ProspecÈ of a cash settlenenÈ crocodile hunÈing in Lake Dakataua, fern collecting stimulated three groups Èo assert rival claims to on Mount vtilheln and fishing on Hor.seshoe Reef. The t.he land on the grounds that their ancestors had problem that would seen to arise here is to deter- fought, hunted and made gardens in the area. At- mine to what extent the maintenance of these tra- tenpts at arbitration failed and eventually the case ditional rights is compatibte with the conservation went before a local land court where, after much aims of the park. Should they be extended Èo in- deliberation, it was decided that any payments clude rights to clear and burn areas of bush? Gen- should be divided between the three grouPS. erally, it has been felt that the low population Other problems in McAdam were caused by mining densities in the areas affected should allow mul- activities. Gold is mined i.n a series of sma1l-scale t.iple land use without conflict between declaraÈion operations from the alluvial sands and gravel along of the park should prevent major danage to its re- 186 r87 }l Customary Land Tenure in Papua New Guinea Customary Land Tenure in Papua New Guinea sources which mighÈ occur through nining' Èimber there $rere not thought to be any valuable minerals project.s, industry or commercial agricultural devel- or other resources in the area. opment. At this stage, when it seemed likely Èhat the At present' the effectiveness of lease arrange- park would be established, a group of local land- ments cannot be fuIIy evaluated. Negotiations to o\¡rners started to protest against it. They seem to esÈablish a provinciat park at Mount Gahavisuka in have been led by a local government councillor who the Eastern Highlands seen to have been successful. had been absent from the neet.ing when the park was In the case of Mount, lVilhel, ghe highest mountain first. discussed. It was decided that the Minister in Papua New Guinea, the negotiations to lease the himself should visit the area. He held another area have been abandoned and instead the National meeting at the village, att.ended by about a hundred Parks Board decided on óutright purchase. Fre- peopler ênd left satisfied that all had agreed to quentlyr lease arrangements have met wiÈh delays the park. There did, howeverr still seen to have ánd obstacles, as in the fotlowing case study of a been some doubts among the Iandowners. ñnong the proposed national park at Lake Dakataua. quest,ions they asked were: a) Vilould they or the government get the en- LAKE DAKATAUA trance fees fron the visitors to the park? b) How long would their land be alienated for? Lake Dakataua is located in the northern Part of c) !'Iould the National Parks Board build a road the Willaumez Peninsula in West New Britain. It is to the park from the nearest town, Talasea? a caldera lake in an area of volcanic activity; d) I¡iould their traditional rights to hunÈing natural features include hot springs' nud flows and be allowed? dormant volcanoes. The ¡nain natural vegetation is Iowland rain forest and there is a variety of wild- Only a week after t,he neeting, a group of Il men life which includes crocodiles in the lake. visited the office of the Provincial Conmissioner The area around the lake is sparsely populated. and expressed Èheir concern about their lack of The main village is called Bulu Miri and it has knowledge and understanding in relation to the pro- about 150 inhabitants. The people Iive mainly by posed park developnent. The National parks Board subsistence agriculture, hunting and fishing; shell was again asked to send an officer to hold another collecting is also a source of income. meeting with the people. The Board was not able to In nearby areas of West New Brit,ain there had send anybody at that tirne because of shortages of been considerable economic development associated staff and ttavel fundsr ând since then there has with the tinber industry and oil palm growing. It been lit,tle progress in establishing the park. \¡ras feared that the unique natural environment of The Lake Dakataua case does illustrate some of the area around the lake night be destroyed unless the difficulties in negoÈiations wit,h customary neasures were taken to protect it. landowners. There is the need for general agreement Original suggestions for a park included both with t,he group to the transfer of land. There are Lake Dakataua and Mount BoIa to the south buts the problems caused if landowners are absent during the Iatter vras excluded because timber rights' had early investigations and meetings. There are ob- already been purchased for part of the area. Inves- stacles caused by dissension within the group and tigations began in L974 when a meeting was held political aspirations anong its members. There is between National Parks officers and the customary also the difficulty that Èhe landowners may have in Iandowners at BuIu l,luri village. Leaders of three understanding t,he implications of park development clans and nine sub-clans were present and they I and natural resource conservation. The landowner agreed to lease land to the Government for a park. I may perceive the establishment of a park as a means In 1975. a submission was made Lo the Cabinet I by which he can get greater benefit from the re- by Mr St.ephen Tago, who was then Minister for the sources of the area. In addition to the rent or Environment and Conservation. It proPosed a park purchase price, there nay be income from tourists of approximately I0'350 ha which would include the I or fron employment in the park. There may also be Iake and the land around it. Other government de- the opportunity to obtain roads and other forms of partmenÈs h,ere consulted and raised few objections¡ I service. However, if other types of development, I rl 188 ;l 189 JI ¡l Y

CusÈomary Land Tenure in Papua New Guinea Customary Land Tenure in Papua Ne\^t Guinea

such as a timber projecÈ, seem to offer greaÈer cultivation, hunÈing and food collection r ights, moneÈary rewards and services, then it is inevitable while the park authorit,ies are given the right to that many rural people from poor and disadvantaged develop footpaths and other facilities r Intith visi- areas will prefer this Èype of developnenÈ. The tors having rights of access to the park. If a zon- need to protecÈ. wildlife is understood, but the ing sysÈem of land use htas also a feature of park establishment of a conservation area is often seen management, there could be provisions for a wilder- as something which proÈects the animals and birds ness reserve area in which t.here would be no dis- trom the depredations of outsiders and noÈ something turbance of the naÈural environment. which affects their own hunting rights. Parks on cusÈomary land could be started at The education and extension role of National relatively low costs to Èhe Government and with the Parks officers is obviously important in helping to minimum disÈurbance of the Èraditional economy and expJ-ain the objectives and inplications of park systems of Èenure. At the same tine it would be development. There is a need for fuII discussion development compatible with the fourth national goal during invesÈigations and to follow these up when as expressed in the Constitution: "... for Papua problems arise. Lack of staff and finance have too New Guinears natural resources and environment to often been rest,raints in preventing park investi- be conserved and used for the collective benefit of gation and establishnent. us aII, and be replenished for future generationsrr.

CONCLUSIONS The problems and delays that have occurred in at- ternpts to acquire or lease customary land, make it worthwhile examining alternative ¡neÈhods by which parks may be developed. There haver for example, been cases where local groups have expressed an interest in making gifts of parts of the land to be developed as parks. This has occurred at Mount tsrown and Mount Miria in Central Province, alt.hough the inaccessibility of these mounÈains has to daÈe prevented any further developnent. Outr ight gifts will probably be rare, but another possibility is thaL customary groups should retsain their ownership rights but allow the park authority to develop footpaths and other facilities. The landowners could be involved in park development, which would provide some employment and incorne. The scenery, natural vegeCation and wild- Iife could be preserved by means of agreenents and by-laws restricting other forms of land use. WiId- Iife management areas already provide a precedent for this in Papua New Guinea¡ t.he custonary landowners maintain their rights but agree on rules to hunting and other forms of wildlife exploitation. In many countries national parks have been developed on privately oþrned land, there is no reason why they should not be established on customary owned land. There would be a need for full agreement and understanding between the park authorities and lando$¡ners on Èhe rights involved. These might weII allow the customary owners to retain their I t.l l-9 0 I9I ri Chapter Thirteen TRADITIONAL MARINE RESOURCE MANAGEMENT IN THE PACIFIC

By cary A. Klee Associate Professor of Environmental Studies San Jose SÈate UniversitY San Jose, CA 95L92' USA

ABSTRACT Many SouÈh Pacific islanders possessed and continue to possess a wealth of environmental knowledge, including traditional systems of resource management- Traditional conservation practices of many South Pacj.tic cultures were once highly effective, and, rf supported or adapted to modern conditions, could continue to be so. lrlhat follows is a brief overview of various cultural practices that have tradition- aIIy affected mar ine resource management in the Pacific.

INTRODUCTION The types and importance of marine conservation in oceania dwarfs all other forms of traditional conservation practj.ces - as one mighÈ expect of peoples who live along the margins of the sea. In most areas of the Pacific, fishingr the gathering of shellfish' the hunÈing of different kinds of sea mammals, and the capture of turtles constituted an important source of prot,ein which supplements a diet of ter- restrial plants and animals. These aquaÈic resources were safeguarded by a variety of means: (l) a high dêgree of environmental awareness' (2) skilled conservation officers and master fishermen' (3) a complex system of marine tenure, (4) a variety of magico-religious taboos, enforced by (5) strict f j.nes and punishment r- pnd (6) a var iety of methods to conserve sea foodsl/. Envrronmental knowledge was central to most forms of traditional conservation pracÈices in Oceania. The native islanders by necessity lived close to r93 in the Pacific Marine Resources in the Pacific Marine Resources nature and had the ability to read the diurnal' affecting fisher ies. No 1arge, organized monthlyr ând seasonal cycles of their environment. fishing parties were formed without his To the Polynesian, Micronesian, and Melanesian' the permission, and he led aII comnunal turtle heavens anã the phases of nature served as a clock hunts. The master fishernan thus ProtecÈed and calendar to be read and sometimes acted upon' the islandts marine resources from over- The position of the sun' the rising and setting of exploitation, and by taking advantage of the ètars, the waxing and waning of the noon' the his knowledge of the optinum conditions ebb and flow of the tide, the changing wind direc- for fishing' ensured an optimum Èake- the tions, the height of the breakers on the reef, placed on natural smell within the village, the seasonal vari- Marine Èenure systems that restrictions ances of terrestr iaI flora and fauna, and the geographic area' season. specific species' and food aquatic cycles, all served as a system of time type helped regulate th-e harvesting of aquatic re- ând¡ consequently played a major role- in sources. rãckoning¡ Fishing r ights to specific areas surrounding the understanding of life histories, mating seasons' an island were often controlled by local chiefs.o,r habiÈat requirements, and other basic knowledge of personal the plants and animals within their environment. simply claimed as their own Propertya/. With this high degree of environmental aware- In the iormer case' islanders would have to ask \¡tere able to regulate permission of the chief to fish in the lagoon' on ness, many island cultures Lne reef, and out at sea. In the latter case, vil- tneir harvest and use of wild plants and animals on chiefrs a sustained yield basis. Daily activities were lagers were comPletely restricted from the being the choice fishing spots. In both cases, some form of geared to the cycJ-es of nature. Fishing' involved. mosÈ cyclicat of human activitiesr was carried-out reguJ-ation vras as The opening and closing of fishing seasons l^tas according to the reading of the heavens as well Some- starsr âDd also a tool in managing marine exploitation. the phases of nature. The moon, tides' the restriction was for economic reasons to f ish rnigratj.ons haci a direct bearing on the movement tines fishermen. Since the reef, allow a depleted supply to recover or to conserv/e and activities of island the supply for some festival in the near futurel/. lagoon, and sea l¡tere primarily Èhe domain and habi- mark of respect was that the men led a At other times, it was applied as a tat of the men, it natural some other ethnical or life that was closest to the cycles of nature- :.n the death of the.ruler or the religious purpose9/. Closed seasons were also Although the women would occasionally comb applied to rese_rve particular aquatic life for the tidal flats for shellfish, sea urchj'ns, sea cucum- / bers and some varieties of small fishr their activi- .ur.t or cníef.s1 . Ehe in the Specific species regulation was also incorpor- ties were prirnarily concentrated on land ated into traditional tenure schemes of narine man- cultivaLioñ of taro' an activity that varies little sPawning season, specific with the seasons. agement. During their ecol- fj,sh such as albacore, bonito, an{,rock cod were Master fishermen who acEed as fisheries' protected the Society IsIands9/. P.H. Buck ogists and conservation officers were^ ,predominant in the iecords the regulation of more exotic aquatic lifet iÁ eolynesia, Micronesiar and MelanesíaZ/. rn Mangareva Islands. In Lau Islands, for example, R. Allen records the fol- such as the octopus' in the passageV'. order Èo keep this "royal fish" in abundant supplyt lowing interesting the Mangareva islanders would erect a tree branch as a s Ígn to \^tar n other s that par ticular islet on Each of the Lau Islands also enjoyed the the outer reef was restricted territory for octopus service of a ndau ni nggoli r a master fishing. After a closed period of time' a master fisherman and authority on the island's fisherman would then gather some octopuses and pre- fish lore and fishing techniques. The them to the king. The restriction $ras then f isherman's job \,ras to act as a sent naster withdr awn9/ . fisheries' ecologist, studying the habits Food avoidances also played a role in naintain- of all the edible mar ine species, the grounds, the inci- ing aquatic- resources. Some species couldr^o¡Iy be state of the fishing eaten by chiefs, or chiefs and pr iestsl9z . Iri dence of toxic plants that might render other cases, certain animals vrere restricted- to fish Poisonous r ând aII other natters 195 L94 Resources in the Pacific Marine Resources in the Pacific Marine Throughout the MarshaIls the reefs were claimed by the iroij (king or paramount chief) as emo (forbiddenr taboo) or personal property if the fishing was good around them... After this taboo was in- sÈituted, no one else was permitted to fish that particular reef... Other people were afraid to disobey the taboo until it was Iifted by government edict... SmaII islands vrere also gccasionally tabooedt e.g. Kaben, a srnall island with a few trees on it on Wotto AtoII' was taken by the iroij for his personal use because of tt¡e aUun¿ance of coconut crabs on it. Eno (forbidden) fishing sites v¡ere in exist= ence on every atoll. These magico-religious taboos thaE governed Pacific island tenure systems were enforced by strict fines and punishment. Offenders could sometimes expect severe if not fatal punishment for what seems a trifling matter. In Pukapuka, E. Beaglehole recorded that Erespassers in a fishing reserve which belonged to another village might be punished by fines in nuts levied by- Çhe guards of Èhe village whose reef $ras violate¿?f/. If one tresPassed on tabooed fishing reserves in the Marshall Islandsr one could expecÈ the penalty of death or expulsion from the i,sLan&. Severe punishments of taboo violations were recorded in Hawaii and Mangareva' as well^as many other islands throughout the"pacific region2l/. These penalties for breaking taboos held the people in strict obedience. The conservation of sea foods was the final major ¡neans by which Pacific islanders conserved their aquatic reso ds were used to capturer r Èurtle crop until needed desired size. Taro fields an,Erea in which shrimP an d¿4/. Food preservation methods lirere widespread and helped strètch the available supply of aquatic re- souices. Basically, Èhree methods were used: sun I drying, smoking, salting, or combinatigns of salt- I ing, soaking in brine, and sun dryingz)/.

INADVERTENT V. RECOGNIZED CONSERVATION PRACTICES

I A good number of the above-mentioned techniques \{ere employed consciously and explicitly for conservaÈion

L9'1 196 Marine Resources in the Pacific Marine Resources in the Pacific purposes. However, a nunber of practices were fre- vation measures work. But I am ccnfident queñtfy bound up in religious and social rituals that some did work. The inhabitants of and customsr ând, consequentlyr $¡ere not acLually Oceania have had centuries to test these recognized for their conservation qualities- Other neasures by tr ial and error . Even in practices were only sometimes carried out for their Hawaii, where the fishermenr by virtue of conserving qualities. their nore inÈense contact with the vilest' Marine resources were conserved by using such have probably lost nore of their tra- clearly recognized practices as using an overseer ditional marine lore than elsewhere in of fisheries resources, restricting the harvesting oceaniar their knowledge of marine ecology of specific species r restricting the numbers of clearly surpasses that of the marine bio- fishermen on a reef at any one time, conserving sea Iogist in some \days. I went as a consult- foods Èhrough Èraps and fish ponds, preserving sea anÈ to a fishermen's meeting in Hawaii a foods by sun drying, smoking, salting, and using a few months ago and came away having system of Èaboos for restricting purposesr ênd using Iearned ¡nore from them than they learned a system of fines and punishment for offenders. from me27 / . Clearly inadvertent practices that conserved aquatic resources were those such as restricting the eating of certain foods to certain social classes, REVIVING, REINFORCING, AND/OR MODIFYTNG sexes, or cIans, prohibiting fishing on the death TRADITIONAL CONSERVATION PRACTICES of an important j.ndividual, and prohibiting women from particular types of fishing. It is possible to hypothesize about the lapsed or Certain practices such as allocating fishing dying-out attitudes and practices that might be righÈs to specific areasr êûd the opening and clos- revived, reinforced, and/or modified. Such marine ing of fishing seasons vrere sometines but not always conservation practices as fishing seasonsr specific initiated for the purpose of conserving resources. species regulation, traPS and fish ponds, and In the first case, fishing righÈs to specific areas methods of food preservation could probably be were often claimed by local chiefs for strictly revj.ved and/or reinforced within an area withouÈ selfish reasons. on the other hand, master fisher- too much difficulty or modification. men sometimes controlled fishing rights in an area However, re-establishing the degree of environ- for the express purpose of regulating the exploi- mental awarenessr the concePt of ttmaster fishermantt, tation of aquaÈic resources. In the second case' fishing rights to specific aeograPhic areas, rnagico- the opening and closing of fishing seasons was some- religious taboos, and related fines and punishment times done for the express PurPose of allowing a would often require a high degree of modification depleted supply to recover i ot,her times, this to fit present-day conditions. For example ' the measure was merely instituted as a religious sign "conservation ethic'r behind an indigenous religion of respect for a dead ruler. might be revived and reinforced without doing the same for the magical aspects (i.e. many Christians support the Ten Commandments without actually be- DEGREE OF EFFECTIVENESS IÍeving or supporting tbe origin of these ideas). The severity of fines and punishment nighc also be Exa¡nination of past forms of traditional marine re- modified a bit to meet universally excepted humani- source management in Oceania would seem to indicate tarian standards. that most of t.he region I s peoples l¡tere ef f ecÈive Food avoidance based on class or sexual dif- conservationists. Several authors have specifically ferences probably could not (and should not) be cited the effectiveness .of traditional rnarine con- revived or reinforced: the notion of equality' as servation techniques2-S/. Robert Johannesr a marine well as eÈhnic pride' is sweeping throughout the biologist, states the problem most clearly: islands. Howeverr if food avoidances according to class or sex lines remains to some degree in a par- "But did these pracÈices really work?" it ticular culturer the Practice should not be dis- might be asked. Certainly not all of then couraged fox it does play a role in conserving re- workedr ârìy more than aII western conser- sources.

198 199 Marine Resources in the Pacific Marine Resources in Èhe Pacific

CONCLUSION Museum Press, 1965), p. 345¡ and B. Malinowski, These older, long-sÈanding systems of conservation and resource management have much to teach the p. 51. modern-day resource manager. First and foremostt 2. E.S.C. Handy. Houses, Boats, and Fishing the modern-day resource rnanager can heighten Þi" in the Society Islands ( HonoIuIu. B.P. Bishop Museum own awareness of the local environment by mentally Press, L932, , p. 74i W .H. Alkire, "Lamotrek Atoll combining t\.to culturally different temporal frame- and Inter-Island Socio-economic Ties" in IIIinois works. ÈV fusing his own system of tine-reckoning Studies in Anthropoloqy (Urbana: University of (the Swiss waÈch and the Gregorian calendar) with IIIinois Press, 1965), p. 69¡ and R. Allen, "Eco- that of the indigenous culture's system (the nove- development and Traditional Natural Resource Man- ment of the sun, moon, stars, tidesr and so on)r the agement in the Sout.h Pacific", paper presented at modern-day resource manager can see Èhe heavens and the Second Regional Symposium of Conservation of the phases of nature in new perspective. Nature, Apia. hlestern Samoa, I4-L7 June 1976, p. 10 To be more specific' the western marine bio- (mineographed). logist can learn a variety of types of information, 3. Allen, op. cit. footnote 2. such as the lunar periodicity of the spawning of 4. P. B. Sauder. "Guam: Land Tenure in a fish¡ t.he locat.ion and traditional regulation of Fortress'r, in Land Ienure in the Pacific, êd. Ron marine preserves¡ Èhe fishing grounds used by a Crocombe (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, L91L), particular village; the effect of rainfaII, winds, p. L92¡ Handy, op. cit., footnot,e 2¡ and J.E. Tobin, currentsr and temPerature on fishing conditions and "Land Tenure in Èhe Marshall Islands'r, Atoll Re- the habits of cerÈain fish¡ the tirnes, places¡ âûd search Bulletin (Washington, D.C. : Sm-ÏEñ6ñfãn seasons of optimum fishing¡ the peculiarities of Presst L952,, p. I1. different islands and different parts of the coasts 5. K.B. Cumberland and J.S. WhiteIaw, New of larger islands on fish habits and nigration¡ lhe Zealand (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, Lg'lîl; rncideñce of toxic plants that might render fish p. 22¿ N. Meller and H. Horwitz, "Hawaii: Themes in poisonous; t.he traditional regulations regarding Land Monopolyrr, in Land Tenure in the Pacific, êd. fishing rights, closed seasons, and specific Ron Crocombe ltlelbo ress, species; the optimum days for particular fishing 1971), p. 27¡ and M. Ticornb, Native Use of Fish in techniques ¡ the construction and ProPer use of Hawaii (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, traps and ponds for fish conservation¡ the various L912), p. 13. methods of fish preservationi the traditional con- 6. R.W. !{illiamson. The Social and Political servation eÈhici and related fines and punishment. Systems of Central Polynesia, (Cambridge University According to E.S.C.- Handy and others, "the experi- Press, L924),-: 25O. enced native fisherman is possessed of a store of 7. Buck, op. cit., footnote 1, p. 161. precise knowledge Fhet may be truly characterized 8. Handy, op. cit. footnote 2. as natural science"¿ó/. 9. Buck, op. cit., footnote I p. 302 Traditional conservation methods should be I0. Meller and Horwitz, op. cit., footnote 5, respectedr emulated, and possibly preservedf noÈ p. 27; I¡lilliamsonr op. cit.. footnote 6, p.146i and thoughtlessly replacedt litt1e ti¡ne remains to E.S.C. Handy , Polynesian Religion (Honolulu: B.P. identify, record, and possibly Preserve some of Bishop Museum Press, L927, p. L29. these traditional sysÈems of conservation manage- II. Handy, op. cit., footnote 2, p. L29. menÈ. L2. hlilliamsonr op. cit., footnote 6, p. L47¡ and M. Titcomb. op. cit., footnote 5 p. lI. I3. Alkire, op. cit., footnote 2i Handy, op. REFERENCES cit., footnote 2¡ and R.P. Ovren, "The Status of Conservation in the Trust Territory of the Pacific I. P.H Buck. Ethnology on Mangareva IsIands", Micronesia, VoI. 5. (1969), p. 303. Press 1938) 289 ¡ 14. J. L. Fischer. The Eastern Carolines (HonoIulu. B. P. Bishop l"luseum ' ' P. K.P. Emory. Kapingamauangi ¡ Social and ReI is ious (Connecticut: Pacific Science Board in Association r,ife of a Polvnesian AtoII (Honolulu: B.P. BishoP with the Human Relations Area Files, 1957), p. 139. 200 20L v wlarine Resources in the Pacific

15. M. l{ead. "The Samoans", ín Cooperation Section Four and Competition Among Primitive PeoPles' ed. M. Nlead (Boston: Beacon Press' 196l) P. 29L. CONSERVATION AND ENVIRONMENTAL PLANNING I6. E. Beaglehole and P.' Beaglehole. Ethnolo qV BY THE PEOPLE of Pukapuka (Honolulu: B.P. Bishop Museum Press, 1938) | p. 32. I7. Williamson r oP. cit. I footnote 6. lB. Buck, op. cit. , footnote I p. 494i and AIki-rer oP., footnote 2. I9. Wil-liamsonr oP. cit.' footnote 6. 295. 20. Tobin, op. cit. footnote 4. 2L. E. Beaglehole ' and P. Beaglehole. op. cit. , footnote J-6, p.33. 22. Tobin, op. cit., footnote 4. 23. Titcombr op. c j-t. footnote 5, p. 13; and INTRODUCTION Buck, op. clt., footnote I' ' p.494. 24. F.M. Reinman. "Fishing: An Aspect of Thus far we have pointed to management systems that oceanic Economy", Fieldiana: Anthropology, Vol. 56. work through and with the local peopler and we have (I967), p. L92. emphasized the value of the traditional knowledge 25. Reinman, oP. cit. footnote 24, pp. þase. At some point j-n the argument and the his- L92-L93. ' tor ical process, management ceases to be top-dolvn 26. AlIenr oP. cit.' footnote 2; Reinmanr oP. and the tasks of conservation are taken over by the cit., footnote 24, pp. L92-L93i and owen' op. cit.' people. At this poj-nt, conservation refl-ects a footnote 13. popular ideology and ethic. In many ways this is 27 . R. E. Johannes. "Exploitation and Degra- the ideal goal seldom realized and we have very few dation of Shallow Marine Food Resources in oceania", accounts of such success stor ies , nor do we know IN I of Urban Centers in the Pacific, eds. what kj-nds of social contexts and dynami-cs favour R. ce e u u: Pacific th:.s process. Some experiences of conservation by Science Association, I975), p. 60. the people are presented here and a future task 28. Handy, op. cit., footnote 2, p. 76. should certainly be to encourage research and action in this area.

203 202 Chapter Fourteen

PEOPLE, TREES AND ANTELOPES IN THE INDIAN DESERT

K. S. Sankhala 2l Duleshwar Garden Jaipur 302 001, India and Peter Jackson CH-II7l Bougy, Swit.zerland

ABSTRACT Wildlife has been decimaÈed in the past half century in most of Indiar âDd only recently have official conservation programmes been successful in holding the Iine. Even so, the plains that once swarned with anteJ-ope and gazelle are now barren - except in some extensive tracÈs of the desert state of Rajasthan and neighbouring areas where herds roam freely in the fields and among the livestock of the Bishnoi community. Four hundred years ago a young man of the area perceived that protection of nature and wildlife was necessary for human welfare. His 29 principles of Iife, from which his followers took their name of Bishnois or "Twentyniners", included a conservation ethic which has survived the centuries and is as much a reality today as always.

When you travel hrest from Delhi the soil quickly becomes sandier and the vegetation sparser. PaÈches of sand become more frequent and larger, and there are fewer trees. You are entering the Thar desert and you could travel in these arid Iands right through Iran to the Middle East, where they join Èhe deserts of Arabia and continue across North Africa to the shores of the AÈlantic. The Thar was not always like this, for great fossil tree trunks enbedded in the soil show that moister conditions existed tens of nillions of years ago. Even I00 years a9o, when ar id conditions already held sway, trees, bushes and grasses adapted to the cÌimate spread across the landscape, providing food, shade and shelter for vast herds of blackbuck (the Indian antelope, Antilope cervicapra) and gazelles (Chinkar¿ or Indian gazelle r Gazella 205 People and Wildlife in Indian DeserÈ Peopl-e and Wildlife in Indian Desert

gazella) , fox wolves, foxes, hares, eagles , buz- the village of Pipasar' grew up fascinated by the zatds, falcons, bustards, sandgrouse and a host of nature around him. When herding the family cattle other animals. The human population consisted of he lay in the shade of the Èrees and watched with Bhils, hunÈer-gatherers whose origin is Iost in the wonder the graceful antics of the blackbuck and mists of time, and the Aryan Hindus, who arrived chinkara. Already much destruction of the vegetation some 3r000 years ago with thej.r herds of cattle, had taken place, and, when droughts came' food for sheep and goats, and pushed Èhe Bhils into Iess man and Iivestock became scarce. As conditions favourable areas. worsened during one prolonged drought he realized The grazing and browsing herds increased in that humans had themselves contr ibuÈed to thei-r numbers and ravaged the vegetation, eating the pllght by cutting trees and allowing their cattle' grasses, sheep and goats to overwhelm t,he vegetation. The l leaves and seeds and seedlings. while large food. j trees fell to the axe. The advance of the desert wild animals he loved were hunted down for accelerated; t,he capacity of the land to withstand But stiIl people and Iivestock starved. Èhe periodical droughts diminished¡ and long mi- Jarnboji, as the young man was familiarly known, grations became necessary to find fodder in hard had a vision in which he saw man bringing disaster tines. In the pasÈ century the wildlife has been on himself by destroying nature. It led him to il hunted nearly to extinction, particularly since the renounce his inheritance and undertake a mission to Second blorld hlar, when firearms proliferated and teach peopte to care for their health and environ- the go-anywhere jeep opened up vast areas which ment. Jamboji enunciated 29 principles for living' were formerly difficult of access and had served as and his followers became known as Bishnois or refuges for the wild animals. "'Iwentyniner s" . tÌ The 29 principles set out forms of worship' ri The traveller reflecting on this sad story as he passes Èhrough the barren land will suddenly be including prayer, fasting and sacrifice of grain I Èhe symbol of .t brought up short by what seems a vision. A herd of and ghee (clarified butter) to fire, blackbuck grazes peacefully near the roadside i cod. They prescribe hygiene through daily bathing' chinkara nibble at bushes¡ a covey of partridges purification of water, and non-acceptance of food scurries across the road; and he realizes that real from unpurified people. Menstruating women must trees cover the landscape, which is dotÈed with not do household work. A Bishnoi should refrain ;l villages and farrns. In a devastated world it seems from eating meat, from taking drugs of aII kinds' unbelievable. But it is real. This is the land of and renounce angerr desire and iIIiciÈ sex. t the Bishnois, a Hindu sect for whom protection of Among the principtes are three which demon- I i trees and wild animals is a religious duty. strate Jamboji's extraordinary environmenÈal percep- Such a vision confronted me when I drove into tion - Bishnois are enjoined to Iove aIl forms of I the Thar desert with Kailash Sankhala, Rajasthanrs Iife, to protect beneficial animals' and not to cut Chief t¡¡iIdIife ü¡arden. I was eager to phoÈograph living trees. the blackbuck and chinkara in these idyllic sur- Jarnbojirs preaching had immediate inpact and rounctings, but as \¡re manoeuvred into position a his following grew quickly. Today Èhere are tens r^¡oman emerged f rom a nearby house and shepherded of thousands of practising Bishnois. The men dress the animals away from us. üle were surrounded by in white and sPort large turbans to protect their men and boys, who demanded to know who h¡e erere, and heads from Èhe hoÈ sun. Women favour red and make why we were "harrying" the herds. Fortunately, we a colourful sight as they gather at the village were able to explain that \¡¡e were wildlife conser- vrells or work in the fields. vationists, and expressed our pleasure at seeing Ëlishnois today may not live up to all Jamboji's how well wild animals and trees $rere cared for in precepts - for insÈance ' they are not above enjoying that area. I say "fortunate" because the Bishnois ã aaU of opium on their tongues when taking tea have been known to assault, and even kill poachers. but their environment shows thaÈ they have certainly With our credentials established ure were hospitably protected animals and trees for cenEuries, while received and invit.ed to join in refreshments. destruction continued all around. And Èhere I learned more of the remarkable The handsome Bishnoi women once demonsÈrated Bishnois. In the late l5th century a young man their convictions in a truly remarkable way. In named Jambeshwar, who was the son of the headman of 1730 the Maharajah Ajit Singh decided to build a 206 207

, People and !ùildlife in Indian Desert People and ¡fildlife in Indian Desert

new palace of t.he local red sandstone on the tower- Iamp burns before a garlanded portrait of a white- ing rocks of Jodhpur. Lime was needed for construc- bearded Jamboji, and nearby stands a gnarled sur- tion, and Èherefore wood to fuel the kilns. There vivor of the trees which were cut down. Every year $¡ere few trees around, however, except in the during the September full moon there is a five-day Bishnoi vlllage of Khejadali, about 30 km fron fair where tens of thousands of Bishnois gather to Jodhpurr êrd the Maharaja's men headed there. commemorate their community's great sacrifice. A When they announced that they had come to cut roped-off patch of earth marks t.he spot where the trees the Bishnois forbade them because they were vict:.ms of the massacre were buried, and water is protect.ecl by their religion. Back in Jodhpur, the poured on rt from pitchers as a tribute. It is Maharaja I s minister, the Dewanr wâs enraged and noteworthy that, unlike mosÈ other Hindus, Bishnois ordered the work to proceed. A confrontation do not cremate their dead, because that would becween the Maharajah's men and the Bishnois ensued, require cutting down Èrees for the funeral pyre. and when the axemen moved in on the trees, one of Undoubtedly the greatest tr ibute to the the Bishnoi women, Amrita Devi, rushed forward with Bishnois is Èhe flourishing land in which they live ì three of her daughters and hugged the trees to pro- i.n the midst of the Thar desert in Rajasthan and tect Èhem. The axemen r.rere disconcerted, but the extending into neighbouring Haryana and l{adhya angry Dewan ordered them to go ahead and cut down Pradesh states. croves of khejdi trees (Prosopis the trees - and the women with them. They did so cinerea) dot the landscape. To Bishnois this is and Ehe women's blood flowed. Far from being in- "Kalpa vraksha" - the tree that fulfils alI wishes tj.midated, more Bishnoi women rushed forward to hug - providing shade, fodder for Iivestock, and pods Èrees and were cut down in their turn. Legend has which make a delicious curry. of all trees it is il it that 363 Bishnois sacrificed their Iives for the most sacred to Bishnois. li their trees. In the fields bounded by thorny khejdi branches il The Bishnoisr mass sacrifice nay sound incred- are the cattle which are the mainstay of the iole, but it comes frorn an area where such actions Bishnois, and among them roam blackbuck and were not uncommon. There are several instances chinkara. As evening comes a desert fox may be seen when Rajput warriors, when all was lost, sallied chasing a black-naped hare. Jackals howl in chorus, forth in saffron wedding robes to die in battle to t.he satisfaction of the Bishnois, who believe against Muslim invaders, while their vromen threw that when that eerie sound is no longer to be heard, themselves on huge funeral pyres. a village is doomed. One might even see a wolf, (Incidentally, the reverberat,ions of t,he that most persecuted and rare of animals. Bishnoisr action have echoed into the present day, The Moghul Emperor, Akbar the Great, recorded for their actions inspired the Chipko (hugging) his amazement at Èhe wealt,h of wildlife in Bishnoi movement to save trees and prevent erosion in the areas in the l6th century. It is even more remark- Himalayas, which has been one of the dramatic able today, when the blackbuck, which swarmed over people's movenents for conservation in India.) much of the Indian plains only half a century ago, Maharajah Ajit Singh hras horrified when he has been virtually wiped out elsewhere and survives heard what had happened and rode out to Khejadali only in a handful of small reserves. In just one to apologize to the Bishnois. His promise to respect part of Jodhpur district there are 10,000 blackbuck their religious beliefs v¡as inscribed on copper and I,000 chinkara, while sinilar concentrations plate and decreed punishment for those who cut trees can be seen in many other areas, roaming freely in or killed animals. Bishnois lrere authorized to the fields as the Bishnois go about their daily challenge hunÈers, including members of the Royal routine. Familyr and could even be excused killing then. The Bishnois are by no means a primitive com- They exercise thaÈ right to tackle suspected nunity. Tractors are to be seen everywhere and poachers even today - some Arny officers have been motorcycles are a common means of transport on the prosecuted, a team from AII India Radio was att.acked dusty roads. Bishnois are prominent in business, after one of them fired a shot in Bi.shnoi territory, the civil service and politics - Bishnois have been and some poachers have actually been lynched. Chief lilinisters of Ra jasthan and of Haryana. They Today a small white-washed shrine at Khejadali have formed an AII India Bishnoi Jeev Raksha (Life stands at the siÈe of the episode. Inside, an oiI Protection) Committee, Í.or which they elected 208 209 People and Wildtife j.n Indian Desert

Kailash Sankhala as Chairman, on the grounds that Chapter Fifteen he has been one of Rajasthants great protectors of nature throughout his career in the Forest Service, INTERACTIONS BETWEEN PEOPLE AND FORESTS even if noÈ actually a Bishnoi. The Conmittee has IN EAST KALIMANTAN awarded prizes for outstanding wildlife conservation wor k, the recipients having included the Field By Director of the Ranthambhor Tiger Reserve' Fateh Singh Rathore, and the Chief Wildlife Warden of A.P. Vayda, Carol J. Pierce Colfer Kashmir, Mir Inayatullah. and Mohamad Brotokusumo (*) Religious faith has faded in many Parts of the world, even Èo some extent in parÈs of India, where generally it remains strong. But there is no sign õf weakening among the Bishnois, a community which realizes that the natural world and its wildlife are an essenÈial requirement for human welfare. ABSTRACT The paper poinÈs to many myths in understanding how Iocal people react to changing circumsÈances. Too often a pessimistic model has been used and we have not recognized the creativity that is inherent often in peoplets relationship with both the environment and the ouÈside. A situational model may be most useful both to explain and guide future policy. The paper documents situaÈions in interactions between people and tropical forests in East Kalimantan and stresses the role of human flexibility' creativity and responsiveness.

INTRODUCTION East Kalimantan is a large r economically booming Indonesian province on the island of Borneo. It covers a total, land area of 2I'144r000 ha or about 118 of the ÈoÈal land area of Indonesia. Natural forest accounts for L7,292'O0O ha of East Kali- mantan's land. Tropical rain forests are among the Iast remaining reserves of economically valuable land in the worIdV, and East Kalimãntan has, predictably, become a Prime t nt. The potential Eirnber ali- nantan's production forest lion cubic metres of commer.ciallY and about 270 million cubic metres of non-exportable timber2/. stimulated by such factors as the greatly

(*) A version of this paper apPeared in "Impact of Science on Society", Vol. 30, No. 3, 1980.

2LO 2LL People and Forests in EasÈ Kalimantan People and Forests in East Kalimantan ests in EasÈ Kalimant,an". Broadly, this researcht demand for tropical increased Japanese -hardwoodsto which ig part of Indonesia's Man and Biosphere Pro- and the passage of Indonesian Iaws condycivT grammeþ/, is intended to show: (a) the range of investment in the foresLry sectorJ/' a/ L. foreign quickly, after people's foresÈ-related knowledget (b) their reper- foggiÃg in East Kalimantar developed toire of forest-related activitiesi (c) the varj.ety ::96l.ofthealmost13millionhaofproduction of situations in which decisions to engage in those iói.åt attocateJ-'-ior mechanical rogging' about 2 activities or to change them are made; and (d) the million have already been logged, and there are now environmental and socio-economic effects that these activiÈies have. "o^.Io0timberco.ncessionairesoperatinginEastKaI imantan. in logging has.led- to This rapid development i'nclud- extensive ecological anã social disruptions' FOCI OF THE RESEARCH ing solne assocrated with movements of people at- by the economie boom' Sixty-two per cent irá"t"¿ in Three main locations were chosen for the research oi- the increase from a populaÈion of 7251000 East because of the opportunities they afford for study- iãri*.ncun in rgil to goo,ooo in 1976 resulted from ing significant variations in shifting cultivation immigrati-on from other provincesi many more mr- and other forest-relaÈed activities, and in the especially farmãrs from the island of õi"nÉ", road conditions under which they are practised. One éulawesi (Cèleoes)-, have cone since the new Iocatj-on, the Apo Kayan, is a lofty interior plateau betvreen East Kaiimantan's two largest. cities ' isolated from commercial centres and tinber conces- Samar inda and Baf ikpapan i^tas opened Co the public -l;î;f/.- ' with which sions in the lowlands by extensive and impassable r; Because of Èhe rapì-ditv river rapids. It is the home of nearly ten thousand social and ecological changes are occurring in East man- Dayak people living in long-house communitiesr pos- Ka.l-imantan, it hás become urgent to make forest sessing a wealth of forest-related knowledge, and agement in the province more ef.fective and to com- practising an apparently stable, long-fallow, n-ine it with d&elopment that benefits the people forest-maintaining forn of shifting cultivation. *f,o five in or by the forest and use it' A second location is the Telen River lowland eolicy-makeis atÈempting to achieve these ob- area where settlements of Dayak migrants from the jecti.ves hãve been handicappea Uy the lack of.infor- people in East inter ior plateau were established pr ior to the Áation on existing uses of forests by tj.mber boom and where Èhe subsequent granting of Kalimantan.such-informationisesp-ecially,needed-soclal soundness of timber concessions has led to further changes in Eo enhance tr¡e and ecologicáI Ehe physical and socio-economic conditions to which policies with respect to the following: th Dayak migrants are adapting. The third location is the vicinity of East Kalimantants booming capital Containing, elirninating, or improving shift- - ious city of Samarinda. Lands along Ehe new roads con- ing cultivation, depending on the var structed by the Government and by timber companies foims it takes and consequences it has' have become readily accessible for the first tine - Resettlement of forest-using people in EasÈ here, and the agriculture, practised in logged-over Kal imantan . forests in the vicinity of Samarinda by newly ar- The use of existi-ng local-level knowledqe and - forest- rrvect inter-island nigrants as well as by long- existing practice in agriculture ' established residents of East. KaIimanEan, includes product coilection, and Èrade as foundations the dry-field farming which, because of long crop- f.ot. integrated agroforestry (or forest- ping periods and/or short fallows, is apparently the farming) develoPment' by most darnaging to the tropical forest environment. - The nature and extenÈ of participation In addition to the investigations specific to each people in their development and in the man- of these locations, research is also proceeding in ãgement of resources on which they depend' all of them (and along the trade routes connecting them) on the collection and trading of rattan, in- Recognizi-ng this need for information' Indonesian cense wood, and other so-called minor forest pro- and Amer ican social and biological scientists ducts. Explication of the rationale of this project io:.ntly beqan a project of research in September calls for a discussion of the relaÈionship between iéis-ãäticr;¿ "rnËeráctions between Peopre and For- 2]-3 2L2 _Y_

People and Forests in East Kalimantan People and ForesÈs in East Kalimantan our research and certain issues in developmenÈ iñãotv and anÈhropology- rt is appropr.iate. to revie-w here three gãnerã1 models or views that have been dominant at various times concerning the-econ- ã^i" n"rt.viour of such rural and tribal people who are among the important subjects of research in the

behaviour, and their capacity for or resistance to change. ImPortant poliiy and research implications of the models are discussed below.

EVOLUTIONARY INTEGRATION OF CULTURES viewS/, but many poricy-makers^ , developers, and These exampres are arso indicative of difficulties researchers stilt subscribe to í82/. wit.h. (a) assigning the way of life of a peo jle-tå particular evolutionary I a this way of Iife as ne interconnected whole tha by resisting change. Acco evolutionary schemes, s to a "primitive,t level saws and outboard motors and participation in a cash economy would be consj.dered indicalors of a more "advanced" level. yet the same people engage in var ious combinations of these so-tailed páríiti.r" and advanced activities. In the Samarinãa area, there are even shifting cultivators - recent mi_ grants from the island of Buton (Butung) - who con_ nute to their fields in shared taxi! from their urban residences. Such examples,-to illustrative of the behaviour h¡e are trying understand in the project, must be..interpreted_ by means of concepts the years, have served to reinforce this first model and approaches other than thosã used to show tne of hl¡man beliefs and behaviour. The focus of much integration of cultures at particular evolutionary of applied anthropology on the identificaÈion of levels. cultu?ãl barriers to Change, proceeding from the In a somewhat different view that has gained 2L4 2L5 People and Forests in East Kalimantan People and Forests in East Kalimantan

others, including poorer menbers of the Banjar and Kutai ethnic groups, lies in combining shifting culti.vation with the removal oÉ wood from the forests in the form of beans, planks, and shingles for sale. Yet others, including urban as well as rural residents in East Kalimantan, concentrate on having Iogged-over forest cleared so that they can estab- Iish their clains to land either simply to be sold for profit in the future or else to be worked by wage labourers or share-croppers. The motivations of the farmers vary as much as their means. Some are the poor, subsistence- or ientated, Iand-hungry farmers who have been characterized in other parts of the world as "shift- means for change must ing cultivators by neðessity "4/ ¡ others, includ- resistance to change, but the ing many be provid side. of the migrants from Sulawesi, seek to gain The n anthroPological research' enough wealth to be able to advance themselves in this inal or non-existent' The socially by such means as naking the pilgrimage to economist f.ot instance, that "since Meccai and others have turned to farming as a sup- are a strong explana- plementary occupation because their incomes from differenc ility urban wage-earning are inadequate for maintaining middle-cLass creaÈure-comforts. Miracle t s comment on the view put forward by Schultz is apt: "!Ve can i.II afford to use an economic short.hand which implies that the critical character.istics of aII smaII-scale farmers are the same."15/ The third and most current view - and the one most congruent with our research perspective - fo- Whereas erates cuses on continuing the diff tional responsiveness to changing cir- peopre, ûiver- cumstances. Associated with this view is attention safitY ¡ meats to the following kinds of phenomena, among others. for attaining them. FirstJ-y, the continuing exercise of - flecision- t.hat are suitable making capabilities by rural peoplerb/. Some oþservers have concluded that a lack of obvious long-term planning by people in some rural areas PERTINENCE OF ECONOIqIC MOTIVATION implies an absence of decision-making capabiliÈies. But the people we are observing in this project repeatedly demonstrate their willingness to use t,heir minds actively rather than slavishly following a plan. Indeed, one can argue that in the absence of a firm, comprehensive plan, more, not 1ess, decision-making is required. most profitable. If there is an opportuniÈy- to For example, in Long Segar, a Dayak settlement gain in a particular way, the peop-le fre- on the Telen River, where a variety of opÈions exist þrofit . con- for productive activity, each individual makes daily qo"nt,IV respond to that without necessarily decisions about how to time, whether or not there might be other ways allocate his or her "ia.ttñg taking into consideration such factors as current household and agricultural labour needs, exchange obligations within the villager cash requirernents, anct personal preference, as well as a number of more external factors such as the market price of various

2L7 2L6 People People and Forests in East Kalimantan and Forests in East Kalimantan products, the r¡reather, the current Iabour needs of their imnediate situations. Thus a Bugis norm is plantation and Eimber companyr âFId so on' t.hat Ìabour exchanges for important tasks should be ine nearby restr icted k ðó^put" t-niã witr¡ the decision-making- demands await- to insmen because non- k in, not being i;s'ã factory worker in an indusÈrialized nation as sejiwa (IiteraIIy, "one spirit,'), cannoÈ be trusted. In frontier areas where ki,nsmen are few and Iabour is needed for such tasks as Iand clearance, Bugis migrants have been able to find help in accord with their norms by construing a1t people with a common village of origin in Sulawesi to be kin. l{e may also consider the situations resulting frou¡ the granting of tj.mber concessions on land used bY shi cause of being denied by people may be an been reported from an sornào2l/. It must be noted, however, that Indonesia rs land Iaws include numerous conflicting stipulations (e.g. that Iocal people are entiÈIed to use land j_n their customary manner; that people residing in timber concessions are restr icted to cer tain areas; Èhat aII land within 2 kn of a river is available for use by locaI inhabitants). We are finding that some East Kalimantan shifting cultivators take advantage of the fuzziness of the l_aws by continuing to cut forest within the timber concessions. (We ãre also funding, incidentally, situational adjustment by timber-company personnelr sonìê of whom hãve successfully argued that the activities of shifting cultivators have interfered with their producCion and that the government should therefore a1low them to log more tracts in a gj.ven year than originally specified in their agreements.) Fourthly, a great range of variation j_n Èhe conditions under which the ind_iç¡ted capabilit.ies and rationality are exercísed2-4. If we look, for instance, at two Apo Kayan communities, Sungai Barang and Long Ampung, we can observe that tne former is surrounded by a great deal of forest, (as, whereas the latter is not. The people of Sungai topography and water supply are appropriate, Barang, foi êxa-mple, in the Krayan area in the north-west then, have relatively easy access to the of the province)' the Dayak readily engage in wet- forest for hunting and for making their rice fields, rice cultivation. and can reaciily obtain wood for buildì.ng, firewood, and other uses. The dif f erences bet\"reen the two communities in forest accessibility are reflected in AND VARIATIONS major differences in daily act.ivities. Sungai ADJUSTMENTS Barang, unlike Long Ampung, is also near heath (kerangas) forest from which the best incense wood can be ootained. Such differences - and many more might be mentioned - are enough to make the exèrcise of rationality and decision-making capabilities in the two different communj.ties produce very different

2L8 2t9 People and Forests in East Kalimantan People and Forests in EasÈ Kalimantan results. as a whol-e and ways in which it maintains itself. FifthLy, practical knowledge that people have We are j.ndiv the ways particular gained, through experience, about the varying con- idu or separ ãtely and ditlgqs under which they must make decisions and using w organizãtional-, and actZ]-/. n wide variety õr information has already cultural to them, ,.spond to þeen brought to light in the course of this project, chang ing through the use of the people as consultants. In Long Segar, the people looked on with amusement as agricultural extension workers planÈed their experinental wet-rice fields in swampy, alluvial- soil that the local inhabitants knew to be unsuitable. SimiIarIy, Lhe Sungai B-arang people know about the unsuitability ' of heath-forest soils for their iarms?-U -

ECOLOGICAL AND SOCIO-ECONOMTC CONSIDERATIONS The policy implications of this view are consider- aþly dj.fferenÈ from those of the other two views discussed. Combining recognition of the great diversity of existing ecologi.cal and socio-economic circumstances with the view thaÈ behaviour and beliefs are mutable (in response Èo changing external conditions ) suggests that development-related human diversity is even greater than heretofore recognized. The development of effective strategies for change wiII require greater attention to this variability; different situations will require dif- Fifthly, the Iiterature in social science is ferent approaches. Moreover, current land-use replet.e with statements whj.ch imply a basic dichot_ strategies and the knowledge of people of their environment can be tapped in the effort to develop Iocally appropriate change. This view suggests also that diverse paths to improved living conditj.ons existr âñd that development efforts should focus on utilizing existi.ng J-ocal-level knowledge, strategies and creativity to solve particular development problems, rather than attempting to remake the people in a uniform and more advanced stage of development. As suggested in a recent article on upland "problem soils" in Indonesia, the local people might well be regarded as qualified consgltanEs on how development in their areas can proceed2J/. Besides having the policy implications noted above, this third model, with lts focus on human adaptability, responsì.veness, and initj-ativer has far-reaching irnplicati.ons for research in social science. The following five shifts or changes are particularly fundamental. First, much research and analysis have been directed towards determining the goals of a society

220 22L Y People and Forests in East Kalimantan People and Forests in East Kalimantan understand those behaviours by analysing the situ- and (c) there is informal agreement i.n the area that ations in which they occur. Starting r¿ith a par- nost balok-cutting is done to feed or house one's ticular human behaviour, we trace t.he conPlex of farnrly--ãnã is therefore an honest and proper acti- relevant influences and impacts ouÈward, obtaining, vity, even if inconsistent with the rules mentioned. in the end, an understanding of the important factors that must be attended to by the relevant actors. Such use of situational analysis to eluci- TRACING THE THREADS OF INFLUENCE date behaviour corresponds to the methods and goals of the situational analysos advocated by some phil- Decisions about what specific factors to investigate osophers4/. and how far to pursue them are taken on the basis Consider, f.or example, certain activities ob- of empirically-assessed impacts on the forests, the served by one of us among the Dayak of Telen River people and important development questions j.n the communities: cutting wood form the forest and mak- region. Following this strategy we judge the ideas, ing from it balok (beams, usually 10 x l0 cm) for goals and operating strategies of thê personnel at sale. We discuss below some important factors Èhat Georgia Pacific , for instance, to represent more we have already discovered to be operating in the productive topics for investigation than do the situations in which people decide to nake balok. details of the form of religion (Christianity) prac- SeIling balok represents a comparatively profitable tised wj.thin the confines of any parÈicular com- utilization of time. In one day of hard work, using munity of shifting cultivators. We are not allowing a chain-saw, two persons can expect Èo cut one cubic the scope of inquiry to be Iimited by the geo- metre of balok, grossing approximately Rp. 20,000. graphical boundaries of conventional spatial units This represents a much greater return than the such as villages. Indeed, our research on the trade available wage labour in Èhe area which pays from in incense wood is taking us from the Dayak col- Rp. 800 to 1,500 per day. Sone of the people have Iectors in the heath forests of Sungai Barang to established direct trading connections with Sama- Chinese traders in the river ports of EasÈ Kali- rinda where they are paid Rp. 401000 per cubic metre mantan and u_I_timately to the buyers and warehouses for balolf, thereby increasing their profit. of Hong xoog2J/. The work setting is compatible with Dayak pref- The situational approach also provides a con- erences. Specifically the cutter can work ats his venient framework for organizing our research in the o\^rn rate, at times that are convenient to him (cf . Samarinda vicinity. Since the situation (rather t.he earlier discussion, page 184, of Dayak flexi- than a "community"), defines the appropriate sphere bility). Furthermore, the cutter can continue to of investigaÈion, we are free - and indeed required live at home, in contrast to whaÈ is required by - to pursue leads and trace threads of influence in the other main sources of wage labour - the Georgia many directions. The problem of defining the target Pacific logging camp and Èhe oil palm plantation - population that has plagued researchers wanting to both of which are too far fron the village for prac- do holistic research in urban set,ting is obviated tical commuÈing and too close to fit into the tra- by this approach. One of our fundamental concerns ditional category of an income-seeking adventure. is with human activit.ies that change the forest. Last.Iyr the legaI status of these activities Therefore the behaviour and beliefs of government must be explained. Cutting and selling ironwood officials and oÈher professÍonals who clear logged- fron within a concession is legal if a tax is paid over forest near Samarinda with the intsention of to the government at the sub-district, or kecamatan, either having land for gpeculaÈing purposes or es- Ievel. Cutting other kinds ot wood within a con- tablishing absentee-owned commerci-a1 planÈaEions cession is legal only if a royalty (currently Rp. are as important to understand, from our perspec- 51500 per cubic metre) is also paid to the conces- tive, as are the behaviour and beliefs of the poor sion owner. These payments are rarely made because: Butonese who make farms on the hilltops near Sama- (a) there are very few official personnel to enforce rinda and have migrated there because of poverty and the regulations¡ (b) when balok-cutting comes to Iand shortage in their home island. the attention of Èimber company personnel, the only Just as r¡¡e are re jecting r igid spatial fra¡ne- actions taken by the Iatter are to confiscate the works for inquiry, so too are \.re re jecting r igid balok and to give some conpensation to the cutters¡ temporal ones. Historical research is providing us 222 223 People and Forests in East Kalimantan People and Forests in East KalimanÈan with irnportant insighÈs regarding some of the cation of this noÈ too surPrising finding is that actions and situations we are analysing. An example education and propaganda wiIl be insufficient to is the movements of land-clear ing Bugis pepper change what people do. Sone concrete and profitable farmers in East Kalimantan. As a result of documen- alternatives wiII have to be created if we want to tary research and the collection of case histories, protect the foresÈs and other features of our bio- we can see these movements not as discrete' individ- sPhere. ual migrations but rather as part of an ongoing and To date, in development planning circles r the well-organized Iong-term colonization process with destructive aspect of human behaviour has been duly the potential for movJ.ng Bugis to almost all access- recognized. Yet the creativity that we are finding ible areas of East Kalimantan where pepper can be to be the ot,her side of thaÈ coin has been vastly profitably grown?9/. underestimated and correspondingly under-utilized. Many developers have recognized the importance We are convinced that the decision-making capa- of understandì.ng relevant human behaviour from a bilities, the capacity for situational adjustmenÈ holistic perspectivei but anthropological contri- and the rationality of people that I¡¡e are finding butions have frequently been criticized as lacking in this project, combined with the knowledge these ].n focus. PoIicy-makers and planners do not h¡ant people t¡ave of their diverse environments' represent to read through pages of ethnographic description an important, neglected resource that' if used, of cultural features that are only marginally reI- could substantially improve the results obtained in evant to development concerns. This situational developmenÈ projects and resource management. approach provides a good framework for providing data that are germaner focusedr ând holistic. In conclusion, we have planned a research proj- REFERENCES ect based on recognition of human flexibility' creativity, and responsì.veness to changing con- I. D. Poore, Ecological Guidelines for Devel- ctitions. we are documenting interactions of people opment in Tropical Forest Areas of South East Asia in East KalimanÈan with the tropical forest there (IUCN occasional Paper No. 10, L974). and are rnaking these interactions intelligible by 2. Laporan Universitas Mulawarman, Pengaruh showing the situations in which Èhey occur. The Ekspor Kayu dan Kesempatan Kerja, L976. research is resulÈing in information that wiIl be 3. C. Manning, "The Timber Boom' with Special useful to development planners and forest managers. Reference to East KalimanÈan", Bulletin of our findings Èo date tend to indicate the s lan onomic Studies, VoI. 7, No. 3 , L97L. heuristic value of. this dynamic view of behaviour A Sum tro, Fo ]. Investmen t in the and suggest that this kind of situational analysis Forest-based Sector of I j.s an efficient and productive way to gather policy- on ones an n relevant information. Furthermore, this approach, Fakultas Kehutananr Un ver s tas Mada, 1975. 5. K. Fischer Y. Rasyid Population and in our view, represents a more realistic appraisal i ' of human interaction with the biosphere than do the other views discussed. This human responsiveness to changing condj.tions is the characteristic that tute for International Economics, L977. accounts f.or both creativity in problem-solving and 6. K. KartawinaÈai A. Vayda¡ R. Sambas the opportunisrn that is instrumental in creating Wirakusunah, "EasÈ Kalirnantan and the l{an and Bio- problems. sphere Programme", Berita Ilmu Pengetahuan dan Teknologi, VoI. 21, No. 2, L977 (reprinted iri Borneo Research Bu IIetin Apr il 1978) . THE INADEQUACY OF EDUCATION C. Huttoni R. Cohen, "Afr ican Peasants and Resistance to Change! A Reconsideration of Socio- In our investigations we are finding that people Iogical Approaches", in I. Oxaal, T. Barnett and D. typically act in what they consider to be their best Booth (eds.), Beyoqd the Socioloqy of D Ínterests; and, indeed, much of the peoplers forest- and Societ n Lat n rica and Africat destroying or land-degrading action is profj.table ofl r u e e 9an au e r to them. An importantr but often ignored, impli- discussion of ttobstacle man". 224 225 People and Forest.s in East Kalimantan People and Forests in East Kalimantan

8. c. Helleiner , "Smallholder Decision Moore and B. MYerhoff (eds.)' Symbol and Politics Making: Tropical African Evidence,', in L. Reynolds in Communal Ideolo Cases and estions, Ithaca, (ed.), Agriculture in Development Theory, New Haven, rne Un VET S ress, Conn., Yale University Press. SGer for example, his 2L. G. Adicondro, "The Jungles are Awakening", review of the tropical African evidence. Impact, September L979¡ J. WeinsÈock' Land Tenure 9. R. Seavoy, "SociaI Restraints on Food actices of the Swi Cultivators of Borneo ProducÈion in Indonesian Subsistence CuIture,', ne ver s Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, VoI. B, No. l, 22. R. Eckaus, APPropriate Technologies fo! L97'lt p. I5-30i and Indonesian Resettlement Team, Developing Countries (eñãpEeÏ--ô, washington, D.C. Resettlement in Indonesia. ASEAN Workshop on Land NaÈional Academy of S ciences (see reference No. 16) t Rehabilitation and ResetÈIement, Samarinda P. HiII, Studies in Rural a talisrn in West Africa Surakarta, 28 February - I March L979. See above Cambr idge , ge Un ver s ty Press, Richards for examples relating to Indonesia. 23. D. Barker; J. Oguntoyinbo; P. ' I0. c. Foster, Applied Anthropology, p. 94, iri of the Ni ian Peas t Farmerts Knowl- Boston, Li,ttIe, Brown & Co., 1969. e e n Mon t n of r c tur sources. 1I. See the references in T. Grandstaff, ,,The port No. n, tor nga Assessmen Development of Swidden Agriculture (Shifting Culti- Research Centre (MARC), Chelsea College, UniversitY vation) r', Development and Change, VoI. 9, 1979. of London, L977i R. Chambers' n Rural Devel- L2. R. Stevens, @q and Dynamics in o as and Ex r ].ence rom East A r SmaIl-f r icul tur e : Economic Studies in Uppsa n nav an tute o r can es r rca an Lat t S¡ ver- (Africana Publishing Co.), L974¡ A. Vayda, "Human ty ESS, Ecology and Economic Development j.n Kalimantan and 13. T. Schultz, Transforming Traditional Agri- Sumatrat', Borneo Research Bullet n , Vol. II, No. t, culture , New Haven, Conn., yale University press, L979. 1%-4. 24. Cf. P. Richards, "Soil Conditions in Some Symposium on 14 . R. V{a tter s , ifr Cultivation Latin Bornean Lowland PIanÈ Communities", in Amer ica, Rome, FAO Fores v VE opmen aper Eco ical Resources in Hunid Tro ics Ve tation, L7 | L97L. awa 15. M. Miracl ê ¡ "The Smallholder in Agr i- 25. P. Driesseni P. Burman; Permadhy, "The cultural PoIicy and Planning: Ghana and the lvory Influence of Shifting Cultivation on a 'Podyolic' Coast, 1960 to I966 tt , Journal o f Developinq Areas SoiI from Central Kalimantan", in Peat and P ol ic Vol. 4t L970. So ils their Potentials for tur e 16. A. Hoben, "Decision-making for Develop- Indones Bogor, So Research Inst tute. (Bu t ment: An Anthropological perspective',. Unpublished 761. prospectus, L979¡ M. Miracle, Agriculture in the 26. K. Popper, Objective Knowledge: An EvoI- Congo Basin, I4adison, Wis., University of l,rlisconsin u oach Oxford, Clarendon Press, L972i Press , L967. I. Jarv e Revolution in AnÈhr I , London, 17. Cf. S. Ortiz, ,'Uncertainties in peasant Routledge & an au correspondence Farming: A Colombian Case", London, Athlone press, 27 . N. PeIuso, Intra-project ' L973. (London School of Economics Monographs on 27 January 1980. Social Anthropologyr No. 46). 28. Cf. A. Vayda. "Buginese ColonizaÈion of 18. T. Jessup, Intra-project, correspondence, Sumatra I s Coastal Swarnplands and its Significance 28 December 1979. for Development Planning", Proceedings of the Pro- 19. G. CastilIo, I'A Critical View of a Sub- rammatic Worksho n tal Resources t Un culture of Peasantry", in C. hlharton (ed. ) , Subs i s t- h n ar ta r Tokyo, n culture and Economi elo Iltt ch-îõãõio-, Nat ons Un ver s n press III.. Aldine Pu ng Co¡npany, 1969 i see refer ence No. 7i and see Helleiner's (reference No. 8) concepÈ of "Èhe wise rejecÈor',. 20. Cf. S. Moore, ,'Epilogue: Uncertainties in Situations, Indeterminacies in Culture,', in S. 226 227 Chapter Sixteen

SHONA PEOPLE, TOTEMS AND WILDLIFE

Chr rs Tobayiwa I3l St. Patrickrs Road Hatf j,eId, Zimbabwe and Peter Jackson CH-II7I Bougy, Switzerland

ABSTRACT

The Shona people of Zimbabwe have a totem system based on wildlife, which regulates much of their social life, including marriage and succession to chieftainships, and provides collective inspiration. Each person has a totem animal, or parÈ of an animal, vrhose name is received through the father. Poems in praise of totem animals, which have evolved with the system, show close observation and attach- menÈ to nature. Conservation can be served by encouraging this interest and a major effort is being made on the outskirts of Harare, where a natural park stocked with wildtife is being developed with educational and recreational facilities.

When I lived with my grandmother, back home in the back of beyond, sadza, our staple naize dish, $ras best with delicacies like locusts, certain types of beetles, caterpillars and mice. Whenever I brought Èhese home, she Èhanked me profusely and told me what a fine child I was. One day I brought home a hare. My grandmother ululated, clapped and declar ed: Thank you so, oh Moyo - The Heart, the Heart of Hearts. Your ancestry is so beautiful, wise, With cattle pens always so full Of fat hornless cohrs, Providing milk to fill every bowl, Manure to fill all the furrows, Skin to tan and meat to eat t.o the full. Your ancestry radiates royalty¡ 1s benevolent even to laity,

229 f-

Shona People, Totems and Wildlife Shona People, Totems and Wildlife

Officiates aII chieftainships in Èhe land' As time passed, too many people claimed to be And oversees all Zimbabwe and beyond. Mbizi-Tembo, and it became necessary to subdivide. Thank you again, my Moyo' Feuds developed and breakaway groups changed their YesÈerday, today and in the days to come. totem to "Shumba-Tembo"r "Shumba-ùlhazi" and others. Similar patterns are to be found in other dynasties, Her recital touched my heart then, as it stil1 does Iordships or clans within the Shona conmuniÈy. Some and always will, for she was telling ne that the people say precise rituals were performed before one Hear t (Moyo ) \¡ras my totem. However as I gre\,t could adopt an animal as oners totern. older, I realized that I was not alone' in having a The exact origin of the system is obviously grandmother, mother or aunÈ telling ne that I had a beyond ny reach and one can really only quote totem - all the boys in the neighbourhood \^tere generally-accepted explanations. Many people are Iearning that they too had totems. I was not the happy to accept that we have always had a totem only prj,nce in the land. Time nurtured ny pride, system. Some elders suggest that, Iong â9or each transiorming j.t into a for¡nidable sense of ny own family had a medicine chest with recipes ÈhaÈ in- identity, my history derived frorn, and transmitted cluded viscera of a particular ani¡nal, which became through the totem system in our Shona societ.y. the family totem. The understanding of the totem system - known The totem system is paternal in that every Ëo us as Mutopo - is one of the bases for under- child is born into the totem of Èhe father - an standing Shona society. I do not speak of it as an animal, or a parÈ of one, chosen somehow in the dark exPerÈ. but rather as someone who grer¡r up taking it corridors of hist.ory, and perpetuated and passed on for granted, like creation, until someone said he t.hrough our ancesÈors as a patent for a people with was interested. one origin. Our oral history offers us no tangible facts A Iot of taboo i.s interwoven into the totem to explain the sysÈem scientifically - but the totem system. It, is taboo to marry within one's own system is a living reality that has survived the totemi taboo to eat certain parts of certain ani- vreather of development, changing only subtlyr êDd mals; taboo to touch oners totem - some fear a spell al-ways Èo facilitate social customs Iike marriage which leaves them unprotected from misfortune e.g. patterns, chieftainship succession, collective that teeth will fall ouÈ if one eats one,s toten inspiration, and the inter-cIan feuds and fights of animal. No devout Chuma person will touch a tor- the past. Common knowledge suggests Iinks between toise - their name means "beads", which is a synonym some dynasties rvithin Shona society. It seems prob- for tortoise. able that at some distant time it becane irnpossible In pracÈice, the system serves Èo identify to determine chieftainship and narriage patterns people and create social order. The system \¡/as within one co¡nmuniÈy. Feuds may have developed too dynamic and continued to serve as the guiding yard- frequently and sorne sage could have chosen a method stick in socieÈy. The three factors that often of distinguishing people. what choice could be caused changes in the totem system \"rere the acciden- better than the different animals that populaÈed the tal. oEr in some rare cases, intentional marriage surrounding forests? of closel-y-related people¡ scrambles for succession Another theory says that the Mutasa people came to chieftainshipsi and, in former times, inter-clan from Mozambique, from a place that had many zebxa feuds and fights. (Tembo). When they met other migrating peoples they The descendants of any one totem are entitled were asked¡ to the chieftainship of their totem group, tribe, clan or community at some stage in their history. "lrlhere do you come from?rr As people increased in numbers, the line of suc- "From the place of rnany Tembo.rr cession became complex and naturally contestants "Oh, Mbizi?" for a chieftainship often fought and separated, sub- tt Yes . tt dividing themselves in the process. "Fine, you of Mbizi Tembo." People were sometimes banished from their community for wrong-doing. In their flight they often Such exchanges esÈablished an identity within dif- subt,Iy changed identity and established a new line ferent communities. of succession as they started a new life. 230 23L Shona People, Totens and WiIdIife Shona People, Totems and l{ildlife

The reverence afforded to onets "Mutupo" animal rituals that it is scarcely worthwhile trying, but takes many forms. Fundamentally, a special effort exceptions did - and do - occur. was made to highlight those qualities of the totem A complete strangerr who is not Shona and does animal in which it excels. A summary of that deep not have a totem, cannot easily mix in the shona observation of the animal has been passed on in the community. one white missionary found it essential form of Ínspiring praise poems that have, in fact, to adopt a totem. He chose Shumba (Lion) and thus expanded further to include the history of a people. he became part of the community with which he worked These evocative and accurate observations of animals and lived. could only come from living in harmony with nature. Have you ever thought of being born a member Animals that show no elegance, gaiety, dignity, of a wildlife society? It makes sense in a Shona strength, nor dominance in some positive way \^¡ere community. rn a totem system like ours, nature is not chosen as tot,ems. There is no hyaena totem, for a part of onets being. The need to have virgin the animal is associated with witchesr and is one forests full of wildlife is not debatable. A totem of several animals regarded as lacking in fine qual- system without animals is nonsense. A Mr Shunba ities. And I have not heard of a "Mr Zongororo" who may never see a lion is a living contradiction. millipede. A Shona people without a toten system would be a Tembo-Mbizi, the zebxa, is adnired for its people without a culture. beauty, colourr and its graceful, ballet-like move- In youth, I sat by the woodfire in wooden huts menÈs; Shato, the python, for its wonderful colour at night, listening joyfully' and sonetimes in fear' and strength - it is the only snake totem. Chuma, to our folklore and fairy tales' mostly about the the tortoise, lives a long time and is clever , life of the wilderness. honest and self-reliant. Soko the monkey, although ivlany tines we went hunting in forests nearby. small, is loved by the Mbire people as an expression we \¡rere taught the joys and the dangers of doing of strength in numbers and t,hey always refer to its right and wrong to the wilderness - a Èreasury of hair as beautiful. People of the Dziva totem, which r¡/hat one needed, and not more - as if the forests means a big pool of vrater, respect the power of could be angered. thunder and the Sabi river, and they do not eat a "If you find rotten fruits' do not curse the certain type of fish - but they do drink water. tree, Iest you fail to find your $ray home"' they The mighty lion, represented by Shumba and various told us. synonyms, is obvious. Shiri Hungwe Matapatira, the "If you see any creaÈure too small or too great fish eagle, has a very impressive flight and uglyr do not gasP or laugh, its creaÈor might be is a lord of the skies. Nzou, the elephanÈ, is o ffended . " admired for its size, strength and wonderful tusks, We learned what wild fruits to eat' when and which give rise to derivative Èotem names, such as where. We killed animals and birds for meat. Ndoro, meaning a symbol of authority often worn In earlier times our forefathers also got round the neck and made of ivory, and Nyandoro, leather and feathers from which they made blankets bearer of the symbol of authority. and ornaments' medicine chests and musical instru- i{any Shonas have double-barrelled names, such ments - a notable one is the kudu horn. It seemed as Shunba-Tembo or t"loyo Ndizvo, which represent the a beautiful time and place to be born, and many of inclusion of an honorific, or stress or characterize our names come from the wilderness. Often we the ohrner I s ielephant already family totems of many people living nearby. vüashesrr . It offers a unique opportunity to educate some Rufuramhembwe means "when the duiker feeds". I00r000 school children every year and an innumer- able number of adults. This will generate a positive The detail is as fascinating as it is endless. interest in the animals, and is, therefore, an op- I believe our purpose is to generate enthusiasm portunity to encourage further interest in wildlife for conservation. I believe we are searching for and conservation as a whole. The project includes meaningful tools. I believe we are aware that the a lecture haII, and interpretative exhibitions and sheer necessity to exploit our natural resources in nature trails. order to Iive is the biggest obstacle to conser- The Mukuvisi prolect, which has been approved vation. I also believe thaÈ those who live near by IUCN/WWF, needs every support so that it can do virgin forestsr who are in a way the trustees of a good job right from the start. Getting it right, our wildlife heritage, are also often so poor that first time is the stated policy. Success could en- they need to harvest the forests the most. I also courage similar projects elsewhere in the world. believe that those who derive ornaments and pleasure The project is well under wayi and conservationists from plundering the wilderness Èo brear animal skin should make every effort to nurse it from its child- coats or decorate their homes are a force to reckon hood to the nassive educational giant it is intended with in the long run. This does not rule ouÈ con- to be. trolled exploitation of wildlife resources for human benefit. I believe r¡ire are aware thaÈ naÈure appreciation is not governed by a universal attitude. People i-nteract with aninals in different ways and for differenÈ reasons. The balance of naÈure as a scientific concept does noÈ appeal to the man whose fields are devastated by kudus, rnonkeys and baboons. It is enough here to say that the totem system in Shona society was developed through observation and profound appreciation of nature. Times have 234 235 Shona People, Totems and Wildlife

Section Five Some Common Family Names Freque@eopIe WHERE WE ARE GOING Chuma - Tortoise Dzíva/flove - Fish Gumbo - Leg Hunghre - Great Fish Eagle Makoni - Buffalo Matemai and Shava - species of antelope Mhazi - Lion Moyo - Heart Mutasa - Zebra Ngara - Sheep Nyandoro - ElephanÈ Shumba - Lion INTRODUCTION Even though we only have a small proportion of the research, data and models on which to build a culturally-oriented conservation, it is still irnportant to evaluate this material as a sÈeppìng stone to planning more appropriate activities. We have therefore collected together a number of different disciplj,nary and sectoral perspectives united by a common focus on culture, coìser-vation and development and based in part on a cornmentary-is of contr i.butions to this volume. But our aim not a resÈr icted contemporary debate and these final papers speculate on the future in a way that should stimulate controversy. rom bero bY natu by anY be necessary in the team that will tackle future prob- l-ems. Of course there are irnportant disciplJ.nes, notably economics. Many argue that economic criteria dominate in any dj.scussion of Èhe environment. Conservation may be regarded by some national government.s as a luxury with few cash benefits and many costs. But another economic argunent is being developed: the ultimate value is perhaps not what people are thought Èo need in terms of goods and services but what they want, what they value and cherish culturally and what they can manage Èhem- selves. Conservation may have a central part in this populistic and neo-utilitarian theme i-n economic development. One further poinÈ: although we have tried in this volume to think in a national conEext, in terns

236 237 of concrete cases, we must never forget t.he socio- Chapter Seventeen economic superstructure and the "one world" environment we a1l inhabit. International activities CULTURE AND CONSERVATION: then are not just a questign of Èidying up con- SOME THOUGHTS FOR THE FUTURE flrcts on the boundaries or the commonlands, they are very often the key to what happens internally By in any nation. So international, intersectoral, environmental planning, is of Èhe greatest irnport- C. de Klemm ance, even if it is often planning without teeth, 21, Rue de Dantzig wi.thout the sanctions that make rules stick. 75015 Paris, France The importance of the total socio-economic structure means the creation of nehr disciplines which can handle the Iinkages between the natural and social processes. Of course there are different approaches to this. Our intention is not to come to a judgement on any one appropriate approach - we ABSTRACT merely Íntroduce some of the elements for the debate. The rethinking that is going on about culture The purpose of Èhis paper is, in a very preliminary and conservation needs flowers from many different wây, to attenpt a review of the different types of fields. traditional cultures as they relate to the natural environment and of the factors that may have contributed to their survival or disappearance. The documenÈs on which Èhis review is based are essentially those that were subnitted to the Bali Con- gress and to the IUCN Comnission on Environmental Planning on the theme of cuIÈure and conservation. In addition, it would seem that if traditional cultures are to be preserved, some of the means that could assist in achieving this result should be explored. Two of these possible means¡ the legal recognition of customary rights and the revival of territorialÍsm are therefore examined in some det.ail. These are, to a certain extent at least, Iegal concepts. It may be symptomatic of the inportance of inter-disciplinary work that most of Èhe documents reviewed have ignored them completely.

INTRODUCTION In our modern world traditional cultures are disappearing at an increasì.ng rate. elÈhough considerable research work has been undertaken by anthropologists, a lot of important information has already been lost as old people die and their knowledge is not transmitted to younger generations and remains unrecorded. Moreover, anthropologists have tended to concentrate on subjects such as languagesr rê- ligion, social structures, arts and crafts and to neglect ecological relations bet.ween man and his environmenÈ. This may be due to the fact that ecol- 238 239 Some Thoughts for the Future Some Thoughts for the Future ogy i.s stiII a relatively new science, the import- c) lasÈ but not Ieast' aIl cultures form a ance of which was, sometimes, not sufficiently rec- part of the cultural heritage of mankind ognized. Yet, ecology is the key to a better under- and should therefore, as much as possi-bIe' standing of the place that man occupied in nature be kept alive for their intr insic value and of the religious and customary rules that he independently from the economic or conser- developed to assisÈ him in his survival. t¡ith the vation benefits which may be derived from disappearance of nany tradit.ional customs and the them. death of those, such as fishmasters or masters of the land, who enforced them, a lot of extremely For these reasons and as a result of Èhe Christ- valuable information wilI be lost for ever. church resolution' the subject of "culture and con- The subject has, however, now received in- servation" has now become an important element of creased attention on the part of conservationists. the IUCN programme and several papers dealing wiÈh As early as 1963, the Ninth Technical Meeting of the relaÈionship between protected aieas and in- IUCN, held in conjunction with the Union's Eighth digenous peoples were presented at the Third World General Assembly in Nairobi, dealt extensively with National Parks Congress in Bali in OcÈober 1982. the Ecology of Man in the Tropical Environment which Other papers were presented to the IUCN Commission was its main subject. Several papers presented at on Environmental Planning under the general heading Èhat meeting specifically discussed the role and of "culture and conservation" (IUCN/CEP Work in impact of pre-industrial man. More recently, the Progress No. 13) as a background document to support WorId Conservatj.on StraÈegy emphasized the import- furÈher research into the Iifestyles, conservation ance of traditional knowledge to assist in conser- and developmenÈ practices of traditional communities vation-based rural development and the l5th IUCN and to define furÈher action. General Assembly meeting in Chr istchurch, New Zealand, in October 1981, adopted a resolution (Res- olution L5/L9) on the role of traditional Iifestyles TRADITIONAL CULTURES AND THE NATURAL ENVTRONMENT and local populations in conservation and development. There are several reasons why traditional Ther e are considerable variations in the methods cultures are important for conservation: used by human societies to utilize the natural resou r ces of t.heir environmenÈ. Their methods RâY, a) 'rrural communities often have profound and however, be regrouped under two rnaior headings: detailed knowledge of the ecosystems and d irect predation and farrning ' including stock- species with which Èhey are in contact and ra].srng, although the two may of course be conbined. ef f ective \ìrays of ensur ing they are used sustainably" (I¡Iorld Conservation Strategy, ch. L4, para. 10) . In particular, trã- rvlan as a Predator ditional societies have been using for centuries a large number of wild plant Hunters and gatherers. Ethnical grouPS for which species for food or ¡nedicine; it would be flintiñg, fishing and gathering are the only means a tragedy if that knowledge was irretriev- of subsistence usually live in remote areas gener- ably Iost; aIIy unsuitable for agriculture. Examples are the b) many traditional methods of Iiving resource Eskirnos or Inuit in Arctic tundras, the Bushmen in managenent are worth rescrutiny or reviving the Kalahari Desert and the Aborigines of the arid either in their original or in modified regions of Australia. Other groups in the same forms (Vùorld Conservation Strategy, ch. L4, category inhabiÈ dense tropical rain forests âsr para. lf). These rnethods are often based for inJÈance, African Pygmies and the Negritos of on religious customary rules which may southeast Asia. prove useful to conservation today as they Al-I these Peoples occupy vasc areas and their aIlow for non-destructive or sustainable population density is very low- Hunters are nomadic ways of exploit.ation of the natural en- ãnã tneir movements are governed by the local abun- vironment i dance of game. Societies are divided into individual group! or clans, each one Iiving on its own 240 24r Some Thought,s for the Future Sone Thoughts for the Future territory, from which aII oÈhers are excluded. ritories to ouÈsiders, the introduction of rnodern Tneir behaviour is strongly territorial. equipment, weapons and gear and the centralizing Many of those cultures have disappeared after emanating from governments in the name of national coming into contact with outsiders. Physical ex- unity. As early as 1953, the reporÈ of the Bukavu termination, the transmission of diseases against Conference was already noting the fact. that wild which their members were noÈ naturally immuner gên- animal populations \^rere rapidly decreasing in many etic swamping and habitat destruction were probably areas as a resulÈ of t.he disruption of customary Èhe najor causes of their fall. Among surviving practices and the development of commercial hunt,ing. groups many are in a precarious situation. Farmers and PasÈoralists I'armers-hunÈers. Predation is however a character- iscic of aII cultures and of aII Èimes. It is a Shiftinq cultivators. Many traditional societies means to supplement food obtained by farming, have practised and are sti II practising shifting especially protein rich food such as meat or fish. cultivation, probably t.he earl iest form of agri- It can also be a conmercial or a recreational ac- culture in which mankind was ever involved. The tivity. As a means of subsistence it continues to nethods are renarkably similar in different areas play a very important role in many developing areas of the tropics. After the trees have been felled of the worldV. t,he area is burnt and the crop is planted, usually Predation was, however, generally severely with pointed sticks. After harvesting. the land is regulated in traditional societies. Each ethnic generally abandoned and a nev, site is cleared. group had its oh,n territory where menbers of the Aþandoned sites are left fallow for several years, group were not allowed to hunt except by permission after which they are cleared again and a new cycle of the chief. Examples of such customs are men- starts. However, if the fallow period is too short, tioned, for instance, in the report of the Third crop production declines, as soils become impov- International Conference for the Protection of the erished. Indeed, to be sustainable, this form of Fauna and FIora of Africa (Bukavu, 1953). In many agriculture requires large areas of forest. It has areas of the former Belgian Congo, nohr Zaire, hunt- been estimated that, on average, a family needs at ing was restrict.ed to the tribal territory. It was Ieast 2OO ha of suitable forest land in order Eo a collective endeavour underÈaken for the benefit grow their subsistence food requirements and allow of the community as, a whole. Game meat was equally for the proper regeneration of the forest. Tra- apportioned between aII nembers of the group. Hunt- ditionally, therefore, shifting culÈivation was ing for personal gain was not allowed, chiefs often practised by migratory groups noving through the had the power to establish game reserves where alt forest within clearlv-defined t.erritorial boundaries huntl.ng was forbidden. Offenders incurred strict which excluded outsiåers!/. penalties. Much has been written on the subject of shift- Sinilar customs are found in many parts of the ing cultivation but conclusions are often contradic- worId. Examples are the collectively-owned lands Èory. For sone, as soon as agriculture begins in of Papua New Guinea, from which hunters and collec- the forestr €vêrì in its most primitive forms and tors who- do not belong to the landowning group are with very long fallow periods, primary forest is excluded2/. The allocation of megapodã ìesÈs in destroyed and replaced by secondary formations for certain Pacific islands to farnily groups or the a very long time. Thus, the forest ecosystem is practice to allow only one village at a time to considerably damaged and its genetic diversity, in harvest- a coral reef in Pukapuka in the south parÈicular, is seriously affected. PacífLc3/ are other examples For others, this form of land use is "widely Other conservation practices include religious suited ecologically and socio-economically to the Èaboos against t,he taking of certain species and sinple needs of man and the potentialities of the the esÈablishment gf protected areas such as sacred environment" in circunstances of relatively nild groves and pondsa/. Most of these customs on populEtion pressure and if enough land is avail- religious traditions are no$/, however, rapidly dis- able9/. Indeed, under conditions thaÈ become in- appearing as a result of the opening of tribal ter- creasirlgly difficult to ¡neet, nowadays, Èhis type of 242 243 the Future Some Thoughts for the Future Some Thoughts for agriculture is certainly sustainable as it preserves crease in human and livestock populations, caused essential life support systems, wat.er and soil fer- pr irnar ily medical and veter inar ian tility. But this is only true of the stable forms care, car es became rapidly exceeded of shifting agriculture as practised by traditional- and eros sPread. The examPle of societies. Unstable forms, unfortunately, tend to Mauritani zîer is, in this resPect' predoninate today, as landless farmers, unbound by particula terr itorial Iimits, settle on forested slopes on soils which rapidly lose their fertility. As a of result, many of the remaining tropical forests are Sede a r iculture. Traditional methods now threatened. S enÈary agr u ure, including gardening, irrigation and terracing have constitsuted for manY centuries stable forms of Iand use. The construction practised with Pastoralism. Pastoral economics developed in the of terraces, in particufär, has been õ1ã-h¡orIã--Ïn open arid regions unsuitablã considerable skiII and success by many mountain for agri- Nomad to rice herders drove their Iivestock over large terrj.- and watering aqueducts of the grain-grovring Hunzas torj.es, the boundaries of which were deter- in the Pamir. In \"testern EuroPe, Èhe bocage with usually its criss-crossing netv,tork of hedges is another nined by custom. Herds often supplied alt needs, provided terri- as essential products such as salt were obtained by example of a stable systen which exchange or barter. Hunting provided game meat, torial boundaries and. preserved the soils against run-off and erosi on!!/ . especially in times of scarcity. As long as the methods often carrying capacicy of the ecosystem vJas not. exceeded, These tradiÈional of cultivation a situation of equilibrium wiÈh t.he environment prevailed. Fodder reserves, where grazíng was prohibited in periods of droughtf were often estab- lisbed. These reserves were collectively owned by a tribe or a village and trespassers were penalized. The hema sysÈem of the Arabian peninsula described ag!i- by Omaz Draz is good is the chinampas system' a form of irrigated a example ,of efficient manage- culture, which wab used by pre-Columbian Peoples ment of an arid Iand ecosysternl/. Another example, which has now been which must be typical of Ehe past situation over Èhroughout tropical America and Iarge areas of Africa and Asia, is the pastoralist revived in Mexico under the Man and Biosphere Pro- economy of the Jebel Qara in Oman, where a small gramme of unesco. population of some 20,000 inhabitants and I00,000 head of cattle still remain in equilibriun with the OF TRADITIONAL SYSTEMS nalural environment in an area bf about 2r000 sq CHARACTERISTICS kmg./. Ecolog ical This state of equilibrium was possible to many points in conmon achieve, as long as natural controls t.he Mosi traditional systems had maintained and they generally met all three objectives of the number of animals at a level consistent with the support systems carrying capacity of the land. "In the absence of WorId Conservation Strategy- Life overgrazing, were preserved because sustainable forrns of land stock was healthy, damage caused by use such as Èerracing, stable shifting cultivation disease not very great, but enough to control practised growth. Ecosystems were in equilibrium until the and moderate pastoralisn \¡tere usually ' beginning of the present century. poputation did The harvesting of wild animals and plants \"tas not increase or increased very Iittle in tropical governed by religious beliefs and cusÈomary rules countries during the 18t,h and Igth centurieã..2/ if,at made it sustainable. Genetic diversity was mainÈained as a result of the low pressure exercised But with the disruption of territorial boundaries, of re- the gradual disappearance of customs and the in- over natural systems and by the irnposition 245 244 Some Thoughts for the FuÈure Sone Thoughts for the Future

Iigious taboos or the existence of sacred groves or the single feature thaÈ has contributed the most to ponds. AJ-though not necessarily always intended as the preservation of native cultures and of their conservation instruments, these rules were generally resource base. effective in mainÈaining population in equilibrium . Th. opening of closed sysÈems by conquest or with the environment. invasion is certainly as old as mañkina ãna has Admittedly, certain species have been hunted probably resulted in the extermination of many to extinction in prehist.orical or historical tines. unique culÈures. But many also survived or evoived This may weII have been the case of some of the ane\d after they had assinilated their conquerors. Iarger European mammals. IÈ is certainly true of In our modern world however, complet,ely closed the giant flightless birds of Madagascar (AePyornis) and New Zealand (Dinornis). One must recognize that cerÈain cultures vtere less conservation ninded than others. As an example, certain Australian hunÈing tribes have caused erosiqq.by an excessive use of fire in the dry seasonlZ/. Conversely, certain cultures were perhaps more conservation prone than the average. The example of the Bishnois of western India, a religious sect that enjoins its followers never to cut a green tree or kill any animal is a good example of that kindfS/. It would seem' however, that Èraditional cultures that have succeeded in surviving did so because they were able to adapt themselves to stringent ecological conditions. Human and Iive- stock populations were mainÈained at low Ievels, probably noÈ deliberately but as a result of warfare, disease and Iimited supplies of food. V'lhen- THE LEGAL RECOGNITION OF TRADITTONAL ever the carrying capacity \¡¡as exceeded' the balance CUSTOMARY RIGHTS was probably restored by famine or emigration. Some of the ancient rnigration of peoples may well be due Several legislations recognize that traditional to this cause. rf the balance could not be restored' societies, because of their speeific lifestyles, it is very IikeIy that cultures merely disappeared must be allowed to continue to take frorn the wild in a process of natural selection. The demise of the Mayan and Khmer empires may be examples of such a process. Countless un-named traditional cultures have probably gone the same way.

Etholog ical Territorialism is a feature of many animal speciest including man. rts purpose is to prevent over crowding of suitable habitats and to ensure a sufficient supply of food to the individual' fanily or group. As we have seen, Èraditional societies were otherwise imposed on commercial or sporÈ hunters groups clans or strongly territorial. Individual or gatherers. To avoid over-exploitation, however , of hunters, fishermen, herders or shifting culÈi- hunting is usually only allowea j.f it is performed vators all lived within clearly-determined bound- by traditional means and to neet hunan needs for aries which they were not allowed to cross excePt foc¡d and clothing. As an example, Alaskan natives for social purposes. In this waY, wasteful com- m3y t_ake endangered species if t,he taking is primar- petition for the same resources was avoided and the ily for subsistence purposes. Edible þortiìns of environment preserved. Territorialisn nay well be such species may onty be sold in native vitlages for 246 247 Some Thoughts for the Future Some Thoughts for the Future native consurnption, whereas non-edible by-products ment. Exarnples are the Alaska Eskimo Whaling Com- may only be sold in inter-staÈe commerce when made mission menÈioned above, the Eskimo waIruJ Com- into authentic naÈive articles of handicraft and mission or the joint U.S. Canada International por- clothing (Code of federal regulations vol. 50 cupine Caribou Commission. participation of sub- I7.5). This should usually limit the risk of over-' sistence users in the nanagement and decision making exploitation, at least for species, the taking of process coul_d provide a means to overcome resistance which by non-natives is prohibited. There may be to regulations which too often attenpt to impose however, some exceptions where the regulations of unfamiliar forms of harvesting controls which òon- native harvesting is required. A "cause célèbre" flict with Èraditional local mechanismsLí/. is that of the Bo$¡head whale (Balaena mysticetus). yùiÈhin the boundaries of a tribal territory, This species was hunted almost ti-exEi nction in the customary rules often provided the means to avoid Igth century. It has nol^r been protected for more wasteful competition among individuals. Collective than 50 years and is recovering very slowly. ownership of land and natural resources r¡ras wide- The International Whaling Convention, however, spread but the'equitable apportionment of naturers exempted the native subsistence harvest of this products Èo aII members of the group or clan made species from its otherwise total prohibition. This competition unnecessary. exemption was removed in l-977 as increased native As a result of the exisÈence of territorial catch was threatening Èhe recovery of the Bowhead. boundaries and customary rules, unlimited and free This was unaccepÈable to the coastal whaling com- access to natural resources was prevented and as mnunities of AIaska. The International Whaling conservation was of importance to the commmunity as Commission eventually decided to allow a yearly a hrhole the "tragedy of the comnons', which is quota. The U.S. GovernmenÈ subsequently entered inevitably the consequence of open systems h,as into a co-operative agreement for Bowhead management avoided. A good example is the vicuña in the Andes with the AIaska Eskimo !{haling Comnission with a which was exploited on a sustainable basis for its view to providing for more Eskimo participation wool j-n the times of the Inca Empire. After the and, as a result, obtain a better acceptance by the vicuña became almost extinct through over- Eskimos of management decisions and enforcement exploitation, it was decided to try to reètore this measures. ancj.ent system: Iocal responsibilities for the cuII- Ialith regard to competition between native sub- propor tional distr iburion of Èhe ben- sistence harvesters and other users, many conflicts have arisen in the recent past with commercial or "t?T."#.The recognition of the righÈs of indigenous sport hunters and especially fishermen. The rec- communities over the living resources of theií ter- ognition of native rights may, indeed, if harvesting ritoryr and the recent acceptance of their partici- is to be sustainable, result in a decrease in the pation in the management of these resources, are catch allowed to the other users. These conflicts important steps towards a further recognition of the may not be easy Co resolve. There isr however, a rights and responsibilities of these peoples over marked trend towards granting a certain degree of the ecosystem in which they live. The protection priority to subsistence users over other users of of cr itical habitats , migrat ion routes r âod life the resources. Thus, the Alaska National Interests support systems, in general, indeed requires-of their Lands Conservation Act provides that, ". . . non specialized knowledge, and development the land wasteful subsistence uses of fish and wildlife and cannot be achieved without their participation, or other renewable resources shall be the priority i,n defiance of their interests. The research consumptive uses qf all such resources on the public project carried out among the Inuit of northern Iands of Àlaska..." (16 USCA 3LL2/2/'). Another trend guebecLJ/ and the Lañcaster Sound Regional is to increasingly involve users in the development StudyfV which included an extended public réview, of regulations through formal participation in with Inuit parÈicipation, of all issues involved in local advisory committees and regional councils the future development of this sub-Arctic area, are such as those that have been established by the inportant steps in this direction. Alaska Boards of Fisher ies and Game. Also in To take now the example of another continent Alaska, locaI resource users have created organiz- and different conditions, customary hunting in ations to facilitate their participation in manage- Africa, for a long Èime a sustainable harvesting 248 249 _\r

Some Thoughts for the Future Some Thoughts for the Future activity, h¡as noÈ affecÈed by the prohibitions or with the environment to conÈinue undisturbed by restrictions imposed by colonial powers. erticle rnodern technology',, and, therefore, to preserve both 8.2 of Èhe London Convention on the Preservation of natural and cultural values at the same time. Fauna and FIora in Africa gave international recognition to that exempÈion as early as 1933. Soon' ,"n .3'?f,3t tO,' however, with the decline of tradit!gnaI customs' and by L. ex- hunting became almost unrestr ictea12/. The pro- tremely att nize tection of native rights under such conditions meanÈ that many be Iittle more Èhan an official acceptance of the fulfilled if they are to be effectivety implemented. tragedy of the commons. In 1968r a new Convention The consent, co-operation and particiþatibn of the for the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources peoples concerned wiII be requiredi protected areas in Africa was concluded in Algiers. Article XI of should prevent the settlenent of outsiders but that Convention provides that "the Contracting should not be prisons for always measures States shall take all necessary legislative be free to leave; neith zoos t to reconcile customary rights with the provisions museums or Èourist parksì ged as of the Convention". This laid down the legal basis much as possible by the pe hem. Èo reinstate the authority of states over uncon- It will not be sufficient, however, to preserve trolled hunting. Many national legislations' how- the protected area from outside influences. -Reserv." ever , continue to author ize subsistence hunting, of tnis type may weII the inside without a game licence, provided only traditional if factors such as ove xploitation breapons or methods are used. and exportation of re r'gain ãnA the introduction of ethbds and weapons are not a trolled. If exploi_ THE REVIVAL OF TERRITORIALIS¡,I tation is to rema e, management plans, to be drawn up in wiÈh thé reserie in_ CulturaI disruption and environmental degradation habitants, should accepted measures of are generally the consequence of the opening of control and possi ntives to leave the closed sysÈems. It would seem therefore that the protected area if it appears that it.s carrying ca_ maintenance or re-establishment of closed or semi- pacity is likely to be eiceeded. closed systems could go a long way towards preserv- An neþt ing traditional societies Èogether with the natural concept ther resources which are essential for their livelihood. there h Moreover ¡ âs territorialism remains one of the vide ma fi;; deepest and most ingrained Èraits of the hunan study o the species, it stands to reason that conservation potentialities of thaÈ type of protected area for measures which would be founded on that feature the future. A survey of existing literature, in would have fair chances to succeed. particular from Aust.ralia and BrãziI, where such Several methods of territorial conÈrol of reserves are known to exist would be particularly natural resources could be investigated. useful.

ProÈected Areas Closed User Groups In the increasingly rare cases where man remains an Competition r groups for the same integral conponent of a natural ecosystemr the es- natural res in a "tragedy of the tablishment of protected areas may be the only means commonstt si on, therefore, should to ensure the survival of certain traditional so- consist in on the use of a re- cieties. Protected areas of thaÈ type are-listed as source to a group of users, such as an association Category vI I in the IUCN classif ic aEíon¿'&/. They or a co-operative r whose int,erest would then obvi- have been given the name of Natural Biotic Areas or ously be Èo exploit, it on a sustainable basis as Anthropological Reserves. Their purPose is "to they would not be threatened to lose to the benefit, allow the b¡ay of life of societies living in harmony of outsiders the product of their investments or 250 25L Some Thoughts for the Future Some Thoughts for the Future t.he results of their self-restraint. Within such groups to prevent unauthorized outsj.ders from hunt- closed groups the revival of traditional customs, ing on the grouprs territory. This could be achieved witn regard to both exploitat.ion methods and sharing by village co-operatives or associations which of the benefits among members, could provide ef- wouLdr asis of former customary fective management tools. The establishment of rules¡ tions, control poachers, close user groups would seem to be of particular preserv s, lay down harvesting value for three types of users: fishermen, hunters' regulat game meat among theii and pastoralists. il:i?::?" associarions unaJ,qu iî?u,ï1,-å"if."oäX":::l Fishermen. The recent creation by the new Conven- EÏõn õñ-he Law of the Sea of a 2OO miles Exclusive Economic zone is in fact a decision to close' to the benefit of the coastal statef marine areas which had previously been fully oPen to international competiÈion. Provided they can be effectively consumption to all members of the association. enforced, these new rules represent considerable progress as compared to the earlier situation. But now that national fisherrnen are protected fron the Pas tor aI is ts . Nomadic pastoral systems are almost inroads of foreign fishing fleets, there remains to find ways and means to protect them against them- sel-ves, that is to say against wasteful over- exploiÈation induced by free competition and free access to the resources. This can be achieved by the establishment of coastal co-operatives with exclusive righÈs over certain areas, certain species, or both. Co-operatives would then adopt their own access, territorial boundaries and collective man- management plans and objectives, control access to agement procedures. Again, customary rules applying the fisheries, enforce conservation regulations and to nomadic arazLng could be revived ãnd enforèãa-. allocate the catch anong their members. The revival of t.raditional conservation-based management nethods should then be easy. Fishing co-operatives of this Prote d Landsca s kind exist in Japan where they seen to operate very Traditional forms of sedentary agriculture, includ- satisfactoríLy?4. The problem of the preser- ing J-and races and pr imitive cultivars of dornesti- vation of fish critical habitats over which fisher- cated animals and cultivated plants are rapidly dis- ments co-operatives may have no control will havet appearing. yet their preservati.on may be of great however, to be taken into consideration. importance in view of their great. potÃntiat .rséf.rl- ness for future agricultural developments. Their conservation, however, may be difficult to justify Hunters. The regrouping of all hunters in a par- unless the national community is prepared to com- EIõuIar area into a hunting associatj.on for the pensate farmers for the loss of income they incur purpose of developing and implementing game manage- as a result of conservation measures. menÈ plans is an idea which is gaining momentum in The experience of a few European countries in cer tain developed counÈr ies . In many developing preserving certain man-made landscapes through in- countries, on the other hand' the decline of cusÈom- stitutions such as the British National parks or ary rules and the disruption of clanic territorial the French Parcs Naturels Régì.onaux could constitute boundaries have resulted in unfettered competition an j.nteresting starting base for a study of the and the depletion of populaLions of game animals legal and financial requirements that could make and, therefore, of an important source of protej-ns. conservation measures reasonably effective. The A possible solution could be to try to reinstaÈe a extent Èo which certain types of landscapes, such sufficient degree of territorialism among huntersr as the Bocage, could be sufficiently well rep- 252 253 Y

Some Thoughts for the Future Some ThoughÈs for the Future resented in protecÈed landscapes to constiÈute at logical reasons for certain behaviours. least benchmark areas against which ecological 4. Review present legislation, including treaties, changes occurring in modified areas could be recognizing particular rights to indigenous measuredr remains to be seen. peoples. Study the evolution of this legis- Iation r gaps, prospects for the future , and enforcement. CONCLUSIONS 5. Review present and fut.ure possibilities of global ecosystem management with the partici- Over-exploitation of natural resources and ecosystem pation of indigenouq peoples. degradation are nor{r progressing throughout the earth 6. Review experience already acquired in anthropo- at an alarming rate. Fron a world which was mostly logical reserves. successes and failures and composed of closed, stable and regulated systems r¡re try to establish conditions for success. are rapidly moving into one of open, unstable and 7. Review experience already acquired with local unregulated systems whose carrying capacities are, closed groups, such as co-operatives, that have therefore, easJ,ly exceeded. The opening, by force been granted a monopoly for t.he exploitation or otherwise, of closed systems has lead to the of a renewable resource. Examine successes and disappearance of Èerritorial boundaries, competition failures and try to establish conditions for with outsiders and disruption of conservaÈion- success. oriented traditions. In many cases the opening of 8. Review the extent to which the protected land- closed systems has also resulted in considerable scape concept has been successful in preserving increases in the size of human and livestock popu- traditional activities and land races or primi- lat ions . tive cultivars. Try to establish conditions It can, however, be argued thaÈ the continu- for success. ation of Èraditional lifestyles cannot be inposed 9. Review incentives or disincentives, if âñy, against the will of the peoples concerned or Èhat used to promote conservat.ion of particular the benefiÈs of development cannot be denied to forms of farming, animal husbandry, etc. these peoples for the sake of preserving the en- I0. Excess human population and overstocking are vironment or vanishing cultures. Does this then often a major cause of the degradaÈion of mean that al-l traditional cultures are dooned? natural systems and traditional cultures. The Perhaps not, as societies throughout the world subjecÈ is difficult and nay be politicatly become increasingly aware of their cultural idenÈ- sensitive. Most of the papers reviewed tend ities and realize that rnaintaining thern may not to ignore it. If certain areas are to be saved always be an obstacle to their developrnent. In this and their productivity restored, solutions will Iies hopes for the future. have to be found. Is there any experience of population reduct.ions induced by incentives or oÈher means? PROPOSED SUBJECTS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH

I Review anthiopological work for books and NOTES papers that bring together anthropology and ecology and assess the st.ate-of-the-art in such 1. See for instance SaIe "The Importance and integrated work. Values of l¡Iild Plants and Animals in Africa". IUCN 2 Try to promote further integrated research in 1981. the field. Select priority targets on the 2. P. Eaton rlcusto¡nary Land Tenure and Con- basis of known conservation pr ior ities and servation in Papua New Guinear'. national conservation strategies. 3. G. Klee "Traditional Marine Resource Man- 3 Review historic work for books that provide at agenent in the Pacific". least ecological theories t,o explain invasions 4. M. GadgiI "Soci.al Restraints and Resource or the fall of certain civilizations. ltany Utilization: The Indian Experience". historians seem to be una\dare of potential eco- 5. W.S.A. Paynê "The Role of Domestic Live- Iogical causes for inportant evenÈs or eco- stock in the Humid Tropicsn, in nThe Use of Eco- 254 255 Some Thoughts for the Future Some Thoughts for the FuÈure

ProtecÈed Areas, Categories, Object.ives and Criteria for Protected Areas. 2L. R. Dasmann: The Relationship between protected Areas and Indigenous peoples¡ L. Brownrigg: Native Cultures and Protected Areas: Management Options. Invited papers, lrlorld National parks Con- gress, BaIi. Indonesj-a, L982. 22. J.P. Troadec: Le développement et Itamé- nagement des pêches mondiales drun régime juridique à I'autre - Colloque objectif Mer - paiis, 19g3. the Near East". 8. H.F. Lamprey: "Preliminary Proposa-ls for Èhe Conservation ánd Management of the Jebel Qara Regionr'. 9. B. toralism"; in Pro- ceedings of Meeting, Nairobi, Lg63, IUCN P No. 4' L964' 10. J. nnental Deqradation in Mauritania". tI. F. Terrasson: "Les valeurs écologiques des systèmes ruraux traditionnels et les bases cul- turelies drune inÈervention : Ie cas des bocages à haies vives dans Ie centre de I'ouest de Ia France"' L2. M.J. Meggit: "Aboriginal Food-Gatherers of Tropical AustráIia" in Proceedings of I{,CN 9th fechniôal Meeting, Nairobi, 1963' IUCN Publication Nebr Series No. 4. L964. I3. M. Gadgil: "Social Restraint in Resource Utilization: The Indian Experience". L4. Saving SiberuÈ, a Conservation Master Plan. 15. See Kelso "subsistence Use of Fish and Game Resources in Alaska": Considerations in For- mulaÈing Effective Management Policies in Trans- actions of the 47th North American I'rildlife and National Reserves Conference' 1982. 16. C. Ponce del Prado, "Inca Technology and EcodevelopmenÈ. Conservation of the Vicuñas in Pampas Galeras"i Paper presented at the Bali Con- 9ress. 17. hI. Kenp: Inuit Land and Ecological Knowl- edge. 18. See Green Paper: Indian and Northern Affairs Canada L982. The Lancaster Sound Region 1980-2000; and P. Jacobs: PeoPle' resources and the environment, perspectives on the use and management of the Lancaster Sound Regiont Indian and Northern Affairs Canada' 198I. 19. See report of the Bukavu Conference' 1953' 20. IUCN: Conmission on National Parks and 256 257 Chapter Eighteen

ETHNOBOTANY AND ANTHROPOLOGY AS TOOLS FOR A CULTURAL CONSERVATION STRATEGY

By Enrique Leff 200 E.72nd SÈ. Ap.26-A New York, NY 10021' USATwo

ABSTRACT

anthropology have a prime role in developing.the theoreticai-tools to study scienÈifically this situation and provide a better base for planning.

conservation should þe an important part of an overall conservation strategyr and may be the only Prac- tical neans of attaining these goals. Through Èra- diÈional cal stYle of aPPro- assimila I.:X:'1"'"'.tnï?t:l: eration aPPlication of its productive techniques thus induces a social process ðf conservation an¿ transformation of Èhe environ-

de- race, displacing their traditional practices, - ói"ti"g th-eir nãtural resources and degrading their 259 Ethnobotany and Anthropology Ethnobotany and Anthropology quality of Iife. vations, and some of then induce transformations of In our presenÈ historical and economic con- the whole productive organizaÈion of a community. ditlons, Èhe ãIternative strategy to counteract the Even culture will face these changes wit.h different current ecological and cultural destructive process' degrees of rêsistance and different attitudes and cannot be based simply on the conservation of the potentials of assimilation for these innovat,ions. landscape and the return to ancient culturaf styles. In other cases, especially in the more recent colon- Emergence and evolution define every living organiz- ization projects, but also in communities strongly aÈion, as weII as innovation as characteristic of disrupted by their incorporation to the market econ- human societies. Every culture, although identified oßy, their actual productive practices and their þy its traditions, is transformed through an his- technical means of exploitation of resources can torical process of influences from external social already be ecologically inappropriate. In these systems. Our historical option is to conceptualize cases, some of the unconscj.ous conservation prac- an alternative strategy of developnent, based on tÍces thaÈ in the tradit.ional cultures were rnanifes- the articulation of nature and culture and on a new tations of their social and religious behaviour, paradigm of ecotechnological productivity that now have to be replaced by an educational process would promote a sustained and diversified process' and a conscious assimilation of some ecological and of production of the means of weIl being for dif- technological pringiples for the rational management ferent human societies, while preserving their fun- of their resourcesV. damental ecological structures and cultural traits In any case, not all the traditional practices for the reproduction of their naÈural resources. that constiÈuÈe an ethnical styte of management of The role of traditional practices in this eco- their resources can or should be preserved unchanged development strategy apPears to be more complex than in an ecodevelopment, strategy. It is therefore im- a simple historical reÈurn to the precapitalistic portant to know the historical process of cultural or "prinitive" societies. In the first place, not assj.milation of the ecosystems, as well as the his- aII of their techniques and productive pracÈices torical transforrnation of the environment and the had a conservation irnpact on their environment. oasic cultural traits that constitute the ethnical Moreover, the conservation qualities of those tra- idenÈity of a community and its principles of integ- ditional practices do not simply arise from their rity. Nature and culture are complex inter-related technical properties, but in most cases are the processes that undergo ecological and historical effect of the social conditions of the application t,ransformations. Planners and scientists should of such techniques, in the way that the productive participate in those processes not to try to repro- practices are interlinked with the rest of the cul- duce their phenomenological manifestations, but to tural behavíour of the people, t,heir patterns of help preserve certain fundamental natural and cul- consumption, the socially sanctioned access to tural structures on which the productive potential their resources, Èheir religious beliefs. This is of the ecosystems and the cultural integrity of a why the applicaÈion of those traditional techniques human society rely. will have its advantages only through a specific The above demands a scientific knowledge about ethnical sÈyle of productive organization. The the ar^tj.culation between naÈuraI and social pro- social and productive role of every individual cessesá/. The inter-determination bet.ween nature within a culÈure' the deployment of his technical and society cannot be fully understood through the abiliÈies, his knowledgê of the environrnent, his effects induced by the international accumulation attachnenÈ to his naÈal land, are all inportant el- of capital on the exploitation of natural resources ements of his personal identity and cultural inte- and the transformation of the ecosysCemic struct,ure grati.on. That is why the self-defence of the tra- and functions. These effects of the international ditions of any conmunity is the most efficient economic system are always mediated by the cultural poliÈicaI action to\"tards Èhe preservation of its organizatj.on of the social formations living within natural resources. a certain region. From there arises the inportance Even sor Èraditional practices cannot be Pre- of knowing the rationality of the peasant's society served as such in an ecodevelopment strategy. l'lost and of the so called "primJ.Live" societies, as they of their productive Èechniques can become more pro- generate the "laws" of exploitation and use of ductive Èhrough ecological and technological inno- their resources, the conditions of reproduction- 260 26L EthnoboÈany and Anthropology EthnoboÈany and AnthroPologY conservation or of exploitation-depletion of their regioni it is worsened whenever inappropriate tech- env ir onment . nological means of production are imposed upon Èhe Chayanov3 / hu" thus stated a law of equilib- traditional social organization and productive prac- rium between the j.ndividual efforts and the consump- tices to maximize the profits of cash crops in the tion of the people in the cornnunity as the fundamen- short term. tal rationality of the peasant t s economic unit. Studies of pre-capitalist societies show as This law is constructed upon "demographic deterrni- welI these conflicting and clearly differentiable natj.ons" emerging from the family structure, and on productive rationalities. There are those where a cuLburally-defined subjectiviÈy of iÈs individ- cultural practices are inÈegrated with the con- uals. These conditions would establish the balance ditions of equilibrium and conservation of the eco- and Iimits between the drive for consumption and the systemi these seem to condition the social division efforts to obtain it. The study of such cultural of labour and the productive roles of the community. processes is imporÈant fof a conservation strategy, The productive process is mainly oriented to satisfy as Èhey help us to undersÈand the rationality of the internal needs of the population' which þglances Èhe peasantrs self-exploitation in relation to the the carrying capacity of the ecosystema/. In satj.sfaction of their physiological and cultural contrast to this, other social formations tend to needs, in a combined process of subsistence pro- naximize the comrnercial benefits of the exchange duction and of commercial exchange with other ðom- value of Èheir products¡ their traditional practices munities and with the national and international and their tradi.tional knowledge are more easily economic systems. As the peasantsr economies become transformed through the effects of the external j.nserted in the market system, the prices of their demands drawn upon their naEural resourcesi the raw materials and foreign consumers' goods generally producÈion of such economic surplus often generates tend to r ise in relation to the prices of their an over-exploitation process of their ecosystems. commerciable surplus. The rural worker tends then We have stressed the importance of understand- to increase the time he devotes to generate that ing Èhe cultural processes thaÈ mediaÈe the articu- surplus, as weII as the rhythn and intensity of IaÈion between the dominant historical and economic exploitation of its natural resources, often exceed- processes r and Èhe transformation of the natural ing the capacity of the environment to regenerate ecosystems. NeverÈheless, the specificity of such those resources and destroying the conservation mediation can only emerge from the knowledge of the mechanisms of the soils against its degradation and structure of every culture, from the rationalit.y of irreversible erosion. this trend is increased by its productive organization. The mediating character the intensification of the drive of consumption of of a traditional society over the effects of the t.he community through external propaganda, which capitalist system on the environment' must then be generates a growing demand for the exploitation of specified far beyond Èhe economic determinaÈions of a commerciaole surplus and results in a continuo¡rs the commercial exchange between these social forma- rise in the transfer of value from Èhe peasantrs tions and the naÈional and international economic economic unit to the external economic system. systems. On the other side, the demographic con- Nevertheless, the inexistence of an internal tend- ditions of a peasant econonic unit cannot simply be ency in the rural societies towards a maximization derived from their genetic deEerminations' nor can of profits or of an econornic surplus, acts as a the division of labour of the pre-capitalist so- balancing mechanism for the destructive effects cieties be explained with a framework of ecological upon the natural resources imposed by the capiÈaI rationality. From the moment that Ianguage emerges accumulation process. in human historyr generaÈing symbolic and ideologi- The use of some traditional techniques (when- cal processes, it is impossible to understand a cul- ever they have not been replaced by modern inappro- tural organization as an emergence from its under- priate technologies) helps to preserve the enviion- lying biological structures. The synbolic effects ment, even through a more intense exploitation of of language in history over-deternine the genetic its resources. But these ',buffer" effects disappear determinations of human populations through their whenever the integrity of the culture is destróyed, effects on kinship structure, the production of and the peasant transformed into a wage-h¡orker for meaning in their religious beliefs and their social the exploitation of the natural resources of t.he roles. The productive notions taken by the people 262 263 Ethnobotany and Antshropology Ethnobotany and Anthropology do not simply respond to an ecological rationalitsy, the ethnobotanic interests \¡rere or iented pr imar iIy but the symbolization of the environment, Èhe social towards the study of rare vegetalsr with less en- meaning of t.heir resources is articulated wit.h t.he thusiasm for t.he more useful plants in generaJ_, and whole social organization and acts in return towards the domestic ones in particular. This retarded the the process of transformation of the ecosystem botanic knowledge of plants of economic interest through the productive practices of the culture. and the history of the social relations that deter- The forms of dominaÈion of a national and inter- rnined the ecological and geographical transform- national economic system over these different social ations of the environment of different cultures. for¡nations depends upon the materiality of their More recenÈIy, the field of ethnobotanics has in- cultural organizat,ion, generating differentiable cluded the rrstudy of systems of ideas, notions and forms of accumulation, of technical specialization attj.tudes of an ethnical group with regard to their and of exploitation of their resources. vegetal environmentrr. Ethnology and Anthropology are fundamental Barrau defines the enterprise of the ethno- theoretical tools to grasp Èhis conplex core of cul- botanist as one responding to t.hree fundamental tural organization and to reconstruct the ethnical questions: I) How men... see, understand and use styles of appropriation of the environment. At the their vegetal environment; how do they participate same time they appear as practical disciplines to anci how they recognize, name and classify their conduct a strategy of ecodevelopment, as the tra- elements? 2't i¡lhat is the cultural significance of diÈional practices of pre-capitalist societies can the vegetals? 3) What are the origins, the uses, serve as a starting point for the implementation of the properties and the economic value of these more efficient modes of nanagement of the ecosystems prantã5,/a under the principle of preserving its basic eco- Thus, ethnobotanics is the scientific study of Iogical sÈructures and the cultural integrity of the historical connections between different cul- the people. In this sense, the theoretical function tures and their vegetal environment. The specificity of t,hese scienEific fields, inasmuch as they help of these inter-relations arises from a double con- to reconstruct the historical process of articu- dition: from the natural one, the properties of Iation of culture and nature, serve the practical the different plants determines its uses and the purpose of promoting a more harmonic structuration structure and functions of the ecosystem determines betideen ecosystems and sociosystens. Especially the evolution of its biologic poputations; from the useful for the historiographic reconstruction of natural side, every cultural formation generaÈes an the interactions of different cultures with their ethnical style of appropriaÈion of its environment natural resources is the study of ethnobotanics, t,hat conditions the transformation of its eco- and the analysis of its object of research deserves syst.ems. Fron these inter-relations the productive some attention. functions of Èhe cornmunity and its social division Jacques Barrau places the orígins of ethno- of labour take form, their technicat means and botanics even before the botanic taxonomy of Linneo. abilities, their nythical representations, their One of its precursors, Georg Everard RUmph, called patt.erns of consumption. But these cultural traits Rumphius, already describes in his Herbarium are also constituted through processes of trans- Anboinense (I741-5 6) the popular nomenclature and culturation that affect the social organization of taxonomy of the plants known to that culture. an ethnical group and its actions towards their en- NeverÈheless, the t.erm "ethnobotanics" hras invented vironnent. The practical knowledge and the ideo- by Èhe American botanist Harschberger in 1895 for a Iogical formations of traditional societies emerge scientific field of which the object would be to from the articulation of such ecological, cultural 'rshow Èhe cultural perspective of the tribes that and historical processes. used the plants or its products. . . deternine the Ethnobotanic enquir ies are necessary to re- rant.ique distribuÈion'of the useful plants, and cover the traditional practices of todayrs and define the traces of the paths followed long time ancient culturesr and to unveil their historical ago for the exchange of products of vegetal origin". process of constitution, conservation and destruc- The field of ethnobotanics was then enlarged with tion. Evidence and traces of these cultural pro- the findings of vegetal archaeology and the eth- cesses can be found in the language and t.echnology nography of "primitive societies". Nevertheless, of these ethnical groups, as they emerge as struc- 264 265 EÈhnobotany and AnthroPology Ethnobotany and Anthropology tural tendencies9/ that sometimes survive to the From a spacial and physico-biological perspec- actual traditional practices that made them emerge. tive, ecological research is necessary to understand Ethnolinguistics and ethnotechnology beco¡ne Èhen the geographical conditioning of Èhe environment on associated fields of an ethnological research. But the cultural productive practices. It is an essen- inasmuch as Èhe ethnobotanic study deals with the tial discipline as well for t.he planning of an eco- cultural significance and religious beliefs of the developmenÈ straÈegy. OnIy a well supporÈed knowl- community, it should be supported by an anthropo- edge of the structure and functions of the different Iogicat study about the mythical representations of ecosysEems can give us the clues for the trans- the people, as much of the rationality in Èheir formations and selective regeneration that an eco- percepÈion and use of their reqources is "hidden" system can assimilate, to naximize the productivity in tnãir ideological formatLo¡s7/. of the more useful species without disrupting the In some cases the underlying values of the capacity of regeneration of the ecosystem. Eco- Èraditional societies in their unconscious behaviour logical anthropology would then give us a closer towards nature and in the symbolisn of their social view of the ecological conditions of a cultural or- practices will not be manifested in their cultural ganizaÈion and its rationality of resourcesr man- productions, technology, Ianguage or myths. A agement. psycho-anthropologic inquiry on the cultural un- From this articulated theoretical approach t conscious of the people (whose theoretical and ecological- regeneration and cultural integration meÈhodological principles are yet to be developed) become inter-related processes. Biocenosís and would then complete the study on the ethnical style history, evolution and social change are linked of appropriation of the environment, and of the together. The research in the fields of ethno- icieological formations of the community. botanics, ethnolinguistics and ethnotechnology will Anthropology' ethnobotanics and ecology thus serve to rescue some t,radit,ional practices and the become closely inter-related fields of knowledge, means of production of a culturer and to assess the necessary to understand t.he traditional practices ecological and historical viability of differenÈ and the cultural managemenÈ of natural resources. modes of management of the naturã1 resources9/. From a structural approach Èo the mythical represen- This traditional knowledge can then be fertilized tations, religious beliefs and unconscious behav- by modern science and technology Èo generate an iour, anthropology contributes to the an3]ysis of increasing ecotechnological ¡lroduct,ivity fron the the ideological fornations of a culture9/. This ecosystens while preserving the basic cultural is important, as those formations do not simply Èrait.s of the people and conserving the essential reflect a natural economic rationality based upon a ecological structures for the regeneration of their process of biological adaptation and assimilation natural resources. This can only occur through a to the environment through long periods of practical process of cultural assinilation for the generaÈion experimentation. This ideological conditioning of of a new productive organization with nore efficient the peoples' actions determines their specific eth- means of productioni from a participative action of nical style of appropriation of their resources. the people in the defence of their resources and From the perspective of the articulations of the the management of their productive process in order traditional social fornations with Èhe national and to improve their living standards. international economy r the overall structure and rationality of a culture is a key factor in understanding the irnpact and resistance that the people REFERENCES and the environment will have on the denand for resources generated from the external economic system. I. Cf. E. Leff, "Hacia un Proyecto de Eco- Anthropological- knowledge wiIl also be necessary to desarrollo", in Comercio Exterior, Vol Xxv, No. It re-establish some cultural traits of the population Mexico, L975. whenever they have been disrupted through the irn- 2. Cf. E. Leff, "Sobre la Articulación de las position of foreign modes of production and tech- Ciencj,as en la Retración NaÈuraleza-Sociedad", en E. nological patternsr to rescue their cultural integ- Leff (Ed. ) , Biosociotogia y Articulac!ó4 4e las rity and regenerate the productive capacity of their ciencias, UNAM, Métièol rs8f. ecosystems. 266 267 \r

Etl¡noboÈany and AnÈhroPoIogY

3. A.V. ChaYanov' La Orqanización de Ia Unidad Chapt,er Nineteen Campesina, Nueva ViEiõn Ed- Buenos Aires, Económica CULTURAL ECOLOGY AND IIMANAGEMENTU L97 4. OF NATURAL 4. Cf. M. Godelier, Antropología y Biología, RESOURCES OR KNOWING WHEN NOT TO MEDDLE Ed. Anagrama' Barcelona L916¡ C. Meillassoux' Ter- rains et Théories, Ed. Anthropos, Paris' 1977. By ffiu, "LrEthnobotanique au carrefour des Sciences NaÈurelles et des Sciences Humaines", P. Nowicki L97I, pp. 238 y ss-i 9, rue de Collégial-e BuIl. Soc. Bot. Fr. Nun. Il8' 59800 Lille, France 'rPlantes et Comportements des Hommes qui les Culti- vent, 1'Oeuvre Ethnobotanique dIAndré Haudricourt", La Pensée, L7L, pp.37-46. 6. Cf. A. Leroi-Gourhan' Le Geste eÈ la Paro- 2 Vols. Albin Michel Par is 1964-1965. Þ, ' ' y 7. Cf. M. Godelier, Economía, Fetiqþisrno ABSTRACT 1i ron en iedades Primitivas Siglo xxI s., Me Cor rauss, tr uctural ism In reviewing and Ecology", in Social Science Information, Vol 12, the literature including contributions No. l, L912, pp. Æ:- Èo this volume, the "noble savage" idea can only be Anthro- undersEood in relation to specific examples empiri- 8. Cf. C. Lévi-Strauss, StrucÈuraI caIly observed. There are many difficulties too in pology, Allen Lane' The Penguin Press, London' 1968- planners ------9: cf. A.G. Haudricourt, "Domestication des making appreciate cultural realities and Animaux, Culture des PlanÈes et Traitenent drAu- even more in letting the people communicate. But trui", LrHomme, VoL 2, Num. 1, 1962i and "Nature et "management" is also a sacrosanct concept, and may Culture dans la Civilization de Irlngame: Lrorigine be even more insidious than the ',noble savage,, idea. des Clones et des Clans", LrHomme VoI. 4, Num. l, And what is most lacking is discretion, leaving a tendency to meddle which can have quite adverse L964. P. Gourou, "La Civilisat on du végétal", rndo- results. nésie. VoI 1, No. 5' 1948, PP 387-392. The concept of the noble savage refuses to disappear, and perhaps rightly so. BuÈ let us understand this concept in terms of "noblesse oblige", in that the rights to a certain title imply a structure of obligations wiÈhin which that right is exercised. This structure of obligations is the axis of our analysis which reflects our interest in cultural adaptation to ecological reality. fhis structure of obligations in the sense of cultural ecology is no more and no less than the fit or misfit of human land-use practices with regard to the carrying capacity of a given ecological system. The ideal of a symbiotic relationship beÈween man and nature seems to be demonstrated by one historical analysis, that of Gadgil concerning pre- Colonial India, in which man is capable of behaving as a "prudent predator". His model of the traditional distribution of resource use has a striking resemblance to the model of different species of the same genus (such as the birds in our garden)

268 269 Knowj-ng When not to Meddle Knowing lVhen not to Meddle which have overlapping niches. The analogy between ment of certain requirement.s, regeneration the developnent of the caste system and the phenom- of vast areas or ranges of forest land enon of niche speciali.zation according to the eco- could be achieved. logical models is not difficult to arrive ât, and is intellectually very satisfying. So it is that¡ êVên in contemporary times, the con- The debate on the validity of the noble savage tinued survival of irnportant land areas in which concept can not be settled ex cathedra, however, but indJ.gineous people have retained land-use practices by empirical observation. -thiEl--ãF we shall see compatible with the ecological potential of their shortly we shall find nuances which are extremely s j.te induces almost ar{resome respect, as in the case important in Èhe development of managemenÈ strat- of the Jebali people in the Jebet Qara Region of egies for the conservation of Èhe worldrs resources, South Oman, as described by Lamprey, or also certain both bioLogical and cultural! native populations in Latin America studied by The historical arialysis of Mauritanian eco- Leslie A. Brownrigg. This discovery of the appar- Iogical evolution and cultural adaptive mechanisms ently harmonious relationship between man and his by GriLznerr/ is fascinating in that we see an environment leads to a statement by the latter initial adaptation to an environmental system that author that, with tilne changed because of climatic shifts. Re- source use no longer being adequate to the con- Native people possess an exact knowledge sÈraj.nts of the environmental situation produces of the environment, including the species degradation of the ecological system. Successive and ecological relations among them. Hunt- cultural changes in land-use practices seem to at- ing , gather ing and fishing under native tempt to find a new equilibrium, but each time the regimes apply knowledge of the natural weaKness of the perturbed ecological system causes history of each species to sustain yields it to ciegrade even further before a new equilibrium tnrough managed harvesting. with the carrying capacity can be attained. The degradation accelerates with intemperate incursion 'Ihis thesis is the subject of !,Iilkes' presentation of new cultural elements from the outside, be they of the Gitksan and Carrier Indians of north-west tserbers, Arabs, or Europeansf and land-use practices British Columbiar Canada, but in a strikingly dif- totally incompatible with long-term resource utiliz- ferent context. For these Canadian Indians are ation completely decimate what potential there was claining the resÈoration of rights Èo manage the j.n a sustainable relationship between Iocal indigen- catch of salmon, on the basis that their traditional ous populations and their environment. management has been more suitable to naintain sus- History repeats itself, cruelly and unrelent- tainable yields, as was practised before the Federal lessly, as hre see in the Sudan, through the exposé Government of Canada intervened on tt¡e question of given by Omar Draz regarding the inability in of- fishing r ights. The two auÈhors menÈioned just ficial circles, in the promulgation and application before, howeverr âÍê regarding man-nature relation- of a Decree in 1953, to recognize the ecological ships which have noÈ yet been subrnitted t,o the in- importance of the Hema syst.em of range reserves in fluence of outside managenent. the Arabian Peninsula. That these lands were opened So is it the "native" in realiÈy the epitome to free grazing went against the inherent sense of of homo ecologicus, towards whom we should be turn- the social organization of grazíng rights (and their ing for instruction on resource management? The controll), which even found expression in codified question is not posed (entirely) tongue-in-cheekl form in the Koran. IÈ is a pity that his conclusion We have to clarify our thinking towards indigineous is recognized only after the fact that precious re- cultures, and the cultural ontology of their resources have been wasted. source managemenÈ, in order to better appreciate the basis for our ohrn motives in proposing management croups of people met in the various plans. countries where hema have been naintained, This aspect of native mentality, a symbiotic are of the opinion that if previously relationship betvreen cultural and natural forces, practised righÈs of usufruct were restored is in fact the reasoning behind the enigmatic postu- or allowed Èo be given, subject to fulfil- Iates of François Terrasson. 270 27L Knowing When not to Meddle Knowing When not to Meddle

En explorant alors le domaine symbolique Some observers have concluded that a lack d'une culture on obtient en décriptant les of obvious Iong-Èerm planning by peopte symboles Ia véritable J,mage de la nature in some areas implies an absence of qui fait foncÈionner la société et prendre decisj.on-making capabilities. But Èhe les décisions relatives aux zones naturel- people \¡re are observing in this project les du territoire. repeatedly demonstraÈe Èheir willingness Le symbolisme de 1a vie quotidienne to use their ninds actively rather than ... nous dira également une foule de cho- slavishly following a plan. Indeed, one ses qui nous permettra de savoir si la can argue that in the absence of a firm, société en questi.on esÈ un terrain favo- comprehensive plan, more, not less, rable pour Ies mesures de conservaEion. decision-making is required. The text of Vayda et al. gives us good insights In addition to the cultural ontology with regard to about the cultural reality relative to conservation, resource use governing human activit.y, the economic and by ext,ension to natural resource management as bias of planning may equally ignore the ecological a planning exercise. But before going further, we reality in which the cultural reality is j.mbeãded. must put ourselves in the right state of mind by In a rather concrete fashion, the',best,'of plans recalling that the consideration of "wealEh" in non- fail because of basic ignorance in this domain. economic terms is difficult in benefit-opt.imization Piously bring their data paradigms which characÈerize planning. (An indi- base to and completed by cation of the extent to which "The greatest good them;buÈainarationar for the greatest number" concept of Bellamy pervades exposé environmenÈ, in our cult,ural ontology regarding resource use.) In that a culture will have already translated the addj.tionr benefit-opÈimization paradigms ignore ecological realit,y into symbols which are t,otally that people confronted by the necessity to Iive incompatible with the "economic,' reasoning regarding will often take the path of least resistance. resource exploitation. The native, however, -is not "dupe"r and he will not interact with his ecological So far, most of the people we have been context in a way whiAI-wiII not give at least ,iini- studying have been found responsive to mal results. This much, at Ièast, the resource economic opportunity. Being responsive manager can observe, so as not to propose an objec- does not mean, however, thaÈ they are tive which defies the common sense oÈ local knówl- ready to consider all the possible edge. alternative uses of their labor, Iand, or Communication with regard to the ecological capital, and then chose from them those basis for the cultural ontology of resource use is lirely to be most profitable. If there of course possibler but within certain Iimits that is an opportunity to gain profit in a the outsider musÈ be aware of. In order for a dia- particular way, the people frequently logue to be established, both parties nust be able respond to that without necessarily con- to transform their symbolic perception of ecological sidering whether or not there mighÈ be reality into a common lexicon. Sb¡ne syrnbols rnãy be other ways even more profitable. very easy to reconstruct, by a substitution of eI- ements which reflect the common lexicon, but others ln fact, the basic problem of planning when con- may not be. ú{hy? perhaps because it is difficult fronting cultural reality is that plans are un- to substitute elements, responsive to unprogrammed variables. Cultural reality is the day-to-day efforE to survive with an a) ej.ther fundamentally¡ end in nind that is other than wealth itself, be it b) or because no replacement elements are purificat.ion by a pilgrimage to Mecca, or whatever. readily perceived. So instead of being astonished, r^re can understand the following reflection. In such a situation, lhere are two possibilities. Either that one cultural ontology with regard to resource use substitutes itself for another - the

272 273 Knowing When not to Meddle Knowing When not Èo Meddle classic process of westernized development - or the in an analysis of which groups in the social context potentially dominant culture has to interpret by gain by such measures (and by how much), and which itself, the second culture to understand the sym- groups lose. The sceptic will have an a priori bolic construction of its physical universe. Unty- intuition that the Ioser is our protagonîst,--Tñe ing the Gordion knot of a culture/environment re- noble savaçte, and his kinsmen. lationship is perhaps the best contribution which !{ith regard to any developrnent project it is cultural ecology can make to a conservation-oriented important to be able to know, to identify, who management plan. gainsr who loses. That is, which social groups are To arrive at such an analytical result, the concerned at each end of the stick: who have long- best may be again to take a clue from Terrasson, term interests, who have short-term. this time his examination of hedgerows, and to look There is a difference in making a punctual in- at the landscape as a cultural manifestation. By vestment which increases the overall productive Èhis we mean that it is necessary to study the land- capacity of an ecological sysÈem, which supports scape, as modified by the man-nature interaction, itself, and the investment which changes initial to know which aspects have a functional role, in circumstances so that the systen is no longer self- addition to the rnore political attributes in a cul- supportÍn9... then continued input from outside the tural sense. system is necessary Eo maintain those who depend As much as hedgerows reinforce, in effect, upon iÈ¡ and internal productivity never equals the agricultural productivity, therefore they must be need for outside input. understood not so much as boundaries demarcating Thus, as much as a cultural ecologist can pre- land-tenure rights but as mechanisms to insure r,rater sume to be a planner, there is an argument to be retention and temperaÈure control. So it is in advanced for Ieast compromising land-use planning, general that, through the analysis of landscape holding as many options open for the future as poss- atÈributes for neeting particular management objec- ible, by choosing Iand-use options which pose the tivesr ôDd which to retain in order to maintain least constraints on other possible uses... To do basic natural equilibria. nothing may mean that everything still remains poss- This leads us to make a distinction between ible. natural resource management programmes per se, and Let us take a closer look at what it means to the necessary prerequj.site cultural conditioning so feel responsible for the long-tern use of sus- that a management. programme will succeed. tainabl-e resources, in particular from the angle of For it should be evident by now, with all due "who wj-ns/who loses". Then, and only then, can we respect to the concept of the noble savage, that a turn h,ith some lucidity to Èhe whole concept of particular cultural group may or may not respect "management" of natural resources. Èhe constraints on resource use stemming from the It is too tempting to pass by the occasion to theoretical carrying capacity of the land. This we Iet the "natives" speak for themselves on this sub- see through several of the texts referred to so ject, so let us not resist temptation, and we shall far, and again in Èhe account of traditional marine recite a series of quotations from the Èext of Kemp resource management in the Pacific by Gary A. Klee. regarding the perspective of managenent of the Inuit tiìle can also remark from this example of Oceanic t,erritories in Canada. For precisely in Èhis conLext peoples among others, quite interestingly reflected can r{re appreciate "the logic of social responsi- as well þy Polunints examination of the maritime bility that sped Èhe process of territorial acqui- people of Indonesia, that direct responsibility for sition and cultural displacemenÈ" which Kemp so resources promotes resource use practices compatible justly puts into the limel-ighlU. with resource sustainability. Continuing this line of reflection, in the case Perhaps this general attitude gives rise of the Lebali and the Latin American Indians, why to more specific interpretations of the is it necessary to institute management plans in future role of native people, such as that areas where the people live harmoniously, to alI stated by an investment banker in ltontreal apparent purposes, with their environnent? Irfhat on May 8, L974. are the motivations of management, Iet alone devel- "... That the north will be developed opment... and to this question the only answer lies and the resources utilized for the con-

274 275 T Knowing vìlhen not to Meddle Knowing When not to Meddle

tinuation of the industr ial sector of t,o do the job for us... and even if he can, as we Canadian, and when warranted, Western take up more than our fair share of space on this Society, is no Ionger a question. The planet, he will sooner or later be confronted with millions living in the developed regions a managemenÈ problem which goes way beyond his ca- of Canada cannot be held captive by a pacities for coping: the continuous breaking down handful of people wishing to hunt rab- of one link in the ecological chain after another' bits". a seemingly implacable process set in motion by the This logj.c finds itself in opposition not-so-noble civilized society (of all epochs, for to another, that of the Inuit, as ex- that matter ) . pressed by one of the rabbit huntersr hin- Management is a way of restoring a certain self. virginit.y which has been lost. We wish to do now Please try to fathom our great desire v¡hat others may have been doing already before we to survive in a way somewhat different came along. Simply, the scale of the operation has Ëhan yours. !{e do noÈ dislike lvestern or changed, as has that of the use of natural re- hlhiteman. We simply treasure our young sources. We taIk, in fact, about assuming responsi- and our culture. It is our belief Èhat bility. But as we are "sharing" the resources of both (you and we) can live together side others, \,re are more or less constrained to share by side, but not necessarily eating out responsibility for management with them. So, in of the same bowl. passing, Iet us incorporate in a theoretical construction of management another observatj,on of Kemp, It must be underlined, when reflecting on these on- that "responsibility, however, cannot be super- tological statements, that the idea itself of man- imposed from Èhe outside, nor can assumptions and agement. has some inherent,ly rather biased conno- information upon which problems are identified and tations. For it we regard the questi.on from the decisions are made, ignore the local concerns and perspective of our noble savage, again an Inuit; h¡e points of view..." There we areI ¡le are in the may find that his opi.nion on the matter is radically position of calling the tune after having expro- different from our own. priated the fiddle. It is inportanÈ, when we shall try to conceive There is no group which has a greater of management from the perspective of cultural ecol- interest in protecting fish and game re- o9y, to realize Èhe incongrui.ty of the situation. sources Èhan the village people who depend To illustrate this situation, no better expression upon them for subsistence. can be found than in this last passage extracted from rempL/, which is remarkable for íts poignant What is most insidious is the concept of management clar ity. itself. Whereas it is not so difficult to ridicule the concept of the "noble savage", on the contrary The potential explosj.veness of the situ- the concept of "management" has such sacrosanct ation must be realized, and programs and overtones that we are blind to the fact that, as a action must reflect the lack of Inuit concept (at least from the Western way of perceiving feelings about their lack of ability to it), it might be the more ridiculous of the two. make changes. The Inuit feel themselves If for no other reasonr the collection of texts to be victimized at many levels. Victims which are under our consideration is capital for a of a political system that forces them to serious reflection on the very meaning of manage- negotiate for land that they already know ment. WhaÈ an occasion to demonstrate that manage- is theirs; victims of a bureaucracy that ment, if nothing eIse, should imply great discretion does not recognize their desire for an before acting. effective voice in decision nakingi vic- Thus we arrive at an appropriate stage to look tims of a funding system that does not at the concepL of management iÈself. Elsewhere provide assistance for resource problems beforehand we have raised the question of rnrhy ri¡e viewed as irnportant by local peoplei vic- should want to manage anything at all, and yet we tims of a system of economic priorities realize that our noble savage ¡nay or may not be able that allows for development to take place

276 277 Knowing When not to Meddle Knowing When not to Meddle

at the expense of native values and life or rather adapted to the ecological dynamic with style; victims of having to justify Èheir which it interacts, or that poliÈical po-wer harvesting practices while development !gr..become imposed on resource exploitãtion slstems"y"i"^" can make massive, long-term impacts on (implJ.citly, as an extraneous influence on a'lócal the environment and ecology¡ victims of a system of scientific enquiry which does not facilitate their access to sources of expertj.se who are actually willing to transfer their expertise' not sell it' to native people. Tne contrj.bution which Qultural ecology can make to the development of managenent straÈegies - once we have passed the psycho-analytical phase of deternining our real motivations for wanting to manage for culture before implementing a management programme someone else when we have not made such a brilliant for iE to succeed. After all, humãn natüre-rnigtt effort for ourselves - is to elucidate how to under- be responsible - for many things - but as Cliffórd stand "traditional" cultures as management systems. Geertz has so succinctly put it, 'rThere is no such It is necessary to discern the keys for success... thing as human nature independent of culture". or failure... of a management process already engaged on a small scale, confronting the very eco- Iogical dynamic which we wish to manage on a larger' "comprehensive" leve1. The problem, for the cultural ecologist in any case, is to understand why traditional practices developed. This wiII reveal a number of things' not the least of which is the theoretical carrying capacity of the land. The methodology, broadly speaking but sufficient for our purpose of iIIus- t,ration, is to discern what has been the evolution of the envj.ronmenE, because oft the wind changed direction. This metaphor explains hunan resistance to a whole series of- a) either the influences ("impacts" for the naturål ca_ moderns) of traditional practices, b) or the natural changes (especially in climate, or species migration or degradation). Obviously the influence of one might set in process a modification of the other, but iÈ is usually possible to understand which is the independent' and which the dependent variable. menÈaI consequences of the renoval of perennial As fine examples of this, we have the texts of grasses by grazing Iivest,ock. . . KIee and Gritzner. What is most sJ.gnificant is to " determine under which "management regimest', in face It is perhaps somewhat ironic that his- of which ecological conditions, an eguilibrium torical use pressure and the traditional between social and natural forces has been achieved. focus of developers upon increased agri- No better example of this' and the corollary argu- cultural and pastoral production ñave ment which follows, is Èhe text regarding "Saving Iargely destroyed the very resources that Siberut, A Conservation Master PIan". To continue, susÈained Mauritanian populations during continual degradatlon historically can only imply periods of scarcity. Geographers, anthrol that either the existing culture is not "condition", pologists, and botanists active in the 278 279 --t

Knowing ù{hen not to Meddle Knowing When not Èo Meddle

Sahel have long realized that when behaviour. droughÈ, diseaser warfare, or oÈher mis- This point of view of culÈural ecology has also philosophical overÈones¡ and, to the extent that this point of view can "condition" the cultural bias of those involved in naÈural resource management, I have found no better credo than the following passage of Tabayiwa. mals. I do believe our purpose is to generate Many of these sPecies, as well as enthusiasm in conservation. I believe we 1iÈeratly hundreds of other useful species are searching for meaningful tools. I recorded in the various biogeographical believe we are aII aware that sheer need surveys. . . pr ior to l"laur iÈanian indepen- to Iive on our natural resources is our dence (f960) are nol¡it either regionally biggest obstacle. I also believe those extinct or occur in numbers so modest that who Iive near virgin forests, in a way they are no longer capable of guarantee- the trustees of our wildlife her itage, ing the survival of needy populations. are also so poor that they need the harvest of the forests the most. I also be- v'Ihile admir ing the beauty of adaptive mechanisms t Iieve that those who derive ornaments and aII of this is understandably discouraging for both pleasure from plunging into the wilderness the environmental and cultural manipulatorsr to call are in the long run a force to reckon a spade a spade and thus narne planners for what they r^rith. I believe we are aware t.hat nature really are. Not that we should not wish them suc- appreciation is not governed by a univer- cess, but it is fair to say that this review, and sal attitude. People interact wj.th ani- all of the Èexts so ably by themselves, seek to mals in different ways and for different remind the reader of the necessity to know very reasons. The balance of nature as a well why a management plan is necessar v in the first scientific concept does not appeal to the place. The fact that there are 9oo d examples of man whose fields are devastated by management plans t as for Siberut in Indonesia t monkeys, kudus and baboons. It is enough should not offseÈ our incredulity in certain cases here to say that the totem system in Shona thaÈ a management plan is really necessary. society was developed through observation If cultural ecology demonsÈrates anyÈhing' it and profound appreciation of naÈure. is that it is aII too easy to meddle, either $tith Times have changed and collective benefit cultures or with their natural environments, but it from the wilderness has to be reciprocated is very difficult to Propose a management strategy by collective responsibility over what we better than their own. After all, these very cul- a1l and each rnust have. An effort has to tures have been meddling with their own environments be made to induce a collective understand- for quite some ti¡ne, and the moral of the story is ing that the wj.lderness cannot provide that they succeed as often as they do not to adapt forever without a careÈaker. Education in a symbiotic way. thus becomes an essential dimension in We would like to end where others might have conservation. To be effective, it is thought it apPropriate to beqin... True to a certain necessary to be sensitj.ve to the already reputation fõr understatemenÈ characteristic of its existing experiences and outlooks. The culture, the Concise Oxford Dictionary gives ¡neddle conservation theme must stretch further as v.i., busy oneself unduly (with), interfere (in). to include rebuilding of what we have If humans are anythingr they are meddlesome, already lost. e:_, fond of rneddling. FinaIIy, we will do weII to keep in mind, when conceiving of a nanagemenÈ plan for oEhersr thaÈ culEure is far more than a model of behaviour: it is an "ensemble" of reasons for a certain tyPe of

280 281 Knowing When not to Meddle

Chapter Twenty NOTES I In Commission for EnvironmenÈaI Planning TOWARDS ETHNOCONSERVATION I UCN ) !{orking Paper No. 13. By 2 Op. cit. IUCN/CEP Working Paper' No r3. No 13. 3 op. cit. IUCN/CEP Working Paper' David Pitt IUCN/CEP CH-1l96 Gland, Switzerland

ABSTRACT

A. new synthetic . discipline is called for uniting the anthropological and ethnological sciences, oriented specifically towards conservation goals working through popular level initiatives including tradit.ional ideas. In such a folk ecology qualitative nethods and improved communications--woild play an important role.

INTRODUCTION The most important feature of the papers in this volume is probably the emerg f a new synthetic discipline un and the ecological sciences which no- conservation. This kind of of course new. In an inportant essay on shifÈing agriculture, fir,st published in 1954, Conklin develops what he calls an ethno-ecological approach (Conklin in Vayda, 1969) the use of ethnograþñy, or participant observation to look aÈ environment,al attitudes

Anthropology nenÈions Ethnobiology. Ethnobotany and ethnozooLogy generally have now well established neÈworks of interested specialists. Ethno in these groups _ means both cultural and historical aspects related to specific social groups which c1a-in a common descent or other close affinities. Recent social anthropology has been nuch interested in culture, indeed the subject has been called cultural

282 283 Towards Ethnoconservation To\"¡ards Ethnoconservat ion anthropology in some countr ies. Here again Èhe an amalgam of new and old ideas, beliefs and behav- recent emphasis has not been on Èhe maEerial culture iours flexible enough (pitt I IgjO and 1976) to adapt itsel-f, oi on behaviour (as in Unescors Encyclopedia where necessary to situatj.ons of so-called "modern- of Social Science I L964) which was in any case very ism", industrialization, urbanization etc, as demon- often observations by outsiders of what it was strated by successful production systems with or thought people \¡tere doing. Culture has been seen without capiÈalist infrastructures and the vast ratner as a set of ideas, symbols and models which numbers of migrants t0 urban areas. penetraÈe all levels of society and which defj-ne in The question of subsistence level was relevant iact that society, and nark it off as a sub-culture. only in thaÈ it reflected social, political and Language is important in culture in this sense and economÍc distance. For this reason aÃthropologì.sts tocãl ieligion, philosophy' arts and so on (cEP, have also been interested in those mi.noriÈieJ who re83). are not at a subsistence level, but still out.cast, BuÈ the conservation angle, or more precisely cut off from the majority society, by processes of Iinkages to conservation strategies, environmental exclusion within that society or separated by a planning and Èhe Iarger problems of socio-economic deliberate "policy" amongst the peopte thenselveÀ. ãevelopmenÈ planning are still in an early stage of The inÈerest in these socially remote people theoretical formulatÍon and incorporati.on in prag- was undoubtedly in part due to pressures within ãnd matic policies and programmes. The purPose of this between the different social science disciplines. paper, is to build on the contributions in this Social anthropologists are a minority themseirres in volume by suggesting the roles that anthropology academe and even more in the development agencies. can play in the creation of, ethnoconservation, as Known as people who are prepared to spend their an action oriented discipline. These cóntributions Iives in remote corners of the globe in quite inti- may be summarized under five major headings: social mate contact' vrith what are thought to be strange remoteness, alternative models' folk ecology, popu- customs they are oft.en suspected by their western list thrust and qualitative models. colleagues. As independence movements have replaced the colonial structures their reception at a national level had been, with some exceptions, THE EMPHASIS ON SOCIAL REMOTENESS hardly more cordial . The j.nterest in the tribal dimension, or in social exclusion was seen as a Modern social or cultural anthropotogy has had a political threat, especially when the anthropologists were indigenous, from the disposessed grõups themselves. SociaI anthropology hád been þusfrèa more and more towards the peripheral social gioups, in some cases to serve as witnesses to their exÈiÀc- tion (as amongst the Ik of Uganda) (Turnbutl, tgiZ) or their dispersal (it is runoured that Èhe anthropologist is the last person Ieft on some Tokelau Islands). physical anthropology and archaeology. There was Social distance may be argued to be of funda- ãn- assunption that the people today who lived sub- mental significance to ethnocoñservation. We have sistence lives were Iike the predecessors of the seen in this volume that tr ibal and indigenous agricultural and ultimately, the modern industrial people are the poorest of the poor, to use the World urban world. Modern social anthropology has taken Bankrs phrase (Goodland, L9B2l. If they do number a comparative raEher than an evolutionary stance. 200 million (though there are also estimãEes of 300 Subsistence socio-econornic systems were seen to be million) they constit.ut,e the Iargest single group dif f erent, part of ten of social grouPS who rrtere of the worldts absolute poor. They are also the socially remote, rather than inferior in any sense. people most fragile ecosystems, t¡lhilst it may have been accurate to describe these where t numbers of endangered societies as apParently traditional, resisting out- speci,es the tribal peoples Éhem- side incursions of ideas, political power this selves there i.s stltf a ¡nassive appearance could be deceptive. TradiÈion was' often population decline, not only through migration but 284 285 Tov,,ards EthnoconservaÈion Towards Ethnoconservation through Èhe ravages of diseases, seen in high mor- elaborated by a person from a tribal and indigenous taliti, especially infant' mortality rates. The people might favour radically different species and argurnênt tnãt these peoples should be the first to differenÈ goals from that produced in Gland or the receive any help and protection seems at first sight capital cities of the countries. irrefutable. But the anthropologists have been able to show even when well intentioned, e PeoPIe. The unique FOLK ECOLOGY role and PologY is to show how che maxi can be Preserved in a Anthropologists, rationialist and enpirical, have world where development comes habiÈually fron out- been interested not only, in facÈ, not mainly, in sicie. Et.hnoconservation and any anthropological dry taxonomies and classifications, but in the contribution to it, has to be Part of "development holisÈic models which people hold and the wide range from below" (Pitt, I976) where there is first of of relationships which Iink them wit.h their environ- alI an understanding of the alternative nature of ment. What has been called a 'rfolk-ecology" Iitera- many Èribal societies. ture (e.9. Richards I L975i Brokensha, 1980) has emerged. Here anthropology has a major contribution to make because the najor thrust of this literature AL.IERNATIVE MODELS OF CLASSIFICATION is to argue t,hat traditional belief systens and practices are indeed alÈernative, possibly superior Edmunci Leach (I976) has recently distinguished modes of managing environments. It has been clearly betì¡/een two tyPes of social anthropology. An em- shown that such systemsr êvêû if based on what pirical anEhropology, where there is direct obser- appear to be magical notions, are most often not at vation of behaviour, and what he calls a rationalist all irrational and nay actively promote developnent anthropology where there is .an emphasis on cat- goals. egorieé of thought and ideology. ErnPirical- anthro- There is a good deal of evidence to show that pófogy has been important in providing studies of grass roots goals are not the same as those that observations about behaviour in environmental maE- predominate in orthodox western development or ters. But rationalisC anthropology may have even environrnental theory. The accent may not be so more potenÈial . The latter which was pioneered by much on economic aoaIs, increases in productivity Srr Èdward Evans-Pritchard (e.9.1940 studies ot or incone eÈc, but. rather social goals, the preser- tshe nomadic Nuer ) , sho\"ted the importance of ideas t vation of certain valued ways and certain qualities social values etc' in ecological behaviour. Such of life, the resolution of local social conflicts an anthropology shows also that there are alterna- and problems and above aIl, self reliance (Self tive approaches both to classifying the aninal world Reliance, L9821. One can say that such goals are and man's relationships to it. Tarnbiah (I969) in being increasingly recognized and increasingly in- Thailand for exampler showed how the classification corporated in the new thinking on development. For of animals is relaÈed to the social structure example, in the international system, there has been through dietary prohibitions and this is well de- a recognition that quality of life indicators (like scribèd in'a number of studies of so called totemic PQLI) may be mere inportant targets to aim âtr systems (Douglas, L9731. BuIner in his New Guinea rather than say goals such as GNP per capit.a. A studies (1967) showed for example why the Cassowry critical argument fron the point of view of environ- i.s "nottt a bird. mental planning is that many traditional societies The practical importance of these alternaÈive exist in fragile ecosystens Èhat are easily and systems is enormous. Too often there are assumptions often degraded by outside influences after centuries abo.rt the relative value of different fauna and of stability under traditional systems. It has flora and thaÈ the choice on the relative preser- been said for example that the dry ecosystems in vation of species and economic development goals whicir people like the Masai live have puzzled can be relatively easily resolved. The work of the \,restern ecologists but may represent the only method ethno-anthropologists have shown the cornplexity of of existing in this difficult environnent. this situation and the inappropriate nature of many An inportanÈ aspect of folk ecology has been outside views. A conservaÈion strategy for example folk demography (Ardener, L9741, indeed the revival

286 287 Toh¡ards Ethnoconservat ion Towards Ethnoconservation of interest by anÈhropologisÈs in the environment Iiterature and act.ion programmes since the mid-1970s from the late sixties was stimulated nainly by the have been concerned with what Emmerj (1978) first great population - resources debate (e.9. Vayda, called basic needs. These were the elemental needs L969¡ McFarlane, L976). There are a number of an- which any group of people should have: health, safe thropological studies which have shown the different water, shelter, food and so on. But these needs Èypes of denographic attitudes thaE exist in Èra- hrere characteristically defined most often by ouÈ- ditronal societies. Much of the great debate on side experts. They were needs which it was assumed population, resources and conservation would be poor people needed. This vras not necessarily the better inforned if these anÈhropological naterials same thing as what the people hranted. Although of were taken into account. It is not simply a question course there are quantitative minima which apply to of understanding why some groups favour larger fam- many basic needs, Iike calorific intake of food ilies and then blaming environrnental and developnent etc., most have a cultural component (e.9. the type problems on this. Anthropological studies have of food) and local priorities. Also there are many shown that there are a range of denographic behav- hrants which are not naterialr particularly related iours amongst traditional societ.ies. In some cases, to hunan rights, identity and independence. (t.he Micronesian Yap Islands being the best docu- Many anthropologists in these situat,ions have mented case where the resource base b¡as very lim- not hesitated t.o present, espouse and advocate the ited) there were well-developed forms of birth con- Iocal cause. In some cases Èhe anthropologist has trol as well as social constraints on population been an ombudsman (Salisbury in PitCf 1976a). growth well before any modern fanily planning ex- Anthropologists have been particularly acÈive in perÈs arrived (Pitt, L977'). Elsewhere it was shown the formation and running of non-governmental or- (e.9. Nepal, McFarlane, 1976) that population growth ganizations which seek to protect and promote the or decline had a logic of its own, understandable cause of exploited tr ibal peoples whose rights, only in terrns of the specific culture and situation. noÈably in land and resources, are threatened. However, it is true that nany societies do croups like Survival International or CuIturaI place a different value on children than many Survival have been dominated by anthropologists, \,irestern societies, whether there are resource dif - though the profession has also been used by those ficulties or not,. Children are seen as a means of wno seek Èo control or exploit more effectively. providing essential labour or income, in situations where nachinery is either too expensive or presents often insuperable logistical problens. Children are QUALITATIVE MODELS an essential form of security, for care in old age and sickness in those societies, the vast majority Part of the alternative approach which has emerged of which do not have effect.ive welfare state sys- in recenÈ social anthropology relates to a qualitat- tems. This economic and social logic might be ive approach to conservaÈion and environmental plan- argued to underlie pronaÈalist religions or similar ning. Qualitative planning may iÈself be a cultural cultural values and strucÈures rather than vice phenomenon and it is also in some cases an inpedi- versa. ment to planning either because such planning is Èoo top dohrn (notably when planning becomes a self- fulfilling prophecy) or not responsive enough to Èhe THE POPULIST THRUST often rapid and volatile changes in environ¡nental and development situations. There is a saying from Much social anthropology has then been concerned in Africa which says that you can only measure Èhe toad understanding, describing and analyzing the naÈure when i! is dead. of tribal societies. Characteristically such analy- Social ant,hropology has derived it.s data from ses have ended up in weighty tomes which Iine the a close participant observaEion (or exceptionally bookshelves of western libraries and nuseums. But an intimacy with detailed historical records). From understanding has in recent years extended from such daÈa it is possible to build up a picture of sympathy to promotion of what the peoples themselves Iocal culture and !ùants and aspirations following actually $¡ant. In international development strat- the French proverb Èhat the truth is in the nuances. egies this is an important departure. lvlost of the From the outside such a qualitative approach has 288 289 -ì-_

Towards Ethnoconservation Towards EÈhnoconservat ion been seen as the antithesis of Èhe quantitative. ment programmes. Again many straÈegies contain But this is a misconcepÈion. The qualitative is an orderly progressions in Èime but these do not. match alternative meÈhod of measurementf relative not with the perodic intensity of life amongst tribal absolute. It may be equally pragmatic, near enough peoples. Very often key economic activities amongst may be good enough for many purposes and t,he best indigenous people (and associated ceremonial and may be often the enemy of the good. St.riving Eo ritual-) are sporadic. This often unappreciaÈed fact reach let us say lrlorld Health Organizationts stan- nay result in disaster when for example migrant dards of water purity nay be impossible and of mar- Iabour is recruited at Èhese key Èimes, or pro- ginal utility over lesser but, adequate achievement. grammes are introduced without reference to cultural But more important perhaps is Èhat a qualit,at- rhythms which characterisÈicalIy take a long tine ive approach can reflect nore readily bot.h the re- Èo absorb new, possibly threateningr cultural items. ality of Iife and the cultural context. Modern Many progranmes labelled as failures may have been applied nathematics is in fact discovering the util- successful if the slower cycle was undersÈood. The ity of qualitative mathematics, of topology, of time problems of environmenta] planning are, as catsastrophe theory (zeeman , L9771. The utility of Jacobs (I98f) has argued, a priority area for action such theories is that they are more flexible, but and research. also are able to accommodate Èo a fundamental error Similar conments could be made about space in much quanti.tative modelling. Simply, many events boundaries where much planning has missed t.he point of cr.itical importance occur randomly. For example of flexibility, so confining peoples to given pieces recent projections of world food capacities by the of land when their essential movements were nomadic, FAO and other international agencies have carried or deprived them of land which was cenEral to Èheir Èhe riders thats their scenarios are dependent on cultural heritage. More fundamentally, the rigid the absence of any untoward events, Iike warr €coo- classifications of populations for administrative omic recessions etc. Such remoteness from reality purposes has often frozen a sÈructure where dif- may explain why so much planning and projection is ferent peoples may have mixed and merged (Leach, as Peter HalI (f982) called it - a disaster. f970) so encouraging conflict resolutions and ex- The argument is not only that relatively simple changes. quantification is often sufficient (conputers work However, lest this essay be seen as an uncriti- after all ,with Èwo numbers) buÈ t,hat, Che culÈural cal partisan claim for anthropology to be the lead dimension is very often whaÈ is of significance to science in ethnoconservation, it is necessary also people. The Australian Aborigines count, one, two, to Iist the failings that much modern social anthro- many. But the many, be they aninals, birds or what- pology has exhibited. These may be summarized under ever are identified indivj.dually, in terrns of dif- four headings: splendid isolation, lack of appli- ferentiation features relevant Èo the culture. In cation, softness and naivety. a sense, aboriginal maÈhematics are rnuch more subtle than the Euclidian variety, as well as being humanized. Certainly many social, and with them environ- SPLENDID ISOLATION mental problens arise from the anomic alienating st,atistical processes that do not take into account We have stressed that ethnoconservation needs to be the human fact,or. a hybr id discipline. Anthropologists certainly hlhat vre l¡ave said about quantification might have worked in interdisciplinary teams but attitudes also be extended to questions of time and space. have not been basically co-operative. Anthropology One of the most important seÈs of data Èo emerge has Èended to view itself as a super ior self- from anthropological fieldwork has been the demon- contained discipline, holistic and therefore not stration of alternative systens of time. Evans- needing other disciplines. Perhaps not a Pro- Pritchard (f940) showed for example amongst the fessional guild Iike nedicine, Èhere is still a Nilotic Nuer how time was structured around signifi- good deal of ethnocentrism. This isolaÈion is in- cant social and economic events, and this has been creased by Èhe reluctance of some other disciplines, well demonstrated in other fieldwork nonographs. especially outside the social sciences, t,o accept This different concepÈion of time is often a funda- anthropology. Certainly ecology, zoology, botany mental obstacle Èo nany environmental and develop- etc. and anthropology will need to join hands more

290 29L Towards EÈhnoconservation Towards Ethnoconservation otten. for ethnoconservaEion to be effective. As a def init,e phase of count j.ng everything. Demographic/ small example' the anthropological monograPhs we anthropological studies have certainllt been Iaden have talked about may give local names for species with hard numbers. It might be argued too that the but not accePted taxonomic names. movement against positivisn which had its roots in a reaction against the overly deterministic I9Èh century search for "laws" is potentialty weII adapted to conservationr/development situations which LACK OF APPLICATION are ofÈen fragile, volatile and flexible. put Applied anthropology has had a chequered history. crudely, it is not easy, perhaps impossj.ble, to pre- UñtiI the Second World lrlar it might be argued that dict social events from even the rnost sophisticated anthropology vras too applied. Many early studies' quantat.ive analysis and of more value may be a at leaèt in Br itain and France, \^tere connected with series of alternatives and contingencies which add social problems that arose in the colonial system. up to different scenarios. The most serious effect In some newly independent nations anthropology of the hard,/soft argument may be the way it prevent.s became sornething of a dirty word and there htas a clialogue bet\¡reen physical and social scientists who shift of resources t,o sociology or other social each have a stereotype of each other and a block to sciences. There were certainly some newly indepen- communication. dent countries where anthropology retained both its The real point about t,he hard and soft argu- reputation and a pragnatic or ientation, notably ment, (and probably a necessary precondition for India, whilst individual anthropologists pushed on future work) is not so much that one side is right with applied work, notably Fei Xiao Tong in China. or $¡rong but t.hat Èhe issue is to some degree ir- In America and Europe ant.hropologists continued relevant. A common ground may be found in the so to be used (and some times abused) by agencies with called qualitative or Èopological mathematics, which developement interests, Ehough there htas much Iess few anthropologists (a noÈable exception being work done in the environmental sector than for Edmund Leach) have attempÈed to uÈilize. A signifi- example in agricultural development. Certainly too cant application of topological ideas may be Thomj_an theré was a professional 9roup, the Society for catastrophe theory. In many ethnoconservati,on situ- Applied AnthroPology whose membership was mainly ations the object of environmental planning may be American and in 1981 similar groups were created in to identify critical threats or risks and to set up Europe. But the nain thrust was still academic, a preventive mechanisms. There may often be a criti- continuing involvement in whaÈ critics called "kin- cal mass in the conservation of species and some- ship algebra"¡ the finicky detaits of marriage and thing similar may apply to endangered human popu- descent systems. Even the work that involved fauna Iations and their cultural traits as well, and prob- and flora, Iike Èhe magisteriat tomes of Levi ably the th¡o are interdependent. At a given point Strauss (f970) and his followers on totemism and the spiral may go eiÈher wây, viciously down or Amazonian myths, though rich in ethnographic detail virtuously upr to borrow Myrdahl's phrase. Few was largely franed in terms of longstanding European anthropologists (apart from those who are hybrid philosophical debates rather than practical develop- historian anthropologists) have really attacked ment problems. tshese problems of crit,icality and causality.

SOFTNESS NAIVETY Many ttphysicaltt or "naturalt' scientists regard Most anthropologists have worked in situations of social anthropology as the softesÈ of what are re- part.icipant observation in direct contact wit,h the garded as all soft social sciences. Certainly' people and often in most contact with certain elite going back to Leachrs (1976) distinction' the groups. The "Take me to your chief" syndrome re- rationalist social anthropologists who claim a lead- mained important after the colonial period, contact ing role for ideas and ideology, do not use much with women, young people or lower castes within the quantificaÈion. This is much less true of the em- fieldwork area were rarer. I^lhaÈever its virtues pirical ant,hroPologists who went through a very the grass roots perspectives approach had some de- 292 293 Towards Et.hnoconservaÈion Towards Ethnoconservation fects too. There was a tendency, for instance, to Evans-Pritchard, E. I940. The Nuer. Oxford Univer- sometimes idealize the village community in Èhe sity Press. manner of Rousseau and Èhis may explain tbe cases Goodland, R. L982. ibal Pe and Economic De- of conÈradictory analyses e.g . Oscar Lewis after velopment. !ìIor ng Robert Redfield in Tepotzlan, l"lexico, or Derek Hall, P. L982. Plann Disaster s. Penguin. Freeman after Margaret. Mead in Sanoa. There was a Jacobs, P. 1981. n a and Acti tendency too, Èo avoid policy j-ssuesr and documen- Universit.y o Br f CoI ress. tary evidence, both a vital part of an action Leach, E. 1970. Political Systems of Highland Burma. or ienced ethnoconservaÈion. Boston, Beacon. Leach, E. 1976. Culture and Commurlication. Cambridge university CONCLUSION McFarlane, A. L976. Resources and Cambridge Universi ty ress The main reason why ant.hropology is of inÈerest in Pitt, D.C. 1970. Tradition and Econonic progress. conservation and development is its concern with Oxford University Press. both the ideas embodied in culture and the often Pirt, D.c. L976. SociaI n of Deve t ninority cultures of the worId. The difficulties Pernagon Oxfor of incorporating anthropology more fully into con- Pitt, D.C. L976a. (Ed) Development Fron Below. servation act.ivities is common Èo most inter- Mouten, The Hague. disciplinary, intersectoral work. The strucEures Pitt, D.C. L977. population- and Development. Uni- of the universities and Eheir curricular have tended versity of Auc to qefend existing territories and the economic Richards, P. (Ed) f975. African Environment. Inter- cr isis has further prevented boundary crossing. national Àfr ican Institut.e , f,oñdon. Government agencies, and also international Ta¡nbiah, S.J. 1969. Animals are Good to Think and agencies, have too many vested interests in Èhe cood to Prohibit - Ethnology. V. B. n. 4. pp. Èop-down philosophy. There is then a leading role to be played by NGOs like IUCN in creaÈing genuinely Turnbull, C. L972. e Mount,a in Pe . London. interdisciplinary teams and projects in the closest Cape. touch and the deepest co-operation with local com- Vayda, A.P. (Ed) 1969. Environnent and Cultural munities, and in this way giving a reality to ethno- Behaviour. Naturat Hi story Press, New York. conservation. hlinick, C. 1968. Dictionary of Anthropology. Littlefield, Totawa, NJ. Zeenan, E. 1977. Catas tr o e Theory. Addisen-Wesley REFERENCES Reading, Ma ss. Ardener, E. L974. in Parry H. B. (Ed) . PopulaÈion and its Problems. Oxford University Press. Brokensha, D. et al. I980. Indigenous Knowledqe Systems. Lanham, University Press of America. Bulmer, R. L967. I¡Ihy the Cassowry is Not a Bird. Man n.s. V. 2 n. l, pp. 5-25. CEP (Commission for Environmental Planning, IUCN). l-983. Culture and Conservation - An Action- Research PIan. Gland. Defence for Children. L982. Self Reliance. Mouton. Berlin. Douglas, M. L973. Rules and Meaninqs. Penguin, Harmondswor th . Emmers. L. 1978. Facts and Fallacies Concerning Bas ic lleeds ep e . @ 294 295 Chapter Twenty-One

TfIE IMAGE OF NATURE IN THE URBAN ENVIRONMENT By F. Terrasson Muséum National drHistoire Naturelle Service de la Conservati.on de la Nature 36, rue ceoffrey St.-Hilaire Itlaison de Buffon 7523L Paris Cedex 05, France

ABSTRACT A very important factor in understanding reality is mental images. hle need to know what Iies ne-hina

UNCERTAINTY

Disparities in t,he access to certain assets are easy to describe. Identifying the basis of Èhe claim to equality is however more difficult to achieve, especially in the case of nature. hlhen we Èalk of the things that are lacking, that. have been denied to sone of us r do hre ref er Èo sno\¡r, to winter sports, to swirnming at an overcrowded beach; or are we talking about a walk in a peaceful park, rnafing contact with vrhat is left of rural civilization? hlhen we talk about a yearning for nature, we imply that we have a preciãe imagê of what naÈure is, both objectivefy .! a realityr and subjectiveiy, in the fantasy of the dreaner. At the scientific IeveIr the natural environ_ ment is the sum of all biological and physical el_ ements of our ecological systems. But this defi_ nition throws absolutely no tigtrt on our problem. What brings about a decision, the ansvrer to the yearning, the need for being in nature, does not in any tùay correspond to a cold and objective evalu_ ation of the reality, but rat,her to an intuitive

297 Nature in the Urban Environment Nature in the Urban Environment anci emotional resPonse. Consideration of the Fluct ri It is well known, and our advertising people o Rules o Commun cat on never let us forgeÈ it, t,hat what really matters is It not enou to ssue a message¡ it must be done the mental image of a product. This inage conforms correctly. And it is not enough to issue it cor- in varying degrees Èo the reality, or may not' in rectly¡ it musÈ be received. Moreover, receiving facÈ, relaÈe to it at all. it does not necessarily mean perceiving it cor- lrfhat then is the image projected by this prod- rectly. It is essential to remember that when two uct "Nature"? There lies Èhe question, even if we people ÈaIk, the message is never strictly verbal. do not place ourselves in the narketing perspective Tone of voice, facial expressions, body language, of supply and demand. Let us summarize the prin- aII add up to create a non-verbal language, Èhe ciples of the method to be used in order to under- powef and significance of which might be a determin- sÈand Èhe mental images involved. Improvisation ing tactor. This type of non-verbal communication and approximations have caused considerable damage is especially relevant when emotions come into play, Èo the concept, since each of us assumes that his as they do with the concept of naÈure. vision of nature is shared bY all. The above applies both to the questions asked and to the answers given.

METHODOLOGY No LÍteral Interpretations Atthough it is impossible to list. all the rules of The answer s given dur ing an interview are not behaviour that apply to a psycho-sociological sur- really significant in Èhemselves, for the following vey, j-t is possible to make some specific points in r easons 3 connection with the analysis of the perception of naÈure. - the bias of the question; - the image that the interviewee tries to project (give the correct answer), in Eerms of The Question Must not Influence the Ansbter the cultural models of the timesi Many studies dealing with the moÈivation of access - the very presence of a person whose opinion Èo a naÈural environrnent were carried out by people (in fact, or by assumption) is valued by the (associations, administrations' professional tourist interviewee ¡ groups, etc.) who had not really come to grips with - not knowing oners own mind. Many people have their o\.rn nental image of nature ¡ t.hey were not not given any t.hought to the question Èhey "deconditioned" in terms of what it represents and are abouÈ to answeri therefore communicated their own image through the - dichotomy between conscious thought and the unconscious manner in which they phrased their reality of unconscious drivesi questions. - Iyingr pur€ and simplei and This complexity can also apply to psycho- - answers that conform with È,he super-ego and sociological study groups and, in spite of the cur- not, with a behavioural reality. rent familiarity with Èhe more obvious traps of interviews, the emotional characEer of the relation- Vrthen conf ronted by a tangle of inÈerpretations, it ship wiÈh nature creates many biases. These pitfalls is possible to turn to other techniques. Dynamic produce and reinforce another problern, which will mental- images are revealed more accurately through be dealt with further on, that of the interpretation behaviour than through words. The ethological study of the answer. Influencing the interviewee by the of effective attitudes towards the natural environ- way the question is posed, Ieads hi¡n to answer what ment indirecÈIy makes it possible to return to their he thinks is expected of him. source in the fantasy of the inquirer and also to prove that yearnings and real behaviour patterns are often far removed fron what has been said. A combination of several methods is recon¡nended because it makes cross-checking possible. It is, for insEance, possible to recount dreams pertaining 298 299 Nature in Lhe Urban Environment Nature in Èhe Urban Environment

Èo nature, or spontaneous adventure stories in BASÏC MENTAL IMAGES OF NATURE AMONG CITY DYÍELLERS beautiful or terrifying natural environments- Within the general background that we have just described, every culture has developed iÈs own mo- GENERAL PATTERNS PERTAINING TO NATUREIS IMAGE tives, on the basis of a few themes which are constantly being updated: When carrying out a motivation study, it is inportant to consider the background of the theory of - Is nature good or bad; is it not, in fact, comrnunication. But when we talk abouÈ the natural part of a concept that transcends these dis- environment, this becomes the top prioriÈy as mo- tinctions? tives function at communication levels which are - Are vre part of nature? especially hard to study because Èhey deal vtith - Should we fighÈ it, or join it? emótions, instincts, dr ives and the unconscious - Do we ohrn nature, or is it an independent mind. en ti ty? This statement stems from the comparative study - Do vre belong to nature? of what is the image of nature and the power it carries within different societies. It is easy to Based on the answers t,o these quesÈions, important observe that on atl sides, the first reacÈion to patterns have energed in connection with the natural Èhe universe is an emotional one and even when it milieu. lvlost people conf orm to these patt.erns in is couched in rationalization, it is this emoÈional their respecÈive societies. The presence of indi- current which dominates and eventually takes over vidual deviations. of caÈegories stressing certain all decisions. nuances, does not preclude the fact that these pat- Recognized rules of behaviour in various so- terns influence the majority of people. cieEies are ofEen conmunicaEed enotionally' rather Evaluating the st.aÈus of the city dweller in than intellecÈually and through reason: music, terms of his yearning for nature thus only becomes ritualistic myÈhs, fairy tales and, in our contem- possible when we define the doninanÈ cultural pat- porary worId, advertising, films and ideologies are tern pertaining t.o nature in our major occidental exanples. cities. It is also useful to remernber that this In this context, societies depict nature as emotÍonally charged nodel might be as unconscious being a giant entity, which embodies everything for our repressed and controlled societies, as the that is not man-made. Nature, in fact' represents very emotions Èhey stem from. everything that has escaped our wiIl, aII that is hlhat goes through our rninds is a complex ima- not built or controlled. gery which enbodies contradictions, myÈhs, concrete When absolutely necessary, it also includes or imaginary facts, references to several phases of things that vtere buitt by man but in communion with life, on the basis of a status comparable to that Natuie (for instance the bows and arrows of the so- of naÈure itself. called primitive societies r rural architecture' A complete account is irnpossible. But it is etc.). And mostly, aII that is part of us but.es- most useful to have a checklist to verify this irna- capes our will our instincts and our drive, things gery when aÈÈenpting t,o establish policies dealing thãt r¡re Èend to perceive as being part of nature with nature. within mankind. This identification of the status of naÈure and ernoÈional response, Èhis kinship between. the The Good Nature unconscious and the virqin forest will especially 'rNature has made us. It has given us Iife. It be relevant to the way in which the urban mind per- gror,rs our food. Nature is our Mother. We must be ceives wilderness. faithful, go back Èo her, since she is the source of Iife". It thus follows that "Everything in nature is good for us. It suffices to be in naÈure to heal, to be rdell". This good nature is easy to wander through, it is forever sunny and warm. There may

300 301 Nature in the Urban Environment Nature in the Urban Environment And within our own human nature' all the organic be snow but 'rit is still sunny". Snow never falls' phenomena, digestion, decay of bodies, blood and iÈ is simply there' a permanent gift. secretions, even our sexualityr all these items the mañ of nature is goodr a hard worker' Now- display a repugnance which reminds the city dweller adaysr Èhe peasant is the latest version of the Èhat he himself is an organic animal. All Èhat nobie-savage-. We can and we must consume naturets sticks, that oozesr thaÈ crawls or slithers is bad products. and must be desÈroyed. "It is hard to understand This idyllic vision vtas created and is being rn,hy nature produces such th ings. So much , in nurtured bY several factors: nature, is beautiful, why not rather protect those elements?" Thorns, quagmires, puddles , brambles, - The release of different concepts dealing the \.rhaÈ an abundance of hostile' nasty nature. with the protection of naÈure. Even if Those character istics are noÈ qualified as organizations responsible for releasing the natural. They are evgn perceived as being against iniorrnation have not said in so many words abnormal in fact. the mess- nature, that nature is always good' this is Since i. t has been decided that all that \,tas age that the public has perceived, since why natural was good, aIl that is not pleasant and wõuld one wish to protect something that is friendly to man shall not be accePted as being parÈ not fundamentallY good? of nature. Many elements that are ParÈ of the eco- - MovemenÈs that might be called "fundamental Iogical reality are not part of nature for the city ecology", which extoll the merits of natural dweller and when he destroys themr he does not feel foods, refuse vaccination, reject medicine' that he goes against the preservation of nature. etc. It is thus hardly a contradict.ion to say that - Advertising by travel agencies, publicizing nature is good and bad at the same time. I¡Ihat is naÈure forever beautiful, attractive and bad sinply does not have the righÈ to exist. safe. The pr incipal causes of this situation are - A general indoctrination towards a thought likely to be as follows¡ Process which is sirnple and manichean: tfrings are good or bad, black or white' no - the deficiency or poor quality of the teach- shades of greY. ing of natural science¡ - the predominance in our daily lives of an overproÈected environmenÈ, characterized by insufficient biological parametersi - the ideotogical influence of a grouP of decision-makers and technicians who deal with biological factors as if they were dealing r^rith industry¡ and - the idenÈification within a society of repressed instincÈs¡ swinging between the sâv- agery and the organic quality of nature on the one hand, and the driving impulses of thwarted instincts on the oEherr â situation sun. which produces both guilt and Èerror. The The images consequently produced are easily rejection of the anj.mal elements of man leads revealed, they stay close to consciousness. However' us to reject that which reminds us of it in the following theme tells a different story. open nature or which represenEs it syrnboli- cally. The Bad Nature Some\^rhere ires a disappointing sub-nature ' not the Nature the Liberator good- nature, but a nature which greatly disturbs us' The revenge of the rePressed. !{e vaguely know that All the things that wallow in slime, all Èhe we have ignored Èhe part of ourselves related to organic creaÈures Iike toads , snakes, octopi ' ' ' 303 302 ! 1 Nature in the Urban Environment Nature in the Urban Environment I c'

/ Even those who live in nature, and often in natur e unconsclous full harmony with nature, dream of far-off para- We therefore imagine that these 1 dises. censures' thaÈ we both desire and fearr wiII auto- ! be elirninated at the very contact of It would thus be ¡nistaken Èo believe that a Ããiicarfy I flJ.ght into nature comes only from the lack of biological surroundings. Hoþrever, the poor adaptation of our primate physiology to living and working in I a large city reinforces this process, and leads one to dream of heavenly lands. Stress needs a paradise. This paradise has been depicted as a wild naÈu- ral environment. When it disappoints us, hre attempt to transform it, but it mostly sustains the idea that compensation is a good way to solve problems, a concept which is indefencible on the psychiatric leveI. Compensate through nature, consu¡ne from nature, that is Èhe model through which the city dweller nurtures his dissatisfaction and his neurosis.

Nature Enhances Me An imporÈant enhancing factor is ',Keep up with the Jones I srr . Today, it, is fashionable to go into nature. Everybody is doing it. Itrs in. It is an integration rite. To go where everyone else is going, that really shows that I am accepted, t.hat I am one of them, that I behave in a eray that society has deemed as being worthy. Then there is another factor. Going into nature neans doing what everyone else is doing, but "everybody elseir is perceived as a type of eIite. They who have grasped the value of nature before ment. anyone else did. This worthy natural milieu is not actually related to its ecological worth, a sate - nsume but rather to a transfer of worth upon the nature lover. The naÈure Ê. US Iargely the search for uI paradise, as oPPosed to an inferior dailY am among those who undersÈand',1 Running mythi cal parallel is another componenÈ of worth, which deals r outine. The dichotomy bef\.teen nature and cítY is work and leisure and these with a nature that is hostile, difficult, a nature parallel to that between to be beaten. A certain macho attitude is evoked, oppositions are black and white. the comPensationt and based on the old relationship between naÈure and The motor is therefore female. I^le therefore wear the costumes and var ious its necessary corollary is consumPtion' attributes likely to project the image of dynamic Any duiable emotional void Èends to create virilit,y, and that of belonging to compensåtion, which is occasionally a palliative an avant-garde one, and the where one feels superior and integrated. *".åut", but it is always a Eemporary The general cultural fabric of our societies basic problem just goes on and on. constantly supports this state of mind, r+ith wñat is cómpenÁated by a flighÈ into nature is its dissatisfaction, a state of af- concepts of donination, of control, of Èransform- an existentialÍit all ation, of battles and f ights, as soon as vire Èalk fairs which is very general everywhere and at about the elements of the natural environnent. Èimes . 305 304 Nature in the Urban Environment Nature in the Urban Environment

A GLOBAL MODEL¡ VARIABLES AND DEVIATIONS CONCLUSION: A DANGEROUS MYTHICAL UNREALISM Such mental images appear to dominate. This does For mosÈ of us who like to be, or would like to be, not mean that no one can escape them. They rnay only i.n nature, it is a mythical place, the promotion of partially exist among some people, and with more or fantasies of power, of evasion, of motherly support less intensity. They may or may not co-exist wiÈh ot t in a negative vein, of distress or aggression. other more rational images. To this end, vre use some objective facts, Their po$rer shall be considerably influenced which we later integraÈe into a comprehensive image, according to the type of nature involved. Both an image which is t,otally unrealistic. mountain clirnbing and deep sea diving are enhancing activities. Lolling about on a beach is much less The gap between the image projected by the so. "product" we expect and the reality leads us to The contact wiÈh a highly humanized nature, in request modifications of this image, Èhe transform- dreamy parks or leisure developme.nts, wiII never ation of Ène populaÈions involved, the "artifici- provoke an inage of a terrifying nature. A rural al-izaÈion" of the landscapes visited. environrnent will often project the inage of the The yearning for nature presently expressed by 'rGood Naturett, more so t,han does a wild forest. nost people is doomed to remain forever unsatisfied, It is therefore important to adjust the above as ic corresponds Èo a reality which does not really information according to different places, t.he exist. It Ieads to activities that dress up a so- nature of activities and also, according to the called desired nature with the signs which would psychological profile of the individuals involved. hopefully nake it look like the mythical image. This will require additional study for each Thus the pseudo-iural, the peasant of the olden ca tegor y. days, the artificial handicrafts and the so- In the framework of t,he general policy applying sophisticated foIklore. Education and information to those who habitually seek out nature, such nu- methods, applied to tourism, have, until now, under- ances wiII not be necessary. They become locally played the import.ance of these mythical componenÈs. operational when studying various tourist develop- Starting fron the concepÈ t.hat placing man in nature ments. At the national level, it is the atÈitude enhances him, they have not yet adopted the idea of the masses that count. that, on the contrary, it is the city man who modi- This i images carried by fies nature, in his desperate attempt. to make it ninoriÈy gr projéct a more ob- into a disembodied and neurot.ic conception. jective vis in this study: we The axes of another policy that we do not are talking turalists, arlists, intend to develop here must be subject to sone harsh regular _pracÈitioners of outdoor activiÈies, statements: hunters, fishermen, etc. Nor has anyone developed the differences of the - The yearning for nature is not what \^re attraction between an officially protected natural thought. environment that carried a label, and 'rnormal" - In its present form, it. is practicalty im- nature, places that are frequented less or for dif- possible to fulfiI. ferenÈ reasons. The inage of ,'proÈected,' nature is - It is destructive in terms of civitizations quite cornplicated and in order to analyse it, one and environnents. wor¡ld have to draw up some exÈensive psycho- - It is noÈ knowledge, rest or thought sociological preliminar ies. oriented, but leans to a passive consumpÈion, Let us lust say Èhat, this image conforms Èo the anti-educational impact of which is a the above characterisÈics with a special regularity great source of concern. and at a most qowerful register, magnifying the various phenomenaV.

306 307 Nature in the Urban Environment

NOTE ZUANONTs study: I. Please refer to Jean-PauI po- nof mYth Uni-

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