650 SPECIAL SECTION Temple mountains, sacred lakes, and fertile fields: ancient Maya landscapes in northwestern

NICHOLASDUNNING, VERNON SCARBOROUGH, FRED VALDEZ, JR, SHERYLLUZZADDER-BEACH, TIMOTHY BEACH & JOHN G. JONES*

Key-words: Maya archaeology, cultural ecology, landscape analysis ‘Intimate knowledge of historical sources, archaeo- ment interactions in this region. However, in logical sites, biogeography and ecology, and the proc- studying human-environment relationships esses of geoniorphology must be fused in patient field ‘nature’cannot be taken only as a self-evident studies, so that we may read the changes in habit- object available for human management. Na- ability through human time for the lands in which ture as an object for human action is mediated civilization first took form’ SAUER1955: 61 by culture. In turn, culture cannot be seen as unitary, bounded and internally homogeneous. Introduction Both individual and group perceptions shaped Forty-three years later these words still ring true, human-environment actions and may be mani- but are too seldom followed (Fedick 1996). For fest in the landscape. How nature was rendered several years, we have been engaged in a multi- culturally intelligible by landscape manipula- disciplinary programme of research in north- tion had important consequences for whose western Belize and neighbouring areas of ‘voices’ are heard and whose claims are legiti- , eliciting a comprehensive, integrated mated amid struggles over the control of vital picture of changing ancient Maya landscapes resources (Bender 1992; Thomas 1993). (Scarborough & Dunning 1996; Valdez et al. The ancient landscapes created by the Maya 1997). Our goals include a reconstructive cor- included both intentional and unintentional relation of environmental and cultural history, environmental changes. Intentional changes including the relationship between changes in included the centrally directed erection of water and land management and political eco- monumental architecture as well as the accre- nomic organization. This work is still in progress tionary engineering of the landscape by gen- and our understanding is far from complete erations of farmers. Unintentional effects (Dunning & Scarborough 1997). included sometimes devastating soil loss and This article centres on changing landscapes hydrological changes. Both the intentional and at the major centres of and Dos unintentional must be read for the landscape Hombres and surrounding lands (FIGURE1). to provide a more comprensive picture of Maya These centres lie within the Three Rivers re- civilization. gion, where the Rio Azul, Rio Bravo and Booth’s Our research views landscape as a layered River converge to form the Rio Hondo on the artefact, reflecting cumulative processes of eastern periphery of the Central Maya Lowlands human action and environmental change. The (Adams 1995a). Recent work, partly covered later phases of modification will generally be here, focuses on the course of human-environ- the most readily discernable to investigators.

* Dunning, Department of Geography, University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati OH 45221-0131, USA. Scarborough, Department of Anthropology, University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati OH 45221-0380, USA. Valdez, Jr, Department of Anthropology, University of Texas, Austin TX 78712, USA. Luzzadder-Beach, Department of Geography & Earth Science, George Mason University, Fairfax VA 22030, USA. Beach, School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University, Washington DC 20057, USA. Jones, Department of Anthropology, Texas A & M University, College Station TX 77843-4352, USA. ANTIQUITY73 (1999): 650-60 DYNAMIC LANDSCAPES AND SOCIO-POLITICAL PROCESS 651

0 5 10 20 kilometers

The TheRivers Region - River - - - Three Rivers Region Boundary Bravo Conservation and KOManagement Area FIGURE1. Map of the --- Modem Political Boundary Three Rivers region showing the locations A Major Archaeological Site of major ancient Maya centres [modi- fied from Houk 1996). I

Thus, our discussion here gives particular and Booth’s River that encompass low, lime- emphasis to the landscape which took shape stone ridges and large, perennial wetlands. The between AD 700 and 900 (the later part of the La Milpa site centre is situated on a topo- Late Classic and first part of the Terminal Classic graphically prominent ridge of the upland pla- periods). teau; the Dos Hombres site centre occupies a low, but locally prominent rise amid the Rio The Three Rivers region Bravo lowlands. The Three Rivers region includes the eastern Soils on the limestone uplands are fertile, margins of the large Peten karst plateau, a but shallow clay mollisols or rendzinas, which hydrologically elevated limestone area charac- are vulnerable to erosion where they occur on terized by rugged free-draining uplands and sloping terrain (Dunning 1992a). Bajo and low- seasonally-inundated, clay-filled depressions land soils are deep clay vertisols, mollisols and (bajos) (Dunning et al. in press). It also includes organic mucks (histosols). These soils are also the generally low-lying valleys of the Rio Bravo often fertile, but subject to significant drain- 652 SPECIAL SECTION

FIGURE2. Map of the La Milpa site centre and major drainages [modified from Scarborough et al. 1992; 1995). age limitations or shrink-swell (argilloturbation) groups of farmers, who may already have be- problems. gun significantly altering the local environment Regional native vegetation ranges from per- by clearing large areas of forest using swidden ennial Swamp Forest and grasslands in the low- cultivation. lands to Tropical Wet/Dry Deciduous Forest Urbanization and associated landscape modi- across the uplands (Brokaw & Mallory 1993). fications came to the region during the Late The latter reflects the powerful influence of a Preclassic-Protoclassic (400 BC-m 250) (Adams regional climate that includes a prominent June- 1995a). At La Milpa, a significant investment December wet season which typically sees about in monumental architecture took shape around 90% of the average annual rainfall of 1500 mm, Plaza A (the Great Plaza), including multiple and a January-May dry season. The severity of construction phases on Structure 1, a large this dry season poses a significant obstacle to pyramid-temple (FIGURE2; Guderjan 1991; human occupation of the karstic uplands, where Hammond et al. 1996).At Dos Hombres, monu- perennial water sources are few and far between. mental architecture appeared, similarly clus- tered in the northern site core or Group A (FIGURE Pre-classic developments 3; Houk 1996). These large northern plazas The earliest cultural remains uncovered in the continued to be the foci of funerary monument Three Rivers region are ephemeral, non-struc- construction throughout the subsequent occu- tural artefact deposits dating to the Middle pation of these sites. A primary impetus to- Preclassic period (900-400 BC). Based on com- wards settlement concentration at this time may parative data from other parts of the Maya Low- be described as a desired proximity to the sa- lands, this period was characterized by small cred (Wheatley 1967: 25). However, more mun- DYNAMIC LANDSCAPES AND SOCIO-POLITICAL PROCESS 653 I I .%. I i I ,* i

FIGURE3. Map of Dos Hombres site centre (modified from Houk 1996). 654 SPECIAL SECTION

kbarwl -__7 , ferny ,/--AquQ'~cs / //7i--

2

FIGURE4. Summarypollen diagram for 1998 Core 1 from Laguna Juan Piojo near Dos Hombres (prepared by John G. Jones, Texas A b M University). dane factors undoubtedly were involved in this BC-AD 90 (Beta-120942) was obtained from or- process, including the concentration of popu- ganic sediment at a depth of 10 cm. We inter- lation in areas where the environment had been pret the 25-cm pollen record shown in FIGURE 'tamed'. It was during the Late Preclassic that 4 to represent the period from approximately the institution of Maya divine kingship first 500 BC to AD 1000. All strata show disturbance emerged (Schele & Freidel1990). The relation- indicators typical of the Maya Lowlands: e.g. ship of Maya rulers with gods and the celestial Poaceae (grasses) and Asteraceae (asters), as- realm was highly complex, including impersona- sociated with Zea (maize) cultivation. Maize tion rituals and the exclusive possession by rul- pollen levels are as high as anywhere in the ers of special imagery believed to be receptacles Maya Lowlands, possibly indicating nearby of divine forces. The settlement cores of both La intensive cultivation. Arboreal pollen levels in- Milpa and Dos Hombres appear to have remained dicate that deforestation was widespread quite small during the Late Preclassic, apparently throughout the period, but with patches of tree clustering around the small concentration of cover remaining, including some economic monumental architecture, accompanied by light, species such as Sapotaceae (Zapote and related dispersed rural population. species). Our understanding of environmental change Greater understanding of local environmental in the Three Rivers region is limited because change derives from geoaracheological inves- our most comprehensive pollen record is from tigations (Dunning et a]. 1996; Dunning & a highly compressed sediment core (FIGURE4). Scarborough 1997; Dunning & Beach 1996; in The core was taken from Laguna de Juan Piojo, press). Our investigations in bajos at the mouths an apparent oxbow lake situated in the Rio Bravo of Drainage 1 and 3 at La Milpa revealed sig- floodplain west of Dos Hombres. The upper nificant episodes of disturbance. Trenches in approximately 50 cm of sediment consisted on the Drainage 3 bajo uncovered a buried peaty unsolidated organic ooze (gyttja) that com- layer (FIGURE5: Unit 5 -- dated to Preclassic pressed into a mere 1-2 cm. The base of the times) containing pollen predominantly from core was oxidized lacustrine clay devoid of wetland and aquatic plants. This wetland was pollen, charcoal from which produced a cali- eventually aggraded by inwashing mineral brated radiocarbon date of 910-790 BC (Beta- sediments (Unit 4). Subsequently, increasingly 118303). A calibrated radiocarbon date of 60 extreme variation in soil moisture, subsidence DYNAMIC LANDSCAPES AND SOCIO-POLITICAL PROCESS 655

0 50 5w SE cm - --

L \ --’ \IV \Iv

\ c-J

FIGURE5. Profile of Operation BH9 in the Far Western Bajo at La Milpa. Vegetation: Tintal-scrub forest and sawgrass. Soil units: 1 black (5YR2.5/1) clay; large crumb structure 2 dark grey [5YR4/1) clay with 520% yellowish red mottles [5YR5/8);large crumb structure 3 grey(5YR5/1) clay; with 140% yellowish red mottles; medium subangular blocky structure 4 light grey {5YR7/1)clay with *lo% yellowish red mottles and 55% coarse sand; massive 5a very dark grey (7.5YR3/0)clay interfingered with thin bands of sapric material; massive 5b very dark grey (7.5YR3/0) clay with 220% red and light grey mottles; massive 6 white(5YR8/1) clay with 230% reddish yellow (5YR7/8) mottles; massive and compression resulted in substantial clay- Milpa and other major lowland centres. Where heaving, distorting soil strata. By the Early Clas- legible, the texts on such stelae tie the found- sic, the bajos had been anthropogenically ing of Classic royal dynasties to the first years transformed from perennial to seasonal of the Early Classic, marking a notable shift to wetlands, spurring the need to develop alter- political states based on institutionalized royal native water sources. We believe the small re- succession and the increased stability of the gional Preclassic population, probably practising political system (Grube 1995). extensive forms of forest clearance and agri- Early Classic monumental architecture has culture, generated tremendous environmental yet to be detected at Dos Hombres (Houk 1996). disturbance. Much of the region’s sloping up- This absence may be the result of the limited land terrain was probably greatly denuded of nature of excavations to date in Group A. The its soil cover. This conclusion corresponds with possible presence of an ‘E Group’ astronomi- better-documented findings which suggest that cal ritual assemblage in Group A at Dos Hombres in some areas the Maya of the ensuing Early suggests continued activity in the Early Clas- Classic period may have inherited a severely sic as the spread of such architectural complexes eroded landscape from their ancestors (Jacob may be linked to the institutionalization of the 1995; Dunning 1992b; 1995; Dunning et af. in Classic period political system at this time (Chase press; Dunning & Beach n.d.; Rice 1993).In some & Chase 1995).In many Maya communities, resi- areas like the - region in north- dential populations became more spatially con- ern Peten, environmental degradation may have centrated during the Early Classic, making it more been severe enough to lead to regional aban- likely that they will be under-represented in broad donment (Jacob 1995; Hansen 1995). sampling programmes (Pyburn 1990). Elite resi- dential activity has recently been found in exca- Early Classic urbanism vations conducted by Jeffrey Durst in 1997 and The Early Classic period (250-600 AD) at La 1998 in the group including Structures Bll-B17. Milpa and Dos Hombres remains poorly un- Rural hinterland populations around Dos Hombres derstood. The focus of monumental constuction remained sparse, but increased somewhat around at La Milpa continued to be Plaza A and the La Milpa (Robichaux 1995). nucleated settlement appears to have remained On the other hand, the Three Rivers region small (Hammond et al. 1996; Tourtellot et af. centres of Rio Azul and Blue Creek grew tre- 1995). Dynastic stelae began appearing at La mendously during the Early Classic (Adams 656 SPECIAL SECTION

central Precrnct FIGURE6. Idealized

ences and watershed model (after Dunning 1995, modified from Scarborough 1993).

199513; Guderjan 1996). Rio Azul in particular tendency towards population dispersal by saw a huge expansion in urban area and popu- making a secure source of water more desir- lation as well as in monumental construction, able - a trend that engendered further inten- growth that may be tied politically to the spread sification of land use. In other words, the need of the ‘super state’ (Adams 1995b). to secure water significantly increased the in- vestment in local, fixed, space or place. Thus, Urban land and water the latter years of the Late Preclassic and be- The Early Classic growth and transformations ginning of the Early Classic saw a focus of Maya occuring at Rio Azul, Blue Creek and La Milpa settlements in the Peten on local watersheds. may also relate to changing patterns of basic The built environment of temples, palaces and resource control. A necessary adaptation for ur- courtyards at the heart of these watersheds came banization in the seasonally dry Maya Lowlands to be the critical source of life-sustaining wa- was toward the use of reservoirs as part of a ter (FIGURE6). long-term modification of local watersheds The spatial concentration of population and (Scarborough 1993).Taking advantage of heavy the ‘improvement’ of select lands on the flanks rainfall for 7 months of the year, the Maya could of local watersheds would also have signifi- impound enough water in urban areas to sur- cantly affected land values, Following the ten- vive the dry season. In the Preclassic, such res- ets of ‘first founder’ theory, the local ruling elite ervoir systems typically occupied natural controlled these select lands as their importance topographic depressions. However, as Classic increased through water manipulation and took shape, reservoir construc- enhanced productivity (Dunning 1992~:114- tion shifted to the upper reaches of local wa- 17; 1995). Spatial concentration and changing tersheds to the rugged karst ridges on which land values thus appear to be related to increas- urban centres were being built. ing stratification in Classic At La Milpa, the upper portions of local wa- (McAnany 1995). While many proponents of a tersheds draining the site core were dammed segmentary model for ancient Maya socio-po- in order to create reservoirs (FIGURE2). The litical organization suggest that elite wealth lay release of water from these reservoirs may have principally in the control of labour and its prod- been controlled through the combined use of ucts through ideology and ritual (Ball & Taschek sluice gates and check dams (Scarborough et 1991;Demarest 1992; Houston 1992), it is note- al. 1992; 1995).One purpose of this rather elabo- worthy that many ethnohistorical sources sug- rate water diversion strategy appears to have gest that ruling lineages had direct control over been to regulate soil moisture levels in pock- tracts of valuable land (McAnany 1995). Schele ets of flatter upland soils which appear to have (19951 also notes that much of the emerging been used as plots for intensive agriculture system of Classic Maya rulership symbols was (Dunning 1992a). The soils found in such pock- linked to ideas of agriculture and environmental ets are highly fertile if soil moisture can be ef- control. As the Classic period progressed it is fectively regulated and they are highly suitable evident that land became more tightly control- to intensive cultivation. led and more often contested (Chase & Chase As Drennan (1988) has noted, the intensifi- 1996; McAnany 1995). cation of land use is often most pronounced in Another sign of the incremental growth in settings like the Maya Lowlands because the importance of centrally located land is the de- naturally dispersed population live in close velopment of agricultural terracing. Such ter- proximity to their fields and gardens. The preva- racing apparently began with check dams and lence of seasonally arid conditions in the re- other contouring modifications of natural drain- gion, however, would have acted to combat the age channels surrounding population clusters DYNAMIC LANDSCAPES AND SOCIO-POLITICAL PROCESS 657 in the Early Classic and then exploded in a other cities undoubtedly had tremendous sym- proliferation and complex variety of dry slope bolic power (Scarborough 1998). terracing in the Late Classic (Dunning & Beach Houk (1996) has noted that during the Late 1994). Again we see a pattern of intensifying Classic, the site cores of Dos Hombres, La Milpa, investment in localized space. At the giant site and other Three Rivers regional centres were of , terracing appears to have facilitated transformed such that they followed a basic ‘site extraordinary urban expansion (Chase & Chase planning template’ (Type 1) that appears to have 1987; 1996). originated in the neighbouring Peten. As de- The dating of the construction of the reser- scribed by Ashmore (1991), this ‘Peten’ tem- voir system at La Milpa and associated dams, plate included the several key elements: weirs and terraces is problematic and the pre- 1 emphasis of a north-south axis; cise nature of these features has been questioned 2 formal and functional complementarity of IN. Hammond & G. Tourtellot pers. comm. 1998). north and south nodes (dualism); Evidence recovered to date suggests that por- 3 causeways to emphasize certain connections, tions of the system may have been started in and the Late Preclassic and Early Classic. However, 4 ball courts marking the north-south transi- the extensive elaboration of the system clearly tion. dates to the Late Classic period (after 700 AD). In Maya cosmology the north-south axis is also Through the cutting and filling of the rugged vertical, with north corresponding to the over- ridgetop landscape, central reservoirs were cre- worlds and south to the underworlds. Follow- ated (FIGURE2). While the towering pyramids ing the Peten template the northern nodes at and palaces of the site centre were visible bea- La Milpa and Dos Hombres, with their royal cons of Maya political order, the reservoirs cre- funerary temples, dynastic stelae and open ritual ated from the quarrying operations to build these space became the celestial realm in this archi- monuments became integral parts of the urban tectural recreation of cosmic order. The place- design. The political authority of the rulers was ment of ball-courts, symbolic portals to the manifest not only in the monuments drama- underworld, as linking elements was also ob- tizing the power of the king, but also in the viously intentional. This placement is most creation of a source of precious water where obvious at Dos Hombres (FIGURE3). At La Milpa, formerly there was none (Scarborough 1998). the small ball-court at the southeast end of Plaza This was, in essence, the creation of a ritually A was a relatively late addition, perhaps to bring regulated ecosystem which both promoted hi- the site centre more in line with the Peten tem- erarchy and reified rulership. As the Classic plate. At La Milpa, it is also noteworthy that period progressed, and Blite society became more the large watery surfaces of Reservoirs A and complex, Maya rulers sought to distinguish B would have separated the northern and south- themselves further from other Blite and the ern symbolic realms. masses by deifying their ancestors and increas- The spread of the Peten ‘site planning tem- ingly deifying themselves (Houston & Stuart plate’ may be related to significant population 1996). shifts occuring during the Late Classic period. Much of the Three Rivers region was affected Sacred centres by an apparent ‘Middle Classic’ hiatus, begin- A central concept in Maya cosmology is the tem- ning in the mid 6th century AD and lasting until ple mountain or water mountain (Brady 1997; the mid 8th century. Rio Azul was abandoned, Freidel et al. 1993;Scarborough 1998). Such places then later marginally reoccupied (Adams 1995a; are centring points linking multiple layers of the 1995b). Major structures were ritually termi- cosmos and the present with the past and future. nated at Blue Creek and monumental construc- A fundamental aspect of this concept is the role tion ceased although residential populations of water as a transformative boundary, simulta- remained (Guderjan 1996). Dos Hombres may neously separating and connecting cosmic planes. have been temporarilly abandoned (Houk 1996). In particular the boundary of the underworld is Monumental construction ceased at La Milpa manifest as a watery surface, reflective of events and temporary abandonment may have occured past, present, and future. The creation of such (Hammond et al. 1996). The reason for these surfaces within the site centre of La Milpa and transformations is not entirely clear, but may 658 SPECIAL SECTION be related to larger scale conflicts involving the denuded upland surfaces. What began appar- ‘super states’ of Tikal, and Caracol ently as a fairly rationally managed or ‘engi- (Adams 1995a; Martin & Grube l995). neered landscape’ (Scarborough 1993) may have ultimately severely degraded (Tourtellot et al. Apogee 81 collapse 1995).Where deep clay soil had accumulated By the mid 8th century, however, the construc- in upland depressions, Maya farmers faced other tion of monumental architecture and stelae problems: devastating rainy season run-off and erection began again at La Milpa and Dos flooding and dry season desiccation and clay Hombres on an unprecedented scale, includ- contraction. These problems were probably ex- ing the incorporation of the Type 1 or ‘Peten’ acerbated by deforestation and the creation of site plan. At the same time, the population of a sun-baked, parched bajo landscape (Rice 1993). these centres grew tremendously, with dense At Dos Hombres, an unusually dense concen- settlement spreading far beyond the site cores tration of late settlement on the margins of a and effectively filling large portions of surround- large aguada (seasonally wet sinkhole) also sug- ing countryside. Adams (1995a) relates this gest a growing scarcity of water (Lohse in press). settlement-pattern change to a dispersal of farm- By this point, the maintenance of monuments ers and feudal overlords directly onto the coun- dedicated to the social and cosmic order became tryside. Lohse & Hageman (1997) have noted a concern secondary to mere survival. The long- that this settlement transformation was also term abandonment of the cities and region at- marked by the appearance of ‘Tikal Plaza Plan test to the probable severity of environmental 2’ in urban and rural Blite residential architec- degradation and depopulation that occurred in ture across the region. Evidence suggests that the Terminal Classic. the resurrection of La Milpa and Dos Hombres Some 500-600 years later, La Milpa became was at least partly the result of a migration of the site of renewed ritual activity, including people from the neighbouring Peten region as the movement and resetting of ancient stelae, well as from internal population growth possibly as part of a regional revitalization cult (Tourtellot et a]. 1995). (Hammond & Bob0 1994).This activity attests As mentioned above, these migrants may have to the continued influence of a sacred place, inherited an environment still significantly long after it was first created or maintained as degraded by PreclassicIEarly Classic deforesta- a synergized union of ritual, architecture and tion and agriculture. Our investigations in La landscape (Thomas 1993). In essence, the Milpa Drainages 1 and 3, for example, suggest ‘voices’ of the rulers still echo from weathered, many upland areas were seriously eroded in graven images and crumbling temples and pal- earlier times and probably only had minimally aces. The strength of such voices from the past, redeveloped soil cover by the mid 8th century. however, is unequal. The voices of those that Settlement mapping and excavations at La Milpa toiled in the fields have become even more have revealed often extremely high settlement muted by the centuries and by the shrouding densities and a remarkable array of linear stone forest. To hear them we must give equal atten- features (Tourtellot et al. 1994; 1995). These tion to the more humble features of the archaeo- features are generally crude in form, and con- logical record and to soil itself. structed of rough ‘chich’ stones. They all ap- pear to date to the last century of the Late Classic Acknowledgements. An earlier version of this paper was and first century of the Terminal Classic (AD presented in the symposium ‘Dynamic landscapes and 700-900). While some of these stone alignments sociopolitical process: the topography of anthropogenic form apparent residential boundary walls and environments in global perspective’, organized by Chris others comprise simple terraces, many defy easy Fischer and Tina Thurston at the 63rd Meeting of the So- ciety for American Archaeology, Seattle (WA),25-29 March explanation. This is not the tidy, rationalized, 1998. Useful comments on that paper were received from economic landscape documented for terraced Barbara Bender, Gary Feinman, Stephen Houston, Jon lands in the Rio Bec (Eaton 1975; Turner 1983). Hageman, Jon Lohse, Gair Tourtellot and . In short, the landscape suggests that by some- Much of the work reported here has been carried out as part of the Programme for Belize Archaeological Project, time in the Terminal Classic, the farming popu- under the general supervision of Fred Valdez, Jr, and with lation of La Milpa were trying to salvage the gracious cooperation of both the Department of Archae- remnants of soil and soil moisture from largely ology, Ministry of Tourism and the Environment and the DYNAMIC LANDSCAPES AND SOCIO-POLITICAL PROCESS 659

Programme for Belize. Investigations during 1997 and 1998 Gair Tourtellot. Hammond and Tourtellot are to be thanked were carried out with the generous support of the National for their co-operation and friendly exchange of ideas over Science Foundation (Grant no SBR-963-1024 to Vernon the past several years, all of which have benefitted our Scarborough and Nicholas Dunning). Earlier work has been work immensely. Numerous personnel of the Programme supported by funds from a National Geographic Society to for Belize Archaeological Project have contributed to the Scarborough in 1992, a Heinz Family Foundation grant to work reported here, including Alan Covich, Jeffrey Durst, Dunning in 1994, and from the University of Cincinnati, Jon Hageman, Brett Houk, Paul Hughbanks, Laura Levi, University of Texas and Georgetown University and gen- Brandon Lewis, Jon Lohse, Julie Kunen, Andrew Manning, erous private donors. Dunning and Beach undertook in- Victoria McCoy, David McDowell, Chap Ross, Hugh vestigations in 1996 as part of Boston University's La Milpa Robichaux, Kerry Sagebiel, Frank Saul, Julie Saul, Lauren Archaeological Project, headed by Norman Hammond and Sullivan and Skye Wagner.

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