Constitutional Interpretation and Nation Building : the Territorial Clause and the Foraker Act, 1787-1900
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Tribal-State Relations
ISSUE BRIEF August 2012 Tribal-State Relations What’s Inside: • Key factors affecting The United States Congress and Tribal governments Tribal-State relations in have articulated the importance of protecting the safety, child welfare permanency, and well-being of American Indian and Alaska • Components of Native children. Through the Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA) successful Tribal-State of 1978, Congress stated that there is “no resource that is relations more vital to the continued existence and integrity of Indian tribes than their children” (25 U.S.C. Sec. 1901). • Promising practices in Tribal-State relations This brief is intended to help States, Tribes, and related from across the country jurisdictions find ways to work together more effectively to • Conclusion meet the goals of ICWA. • Resources Child Welfare Information Gateway Children’s Bureau/ACYF 1250 Maryland Avenue, SW Eighth Floor Washington, DC 20024 800.394.3366 Email: [email protected] Use your smartphone to http://www.childwelfare.gov access this issue brief online. Tribal-State Relations http://www.childwelfare.gov • State jurisdiction over Tribal affairs, for Key Factors Affecting Tribal- instance, through Public Law 280 (P.L. 280), initially enacted in 1953 in six “mandatory” State Relations in Child Welfare States and other “optional” States in 1968 that elected to assume full or partial State jurisdiction on Indian reservations, and Tribal child welfare has had a particularly eliminating Federal jurisdiction for Indian poignant history in the past century. Country (Gardner & Melton, n.d.) Thousands of Indian children were forcibly removed from their homes, families, and • Tribal-State disagreements, especially those Tribes and placed in boarding schools where that end up in court and result in a “winner” a policy of assimilation left them unable to and a “loser” speak their Native language or participate • Availability of funding for child welfare in their Native culture. -
Columbia Law Review
COLUMBIA LAW REVIEW VOL. 99 DECEMBER 1999 NO. 8 GLOBALISM AND THE CONSTITUTION: TREATIES, NON-SELF-EXECUTION, AND THE ORIGINAL UNDERSTANDING John C. Yoo* As the globalization of society and the economy accelerates, treaties will come to assume a significant role in the regulation of domestic affairs. This Article considers whether the Constitution, as originally understood, permits treaties to directly regulate the conduct of private parties without legislative implementation. It examines the relationship between the treaty power and the legislative power during the colonial, revolutionary, Framing, and early nationalperiods to reconstruct the Framers' understandings. It concludes that the Framers believed that treaties could not exercise domestic legislative power without the consent of Congress, because of the Constitution'screation of a nationallegislature that could independently execute treaty obligations. The Framers also anticipatedthat Congress's control over treaty implementa- tion through legislation would constitute an importantcheck on the executive branch'spower in foreign affairs. TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .................................................... 1956 I. Treaties, Non-Self-Execution, and the Internationalist View ..................................................... 1962 A. The Constitutional Text ................................ 1962 B. Globalization and the PoliticalBranches: Non-Self- Execution ............................................. 1967 C. Self-Execution: The InternationalistView ................ -
The Soul of America by Jon Meacham
The Soul of America By Jon Meacham Answer the following: Chapter 1 (pg. 23-47) 1. What is the difference between The First Charter of Virginia (1606) and A Model of Christian Charity (1630)? How do each represent a contradiction? Pg. 23-24 2. How is Abraham Lincoln an example of “…birth mattered less than it ever had before…” when it came to the American dream of wealth & happiness. Pg. 24 3. Starting on page 24 and continuing through page 27, Meacham explains why the American presidency is important to the American experience. Give an example of why this is so. Also explain how the competing views of Thomas Paine’s Common Sense and practical experience of the Revolutionary War and Confederation period shaped thoughts on government. 4. What fundamental role did president Lyndon Johnson want to accomplish as President? Pg. 27 5. How did Alexander Hamilton curtail his enthusiasm over the role of the President in two of his Federalist essays? Pg. 27-28 6. What began to change in regard to political power by the time of Andrew Jackson’s presidency? Give some examples of how Jackson was “the most contradictory of men”. Pg. 29-31 7. Give examples of how Abraham Lincoln further changed the role of the president by expanded on the ideals of both Jefferson & Jackson, especially after is Gettysburg Address. Pg. 31-32 8. How does Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Delano Roosevelt begin to further define the role of the presidency? Pg. 35-40 Chapter 2 (pg. 51-69) 9. After the Civil War, how did the South try to reimagine the purpose of the war in their terms? Why is this a false narrative of the events? Pg. -
Puerto Rico, Colonialism In
University at Albany, State University of New York Scholars Archive Latin American, Caribbean, and U.S. Latino Latin American, Caribbean, and U.S. Latino Studies Faculty Scholarship Studies 2005 Puerto Rico, Colonialism In Pedro Caban University at Albany, State Univeristy of New York, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.library.albany.edu/lacs_fac_scholar Part of the Latin American Studies Commons Recommended Citation Caban, Pedro, "Puerto Rico, Colonialism In" (2005). Latin American, Caribbean, and U.S. Latino Studies Faculty Scholarship. 19. https://scholarsarchive.library.albany.edu/lacs_fac_scholar/19 This Encyclopedia Entry is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin American, Caribbean, and U.S. Latino Studies at Scholars Archive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Latin American, Caribbean, and U.S. Latino Studies Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholars Archive. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 516 PUERTO RICO, COLONIALISM IN PUERTO RICO, COLONIALISM IN. Puerto Rico They automatically became subjects of the United States has been a colonial possession of the United States since without any constitutionally protected rights. Despite the 1898. What makes Puerto Rico a colony? The simple an humiliation of being denied any involvement in fateful swer is that its people lack sovereignty and are denied the decisions in Paris, most Puerto Ricans welcomed U.S. fundamental right to freely govern themselves. The U.S. sovereignty, believing that under the presumed enlight Congress exercises unrestricted and unilateral powers over ened tutelage of the United States their long history of Puerto Rico, although the residents of Puerto Rico do not colonial rule would soon come to an end. -
The United States and the Articles of Confederation: Drifting Toward Anarchy Or Inching Toward Commonwealth?*
The United States and the Articles of Confederation: Drifting Toward Anarchy or Inching Toward Commonwealth?* On June 7, 1776, Richard Henry Lee proposed to the Second Con- tinental Congress "[t]hat these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States," and "[t]hat a plan of confederation be prepared and transmitted to the respective Colonies for their con- sideration and approbation."' Lee's resolution reflected the linkage between independence and confederation in the public mind.2 The result was the Articles of Confederation, drafted in 1776-1777 and fi- nally ratified on March 1, 1781, which remained in effect until 1789 and represented the first American experiment with a written na- tional charter.3 The conventional view of this period is that it was dominated by deep factional conflict concerning the amount of power that should be vested in the national government. 4 The text of the Articles, ac- cording to this view, represented a victory for the group favoring minimal national authority, 5 and as a result the Articles government * The author acknowledges with gratitude the assistancc of Professor William E. Nelson of the Yale Law School in providing critical guidance and granting permission to make use of unpublished research materials. 1. 5 JOURNALS OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS 425 (W. Ford ed. 1906) [hereinafter cited without cross-reference as JOURNALS]. 2. See NEw JERSEY IN THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 1763-1783: A DOCUMENT.ARY HISTORY 402 (L. Gerlach ed. 1975) (issues of independence and confederation were inseparable) [hereinafter cited as DOCUIENTARY HISTORY]; cf. Jensen, The Articles of Confederation, in FUNDAMENTAL TESTAMENTS OF TilE AMERICAN RLvoI.UTIoN 62 (Library of Congress Sym- posium on the American Revolution 1973) (politicians who opposed confederation did so because they saw it as step toward independence) [hereinafter cited as Jensen, TESTA ENTS]. -
Luis Muñoz Rivera 1859–1916
H former members 1898–1945 H Luis Muñoz Rivera 1859–1916 RESIDENT COMMISSIONER 1911–1916 UNIONIST FROM PUERTO RICO he leading voice for Puerto Rican autonomy in a proponent of home rule. Muñoz Rivera attended the the late 19th century and the early 20th century, local common (public) school between ages 6 and 10, Luis Muñoz Rivera struggled against the waning and then his parents hired a private tutor to instruct him. TSpanish empire and incipient U.S. colonialism to carve According to several accounts, Muñoz Rivera was largely out a measure of autonomy for his island nation. Though self-taught and read the classics in Spanish and French. As a devoted and eloquent nationalist, Muñoz Rivera had a young man, he wrote poetry about his nationalist ideals, acquired a sense of political pragmatism, and his realistic eventually becoming a leading literary figure on the island appraisal of Puerto Rico’s slim chances for complete and publishing two collections of verse: Retamas (1891) sovereignty in his lifetime led him to focus on securing and Tropicales (1902). To make a living, Muñoz Rivera a system of home rule within the framework of the initially turned to cigar manufacturing and opened a American empire. To that end, he sought as the island’s general mercantile store with a boyhood friend. His father Resident Commissioner to shape the provisions of the had taught him accounting, and he became, according to Second Jones Act, which established a system of territorial one biographer, a “moderately successful businessman.”3 rule in Puerto Rico for much of the first half of the 20th Muñoz Rivera married Amalia Marín Castillo in 1893.4 century. -
Republican Moments: the Role of Direct Popular Power in the American Constitutional Order
University of Pennsylvania Law Review FOUNDED 1852 Formerly American Law Register VOL. 139 DECEMBER 1990 No. 2 ARTICLES REPUBLICAN MOMENTS: THE ROLE OF DIRECT POPULAR POWER IN THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL ORDER James Gray Popet INTRODUCTION .................................. 289 I. POPULAR VS. ELITIST REPUBLICANISM ON DIRECT POPULAR PARTICIPATION ............................... 295 A. Background: The Republican Revival ............. 296 t Associate Professor of Law, Rutgers University School of Law, Newark, New Jersey. A.B. 1974,J.D. 1983 Harvard University. Earlier versions of this paper were presented to the Boston University Legal History Group and the Rutgers Law Faculty Colloquium. The final product benefitted greatly from critical comments by Akhil Reed Amar, C. Edwin Baker, CathieJo Martin, Eric Neisser, Richard Davies Parker, and John M. Payne. I am especially indebted to Vicki Been, Richard Revesz, and Aviam Soifer, who provided detailed critiques on short notice. James C.N. Paul gave guidance and encouragement throughout. Able research assistance was provided by Lisa Buckley, John Cioffi, Angela DiLeo, Nancy Gage, Sandra Levy, Mary Uva, Rosalind Westlake, and David Zuckerbrot. The S.I. Newhouse Research Fund supplied much-needed financial support. (287) 288 UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LAW REVIEW [Vol. 139:287 B. Direct PopularParticipation and the Problem of Size .... 297 C. The Elitist Solution .......................... 299 D. Back to Square One .......................... 301 E. A PopularRepublican Dilemma .................... 302 II. REPUBLICAN MOMENTS .......................... 304 A. Ackerman's ConstitutionalMoments ................ 304 B. Public Purpose and Creedal Passion ................ 306 C. Republican Moments ......................... 310 D. PopularRepublican Pathologies? ................... 313 III. REPUBLICAN MOMENTS AS A PARTIAL ANTIDOTE TO INTEREST GROUP POLITICS .............................. 315 A. From Narrow Self-Interest to Public Virtue ........... -
The Other Madison Problem
THE OTHER MADISON PROBLEM David S. Schwartz* & John Mikhail** The conventional view of legal scholars and historians is that James Madison was the “father” or “major architect” of the Constitution, whose unrivaled authority entitles his interpretations of the Constitution to special weight and consideration. This view greatly exaggerates Madison’s contribution to the framing of the Constitution and the quality of his insight into the main problem of federalism that the Framers tried to solve. Perhaps most significantly, it obstructs our view of alternative interpretations of the original Constitution with which Madison disagreed. Examining Madison’s writings and speeches between the spring and fall of 1787, we argue, first, that Madison’s reputation as the father of the Constitution is unwarranted. Madison’s supposedly unparalleled preparation for the Constitutional Convention and his purported authorship of the Virginia plan are unsupported by the historical record. The ideas Madison expressed in his surprisingly limited pre-Convention writings were either widely shared or, where more peculiar to him, rejected by the Convention. Moreover, virtually all of the actual drafting of the Constitution was done by other delegates, principally James Wilson and Gouverneur Morris. Second, we argue that Madison’s recorded thought in this critical 1787 period fails to establish him as a particularly keen or authoritative interpreter of the Constitution. Focused myopically on the supposed imperative of blocking bad state laws, Madison failed to diagnose the central problem of federalism that was clear to many of his peers: the need to empower the national government to regulate the people directly. Whereas Madison clung to the idea of a national government controlling the states through a national legislative veto, the Convention settled on a decidedly non-Madisonian approach of bypassing the states by directly regulating the people and controlling bad state laws indirectly through the combination of federal supremacy and preemption. -
A Historical Interpretation of the Eleventh Amendment: a Narrow Construction of an Affirmative Grant of Jurisdiction Rather Than a Prohibition Against Jurisdiction
A Historical Interpretation of the Eleventh Amendment: A Narrow Construction of an Affirmative Grant of Jurisdiction Rather than a Prohibition Against Jurisdiction William A. Fletcher* INTRODUCTION The eleventh amendment is one of the Constitution's most baf- fling provisions and, for its importance, one of the least analyzed. Its full text provides, The Judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by Citizens of another State, or by Citizens or Subjects of any foreign state. In a number of decisions, the Supreme Court has treated the amend- ment as prohibiting federal courts from taking jurisdiction over suits brought in federal court against a state by private citizens.2 The * Acting Professor of Law, Boalt Hall School of Law, University of California, Berke- ley. B.A. 1968, Harvard College; B.A. 1970, Oxford University; J.D. 1975, Yale Law School. I wish to thank the Boalt Hall School of Law for its generous financial assistance through the Walter Perry Johnson Fund. I also wish to thank my colleagues and friends Stephen R. Barnett, John E. Coons, Ronan E. Degnan, David E. Feller, Dennis J. Hutchinson, Thomas M. Jorde, James H. Kettner, Jean C. Love, Paul J. Mishkin, Stefan A. Riesenfeld, David B. Roe, Harry N. Scheiber, Martin Shapiro, Michael E. Smith, Therese M. Stewart, Preble Stolz, and Jan Vetter, and my father, Robert L. Fletcher, for their valuable criticism and suggestions. Finally, I wish to thank Kevin James for his excellent research assistance. -
William Rainey Harper College Business and Social Science Division General Course Outline
WILLIAM RAINEY HARPER COLLEGE BUSINESS AND SOCIAL SCIENCE DIVISION GENERAL COURSE OUTLINE HST 111 The American Experience to 1877 (3-0) 3 Course Course Course Title Lec-Lab Credit Prefix Number Hours COURSE DESCRIPTION Survey of the American experience through the pre-revolutionary period, the expansion westward and the Civil War. Special stress is placed upon the social, economic, cultural, political, and constitutional development of the United States. TOPICAL OUTLINE I. Introduction: America and the Expansion of Europe II. The Colonial South, the Colonial System, and New England Puritanism III. The Anglo-French Conflict, British Politics, and the American Revolution IV. The Growth of American Unity; the Revolution as a Social Movement, and Nationalism and the American Revolution V. The Confederation Period VI. The Motives of the Founding Fathers VII. The Federalist Period VIII. Thomas Jefferson: Ideas and Reality, Politics and Neutrality IX. The Causes of the War of 1812 X. Nationalism and Sectionalism XI. The Jacksonian Era XII. American Society During the First Half of the 19th Century XIII. “Manifest Destiny” XIV. The South and the Expansive North XV. Civil War XVI. Reconstruction METHOD OF PRESENTATION 1. Lecture 2. Discussion 3. Films 4. Overhead transparencies (Discussions will include both primary and secondary materials. Pretest will be given to students to determine degree of accomplishment in the course.) STUDENT OUTCOMES (The student should…) 1. comprehend the American experience through the pre-revolutionary period, the expansion westward, and the Civil War. 2. reason effectively and evaluate factual material in their true perspectives through the interpretative analysis of the American past. 3. -
The Fourteenth Amendment and the Unconstitutionality of Secession
The University of Akron IdeaExchange@UAkron Akron Law Review Akron Law Journals June 2015 The ourF teenth Amendment and the Unconstitutionality of Secession Daniel A. Farber Please take a moment to share how this work helps you through this survey. Your feedback will be important as we plan further development of our repository. Follow this and additional works at: http://ideaexchange.uakron.edu/akronlawreview Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Fourteenth Amendment Commons Recommended Citation Farber, Daniel A. (2012) "The ourF teenth Amendment and the Unconstitutionality of Secession," Akron Law Review: Vol. 45 : Iss. 2 , Article 6. Available at: http://ideaexchange.uakron.edu/akronlawreview/vol45/iss2/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Akron Law Journals at IdeaExchange@UAkron, the institutional repository of The nivU ersity of Akron in Akron, Ohio, USA. It has been accepted for inclusion in Akron Law Review by an authorized administrator of IdeaExchange@UAkron. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Farber: The Fourteenth Amendment 12- FARBER_MACRO.DOCM 6/13/2012 3:42 PM THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT AND THE UNCONSTITUTIONALITY OF SECESSION Daniel A. Farber∗ I. Introduction ...................................................................... 479 II. Antebellum Conceptions of Citizenship and the Nature of the Union ...................................................................... 484 A. Secession and the Nature of the Union ...................... 485 B. Federalism -
Muñoz Rivera and Karl Rove
Muñoz Rivera and Karl Rove By : RAFAEL HERNANDEZ COLON Volume: 34 | No: 27 Page : 24 Issued : 07/13/2006 We celebrate this week the birthday of Luis Muñoz Rivera, Puerto Rico’s most eminent statesman of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century. Muñoz Rivera obtained the Autonomic Charter from Spain in 1897, which provided a wide measure of self-government for Puerto Rico. Under U.S. rule, he fought against the Foraker Act, the first organic act for the government of Puerto Rico passed by Congress. The Foraker Act, approved in 1900, profoundly disappointed Puerto Ricans because it represented a marked retrocession in self-government. At the end of the 19th century, the United States was the most progressive country in the world. The freedoms enshrined in the U. S. Constitution were broadly admired. Upon landing in Ponce July 27, 1898, Gen. Miles, the commander of the invading forces, proclaimed to our people that the purpose of the invasion was to bring the liberties of American institutions to Puerto Rico. Hope sprung throughout the island and the invading forces were joyously received by the majority of the population. These hopes were shattered when the Foraker Act was enacted depriving us even of the rights of self-government, which we had under the Spanish Crown. Muñoz Rivera organized a party called Union de Puerto Rico, which encompassed Puerto Ricans of all political persuasions. The party was swept into power and he was elected resident commissioner, a post he held until his death in 1916. At that time, he had negotiated the Jones Act in Congress, which gave us a wider measure of self-government and granted us American citizenship.