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Portland Daily Press
PORTLAND, MAINE, NEW AUVEKTISEMEJtTS. NEW APVgBTISEMKNTS. The commtte6 on foreign affairs is in- THE CUBAN WAR. IS THE HOUSE. WE SENATE creased from 9 to 11 and will retain the PURE present four Demoorats, Messrs. Morgan, is Gray, Tnrple and Daniel.. For Mr. But- $15 Desk For i * $10. iar, whose term has expired, it has been decided to place thereon Mr. Mills of Texas. We shall sell a hundred of to of these Special Christ- Still Has a On Secretary Smith Sends His Reply Repeals /Jie Confederate Prohibitory Sir. Pasco Florida added to the mas Desks in the next ten at Spain Big Figlit representation on Will Be the Bill Presented the days $10 each. This is minority the commit- By Forwarded to Mr. Olney by Editor ail vre have on hand: and the offer must then be Law. tee on commerce. Hand. Questions. Mr. Walthall to on withdrawn, as we cannot complete any more before goes the committee and Means. Christmas. finances, his Democratic associates being Ways Diffendrefer. In Voorhees, Jones and White. every way this is the greatest value we have Harris, Vest, This committee will consist of 6 Re- ever offered in a Desk. The interior has the high over- bicans and 6 Demoorats and 1 hang across the entire IN REGARD TO THE WICHITA EX-SO'CTHERX soldiers xow pul Popu- width,—almost as large as a SHE MUST COLLECT TAXES TO list, the latter Jones of Nevada. Library Table. being FRAMED SOLELY TO MEET AN ON LAND El Six Democrats, 1 Populist aud 1 Repub- IT IS SCHOMBURCK’S TREATISE The lid is carved on the outside in CARRY IT 02L MATTER. -
Tribal-State Relations
ISSUE BRIEF August 2012 Tribal-State Relations What’s Inside: • Key factors affecting The United States Congress and Tribal governments Tribal-State relations in have articulated the importance of protecting the safety, child welfare permanency, and well-being of American Indian and Alaska • Components of Native children. Through the Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA) successful Tribal-State of 1978, Congress stated that there is “no resource that is relations more vital to the continued existence and integrity of Indian tribes than their children” (25 U.S.C. Sec. 1901). • Promising practices in Tribal-State relations This brief is intended to help States, Tribes, and related from across the country jurisdictions find ways to work together more effectively to • Conclusion meet the goals of ICWA. • Resources Child Welfare Information Gateway Children’s Bureau/ACYF 1250 Maryland Avenue, SW Eighth Floor Washington, DC 20024 800.394.3366 Email: [email protected] Use your smartphone to http://www.childwelfare.gov access this issue brief online. Tribal-State Relations http://www.childwelfare.gov • State jurisdiction over Tribal affairs, for Key Factors Affecting Tribal- instance, through Public Law 280 (P.L. 280), initially enacted in 1953 in six “mandatory” State Relations in Child Welfare States and other “optional” States in 1968 that elected to assume full or partial State jurisdiction on Indian reservations, and Tribal child welfare has had a particularly eliminating Federal jurisdiction for Indian poignant history in the past century. Country (Gardner & Melton, n.d.) Thousands of Indian children were forcibly removed from their homes, families, and • Tribal-State disagreements, especially those Tribes and placed in boarding schools where that end up in court and result in a “winner” a policy of assimilation left them unable to and a “loser” speak their Native language or participate • Availability of funding for child welfare in their Native culture. -
Columbia Law Review
COLUMBIA LAW REVIEW VOL. 99 DECEMBER 1999 NO. 8 GLOBALISM AND THE CONSTITUTION: TREATIES, NON-SELF-EXECUTION, AND THE ORIGINAL UNDERSTANDING John C. Yoo* As the globalization of society and the economy accelerates, treaties will come to assume a significant role in the regulation of domestic affairs. This Article considers whether the Constitution, as originally understood, permits treaties to directly regulate the conduct of private parties without legislative implementation. It examines the relationship between the treaty power and the legislative power during the colonial, revolutionary, Framing, and early nationalperiods to reconstruct the Framers' understandings. It concludes that the Framers believed that treaties could not exercise domestic legislative power without the consent of Congress, because of the Constitution'screation of a nationallegislature that could independently execute treaty obligations. The Framers also anticipatedthat Congress's control over treaty implementa- tion through legislation would constitute an importantcheck on the executive branch'spower in foreign affairs. TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .................................................... 1956 I. Treaties, Non-Self-Execution, and the Internationalist View ..................................................... 1962 A. The Constitutional Text ................................ 1962 B. Globalization and the PoliticalBranches: Non-Self- Execution ............................................. 1967 C. Self-Execution: The InternationalistView ................ -
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-ROUSE. MA.Ren 1
2646 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-ROUSE. MA.Ren 1, HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Cherokees to sue for their interest in certain moneys of the tribe from which they were excluded. WEDNESDAY, March 1, 1899. The message also announced that the Senate had passed with amendments the bill (H. R. 9335) granting t-0 the Muscle Shoals The House met at 11 o'clock a. m. Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. Power Company right to erect and construct canal and power HENRY N. COUDEN. stations at Muscle Shoals, Ala.; in which the concurrence of the The Journal of the proceedings of yesterday was read and ap House of Representatives was requested. proved. MESSA.GE FROM THE SENA.TE. SUNDRY CIVIL APPROPRIATION BILL, A message from the Senate, by Mr. PLATT, one of its clerks, Mr. CANNON. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that announced that the Senate had passed with amendments a bill of the House nonconcur in all of the amendments of the Senate to the the following title; in which the concurrence of the House was sundry civil appropriation bill, ask for a committee of confer requested: ence on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses, and have the bill H. R. 12008. An act making appropriations for sundry civil ex printed with the Senate amendments numbered. penses of the Government for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1900, The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gen and for other purposes. tleman from Illinois? The message also announced that the Senate had passed without There was no objection. amendment·bills of the following titles: The SPEAKER appointed as conferees on the part of the House H. -
The Soul of America by Jon Meacham
The Soul of America By Jon Meacham Answer the following: Chapter 1 (pg. 23-47) 1. What is the difference between The First Charter of Virginia (1606) and A Model of Christian Charity (1630)? How do each represent a contradiction? Pg. 23-24 2. How is Abraham Lincoln an example of “…birth mattered less than it ever had before…” when it came to the American dream of wealth & happiness. Pg. 24 3. Starting on page 24 and continuing through page 27, Meacham explains why the American presidency is important to the American experience. Give an example of why this is so. Also explain how the competing views of Thomas Paine’s Common Sense and practical experience of the Revolutionary War and Confederation period shaped thoughts on government. 4. What fundamental role did president Lyndon Johnson want to accomplish as President? Pg. 27 5. How did Alexander Hamilton curtail his enthusiasm over the role of the President in two of his Federalist essays? Pg. 27-28 6. What began to change in regard to political power by the time of Andrew Jackson’s presidency? Give some examples of how Jackson was “the most contradictory of men”. Pg. 29-31 7. Give examples of how Abraham Lincoln further changed the role of the president by expanded on the ideals of both Jefferson & Jackson, especially after is Gettysburg Address. Pg. 31-32 8. How does Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Delano Roosevelt begin to further define the role of the presidency? Pg. 35-40 Chapter 2 (pg. 51-69) 9. After the Civil War, how did the South try to reimagine the purpose of the war in their terms? Why is this a false narrative of the events? Pg. -
The United States and the Articles of Confederation: Drifting Toward Anarchy Or Inching Toward Commonwealth?*
The United States and the Articles of Confederation: Drifting Toward Anarchy or Inching Toward Commonwealth?* On June 7, 1776, Richard Henry Lee proposed to the Second Con- tinental Congress "[t]hat these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States," and "[t]hat a plan of confederation be prepared and transmitted to the respective Colonies for their con- sideration and approbation."' Lee's resolution reflected the linkage between independence and confederation in the public mind.2 The result was the Articles of Confederation, drafted in 1776-1777 and fi- nally ratified on March 1, 1781, which remained in effect until 1789 and represented the first American experiment with a written na- tional charter.3 The conventional view of this period is that it was dominated by deep factional conflict concerning the amount of power that should be vested in the national government. 4 The text of the Articles, ac- cording to this view, represented a victory for the group favoring minimal national authority, 5 and as a result the Articles government * The author acknowledges with gratitude the assistancc of Professor William E. Nelson of the Yale Law School in providing critical guidance and granting permission to make use of unpublished research materials. 1. 5 JOURNALS OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS 425 (W. Ford ed. 1906) [hereinafter cited without cross-reference as JOURNALS]. 2. See NEw JERSEY IN THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 1763-1783: A DOCUMENT.ARY HISTORY 402 (L. Gerlach ed. 1975) (issues of independence and confederation were inseparable) [hereinafter cited as DOCUIENTARY HISTORY]; cf. Jensen, The Articles of Confederation, in FUNDAMENTAL TESTAMENTS OF TilE AMERICAN RLvoI.UTIoN 62 (Library of Congress Sym- posium on the American Revolution 1973) (politicians who opposed confederation did so because they saw it as step toward independence) [hereinafter cited as Jensen, TESTA ENTS]. -
Republican Moments: the Role of Direct Popular Power in the American Constitutional Order
University of Pennsylvania Law Review FOUNDED 1852 Formerly American Law Register VOL. 139 DECEMBER 1990 No. 2 ARTICLES REPUBLICAN MOMENTS: THE ROLE OF DIRECT POPULAR POWER IN THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL ORDER James Gray Popet INTRODUCTION .................................. 289 I. POPULAR VS. ELITIST REPUBLICANISM ON DIRECT POPULAR PARTICIPATION ............................... 295 A. Background: The Republican Revival ............. 296 t Associate Professor of Law, Rutgers University School of Law, Newark, New Jersey. A.B. 1974,J.D. 1983 Harvard University. Earlier versions of this paper were presented to the Boston University Legal History Group and the Rutgers Law Faculty Colloquium. The final product benefitted greatly from critical comments by Akhil Reed Amar, C. Edwin Baker, CathieJo Martin, Eric Neisser, Richard Davies Parker, and John M. Payne. I am especially indebted to Vicki Been, Richard Revesz, and Aviam Soifer, who provided detailed critiques on short notice. James C.N. Paul gave guidance and encouragement throughout. Able research assistance was provided by Lisa Buckley, John Cioffi, Angela DiLeo, Nancy Gage, Sandra Levy, Mary Uva, Rosalind Westlake, and David Zuckerbrot. The S.I. Newhouse Research Fund supplied much-needed financial support. (287) 288 UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LAW REVIEW [Vol. 139:287 B. Direct PopularParticipation and the Problem of Size .... 297 C. The Elitist Solution .......................... 299 D. Back to Square One .......................... 301 E. A PopularRepublican Dilemma .................... 302 II. REPUBLICAN MOMENTS .......................... 304 A. Ackerman's ConstitutionalMoments ................ 304 B. Public Purpose and Creedal Passion ................ 306 C. Republican Moments ......................... 310 D. PopularRepublican Pathologies? ................... 313 III. REPUBLICAN MOMENTS AS A PARTIAL ANTIDOTE TO INTEREST GROUP POLITICS .............................. 315 A. From Narrow Self-Interest to Public Virtue ........... -
Julie Reuben, Intellectual Transformation and the Marginalization of Morality (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1996) 176-210
CHAPTER FOUR THE CIVIC IMPACT OF RHETORIC As described in the previous chapter, Porter, Eliot, and Wilson’s commitments to public life are preliminary indications of how committed they were to civic education. However, public spirit only elucidates one dimension of civic education. If education is to be truly civic it must ensure that students not only learn to associate in public but that they also use this public association to engage in evaluative or normative conversation. Furthermore, civic education will be more likely to succeed in this regard if it convinces students that these normative evaluative conversations are aesthetically interesting and worth participating in. In this chapter I look at these normative and aesthetic dimensions of civic education. In particular, I ask two questions. First, did the educators’ actions and ideology inhibit political conversation by neglecting normative and evaluative issues? And secondly, did their actions serve to create a type of normative conversation that would be sufficiently interesting so as to draw students into the political arena? The theoretical problems in answering the first question are not insurmountable as long as some attention is paid to the amorphous boundary between fact and value, and description and prescription. As other historians of the social sciences have argued,1 the distinction between normative and non-normative scholarship is a legacy of the 1920's. Prior to this time, contemporaries understood the unveiling of factual truth as a process that would corroborate normative truths. Given that pre 1920 scholars had not yet begun to distinguish fact and value with as much assiduousness as later social scientists, one needs to be careful in describing the emphasis on fact or on objectivity, and the concurrent decline in moral philosophy courses that overtly dealt 1 Julie Reuben, Intellectual Transformation and the Marginalization of Morality (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1996) 176-210. -
The Other Madison Problem
THE OTHER MADISON PROBLEM David S. Schwartz* & John Mikhail** The conventional view of legal scholars and historians is that James Madison was the “father” or “major architect” of the Constitution, whose unrivaled authority entitles his interpretations of the Constitution to special weight and consideration. This view greatly exaggerates Madison’s contribution to the framing of the Constitution and the quality of his insight into the main problem of federalism that the Framers tried to solve. Perhaps most significantly, it obstructs our view of alternative interpretations of the original Constitution with which Madison disagreed. Examining Madison’s writings and speeches between the spring and fall of 1787, we argue, first, that Madison’s reputation as the father of the Constitution is unwarranted. Madison’s supposedly unparalleled preparation for the Constitutional Convention and his purported authorship of the Virginia plan are unsupported by the historical record. The ideas Madison expressed in his surprisingly limited pre-Convention writings were either widely shared or, where more peculiar to him, rejected by the Convention. Moreover, virtually all of the actual drafting of the Constitution was done by other delegates, principally James Wilson and Gouverneur Morris. Second, we argue that Madison’s recorded thought in this critical 1787 period fails to establish him as a particularly keen or authoritative interpreter of the Constitution. Focused myopically on the supposed imperative of blocking bad state laws, Madison failed to diagnose the central problem of federalism that was clear to many of his peers: the need to empower the national government to regulate the people directly. Whereas Madison clung to the idea of a national government controlling the states through a national legislative veto, the Convention settled on a decidedly non-Madisonian approach of bypassing the states by directly regulating the people and controlling bad state laws indirectly through the combination of federal supremacy and preemption. -
Portland Daily Press: July 13,1882
Pi) RTLA N D DAI LY v PRICE 3 CERTS. JUNE 1862--VOL. 20. PORTLAND, THURSDAY MORNING, JULY 13, 1882. f^8Biii£9.^2£J ESTABLISHED 23, i—t ■nan m -- ...iniMurw.nrmwr""-™—■■——c—rr^Mnwnrerr— UMHifi ill MTTr—r—————^W—■>——— 1825. —David Sbepley, b. Norridgowock. June Ia Ohio and Illinois, three who now pursues bis studies without blood, and COMMENCEMENTS. 1, stated of Rev. Nathan Rev. Lincoln that ignorance is the mother of devotion, and Pennsylvania, 1804, d. Providence, K. I., Dec. 1, 1881; 77.J THE PORTLAND DAILY PRESS, BRIDGTON ACADEMY. Church, central is not with sole desire for improvement. This com- that devotion to these churches is the safety of great states where self support 1826. —William Tyng Hilliard, b. Gorham, Feb. Ripley and Sa.ruel Farnsworth. The Alumni the The chain that binds tbe Yet the seat of the Greek church, difficult, one in ten of the illiterates is a of Academy— d. Bangor, Nov, 9, 1881; 76. PubllBhol every day (Sundays excepted,) by mittee ono with like powors and duties, humanity. its to it's its with its 20, 1808, (or while of the rest of the on- present past; memories hopes. Alumni Associa- 1826. Yetton Sawver, b. N. number a where nine-tenths of the pauper, population, Bowdoin College—The —George Wakefield, but consisting of a different portion —Russia,- popula- Here, at our where the memory of the ft d. N. June PORTLAND PI BL1SHINU CO., Celebration of Its 75th Anniver- has this the one in three hundred is a pauper. In other Alma-Mater, Dec. -
A Historical Interpretation of the Eleventh Amendment: a Narrow Construction of an Affirmative Grant of Jurisdiction Rather Than a Prohibition Against Jurisdiction
A Historical Interpretation of the Eleventh Amendment: A Narrow Construction of an Affirmative Grant of Jurisdiction Rather than a Prohibition Against Jurisdiction William A. Fletcher* INTRODUCTION The eleventh amendment is one of the Constitution's most baf- fling provisions and, for its importance, one of the least analyzed. Its full text provides, The Judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by Citizens of another State, or by Citizens or Subjects of any foreign state. In a number of decisions, the Supreme Court has treated the amend- ment as prohibiting federal courts from taking jurisdiction over suits brought in federal court against a state by private citizens.2 The * Acting Professor of Law, Boalt Hall School of Law, University of California, Berke- ley. B.A. 1968, Harvard College; B.A. 1970, Oxford University; J.D. 1975, Yale Law School. I wish to thank the Boalt Hall School of Law for its generous financial assistance through the Walter Perry Johnson Fund. I also wish to thank my colleagues and friends Stephen R. Barnett, John E. Coons, Ronan E. Degnan, David E. Feller, Dennis J. Hutchinson, Thomas M. Jorde, James H. Kettner, Jean C. Love, Paul J. Mishkin, Stefan A. Riesenfeld, David B. Roe, Harry N. Scheiber, Martin Shapiro, Michael E. Smith, Therese M. Stewart, Preble Stolz, and Jan Vetter, and my father, Robert L. Fletcher, for their valuable criticism and suggestions. Finally, I wish to thank Kevin James for his excellent research assistance. -
Francis Wayland and the Evangelical Conscience
Georgia State University ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University History Dissertations Department of History 7-18-2008 God and Slavery in America: Francis Wayland and the Evangelical Conscience Matthew S. Hill Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/history_diss Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Hill, Matthew S., "God and Slavery in America: Francis Wayland and the Evangelical Conscience." Dissertation, Georgia State University, 2008. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/history_diss/10 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of History at ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. GOD AND SLAVERY IN AMERICA: FRANCIS WAYLAND AND THE EVANGELICAL CONSCIENCE by MATTHEW S. HILL Under the Direction of Dr. Wendy H. Venet ABSTRACT The work examines the antislavery writings of Francis Wayland (1796-1865). Wayland pastored churches in Boston and Providence, but he left his indelible mark as the fourth and twenty-eight year president of Brown University (1827-1855). The author of numerous works on moral science, economics, philosophy, education, and the Baptist denomination, his administration marked a transitional stage in the emergence of American colleges from a classically oriented curriculum to an educational philosophy based on science and modern languages. Wayland left an enduring legacy at Brown, but it was his antislavery writings that brought him the most notoriety and controversy. Developed throughout his writings, rather than systematically in a major work, his antislavery views were shaped and tested in the political and intellectual climate of the antebellum world in which he lived.