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Bahrain: Change of the Regime Or Changes Within the Regime?

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Bahrain: Change of the Regime Or Changes Within the Regime? Bahrain: Change of the Regime or Changes within the Regime? The 14th February Uprising opposition of all shades was in agreement with Bahrain has been witnessing an uprising since the uprising, despite differences on the agenda 14th February 2011, the eruption of which had and means of protests. been signaled by a call on Facebook two weeks The first days of the uprisings (14–17 before. The call promoted two slogans: one, that February) witnessed increasingly dramatic the protests should be of a peaceful nature; and developments, which led to an unprecedented two, that the aim is to topple the regime. Both situation in the country. None of the concerned demands were in line with their precedents parties, neither the opposition nor the security in Tunisia and Egypt, and with the popular establishment, government or the general public expected such a large turnout of protesters amid tight security measures. Tens of Despite the peaceful nature thousands showed up in defiance. Despite the of the protests, it was quelled peaceful nature of the protests, it was quelled with ruthless force resulting in with ruthless force resulting in deaths and tens deaths and tens of causalities of causalities among the protesters. The funeral among the protesters. of a victim at Al-Daih village east of the island’s capital Manama on 15th February was massive. Thousands advanced towards the so-called expression “The People want the downfall of Lulu (eng: Pearl) roundabout1 in Manama. the regime“ (ash-sha’b yurid isqat al-nizam). The call came from anonymous persons, but thousands of Bahrainis supported it on the Facebook group entitled “14th February Bahrain Revolution”. The “legal” opposition, namely those oppositional political organizations that are licensed by the government, were perplexed but supported the right to peaceful protests. Two of them, both important ones, the Shia-Islamist Al-Wefaq National Islamic Society and the leftist The circle is a vital intersection of Bahrain’s Waad - National Democratic Action Society roads network, with empty areas around to supported the call openly in order to avoid a accommodate thousands of cars. These areas possible rift with the so-called 14th February came to the advantage of the protesters. They Youth. The non-licensed opposition groupings, seized the roundabout and renamed it, in namely the dynamic Al-Haq Movement for commemoration of the killed, “Martyr’s Circle“. Mostafa Abdulla Liberty and Democracy and the Al-Wafa Islamic The army and security forces waged a Mostafa Abdulla (pseudonym) is a senior Trend, were part of the group that initiated Bahraini human rights the 14th February movement. Hence, the 1 Its official name is the GCC-Roundabout (GCC = Gulf Cooperation defender. Council). Heinrich Böll Stiftung 159 dawn raid against the protesters in the circle, Sunnis protested against the lack of political killed more persons and wounded hundreds, participation and systemic discrimination and including medical staff. Waves of protesters corruption during what has become known advanced towards the circle, and finally, after as the 1994-1998 intifada. The response of heavy civilian causalities, gathered there again the government was violent, and thousands of on the afternoon of 19th February. The US protesters were detained and opposition leaders pressed the Bahraini authorities to withdraw expelled. the army and called for restraint in the use of At the beginning of the new millennium, force. The ordered withdrawal from the circle then Emir Sheikh Hamad Bin Issa Al- caused the collapse of security morals, and the Khalifa (who in 2002 declared himself king) troops fled from the advancing masses. promised reforms that would end the political The circle subsequently emerged as the repression that marked the 1990s and that public center of the uprising’s activities, similar would transform Bahrain’s absolute monarchy to Al-Tahrir square in Cairo. Successive funeral into a constitutional one. Instead, however, processions galvanized wider protests. With he established a sham parliamentary system time, protests spread to other parts of the and self-handedly issued a constitution country, bringing hundreds of thousands to that monopolized power in the hands of the the streets. A new tactic that evolved in order elites. The already existing discrimination to enforce demands was to target particular against the majority Shia population that runs through all sectors of society was even more institutionalized. A consultative council that is It is important to note appointed by the King can block any legislation that dissatisfaction with issued by the elected lower house. Electoral authoritarian rule, corruption, districts were set up in a way that limited Shia and economic stagnation cuts representation. All these steps contradicted his reform promises and served to exacerbate across sectarian divisions. popular hostility. Within the framework of its controversial ministries or government premises, to move the “naturalization policy,” the Bahraini regime is masses from the circle towards these premises pursuing, since a long time, the recruitment of and to encircle them for hours. Among them Sunni foreigners (including non-Bahraini Arabs were the Ministry of Interior and the Council of and Pakistanis) into the army and police and Ministers, which were pressured specifically granting them citizenship, while the majority with the demand to dismiss the Prime Minister. Shia population remains largely excluded from the countries’ security forces. This policy has The Background to the Protests been deliberately stepped up with the uprising It is the island’s majority Shia population during the 1990s in order to avoid defections (accounting for around 70% of the population2) from security ranks, and has hence alienated that has been particularly disenfranchised by the the Shia population even further. regime’s discriminatory policies. It is important Both Al-Wifaq and Al-Waad boycotted the to note, though, that dissatisfaction with 2002 elections. In 2006, however, the opposition authoritarian rule, corruption, and economic suddenly decided to run for parliamentary stagnation cuts across sectarian divisions. elections with the aim to change politics from Attempts to mobilize opposition go back more “within”, which led to the emergence of other, than ten years when mostly Shiites, but also more effective and confrontational platforms for political opposition, including the Al-Haq 2 The Sunni-Shia ratio may have shifted as a result of the regime’s Movement for Liberty and Democracy, which naturalization policy of Sunni foreigners. 160 Heinrich Böll Stiftung A Growing Sectarian Rift Apart from applying brute force, the regime moved to rally its supporters, mainly Sunni loyalists, for a counter-rally at Al-Fateh mosque and surroundings after the Friday prayer on 25th February. More pro-regime rallies and demonstrations followed in different Sunni- dominated districts. Despite immense differences in size, came to enjoy broad legitimacy in the population sequence, and commitment of the opposition but is brutally repressed up to this day. on the one hand and loyalist manifestations on the other, the sectarian Sunni-Shia rift The Actors of 14th February increasingly threatened to divert the conflict The forces for change were a blend of the away from its original course. Several sectarian 14th February initiators, political opposition skirmishes, both verbal and physical, occurred, groups, civil society coalitions, and professional associations and unions, mixed Shia and Sunni. Despite the broad diversity in nature, The slogan “No Shiites, positions, agendas and organization, there was no Sunnis, only Bahrainis” a general consensus on the need for a radical reflected the broad rejection change. The slogan “No Shiites, no Sunnis, only of the regime’s attempts to Bahrainis” reflected the broad rejection of the portray the opposition as regime’s attempts to portray the opposition as sectarian. sectarian. The forces of change can be categorized into two groups: in which Sunni Arabs that were granted Bahraini The first group was formed of the 14th citizenship by the regime’s naturalization policy, February Youth, the unlicensed opposition (Al- participated actively. Haq , Al-Wafa, and Al-Ahrar), and large number This motivated the political opposition and of protesters who called for the fall of the Al- Shia clerics to urge their public not to respond Khalifa rule, and thus refused the dialogue with to these attacks, and addressed the Bahrainis at the regime. large to denounce sectarianism and to preserve The second group included the seven national unity. However, the official television licensed opposition associations (Al-Wefaq, Al- and radio, as well as Sunni sectarian channels Waad, Al-Minbar al-Taqaddumi, Al-Tajammu’ and websites loyal to the power elite promoted al-Qawmi , Al-Tajammu’ al-Watani, Al-Ikha’ and exacerbated sectarianism animosities and and Al-Amal) and those civil society coalitions, in particular anti-Shiism. who demanded a truly constitutional monarchy and opted for conditional dialogue with the Responses by the Regime regime, after it meets certain preconditions and During the course of events, some important guarantees. These included the dismissal of developments unfolded: the government and the formation of a national After its onslaught on Pearl Roundabout, coalition interim government, the security the regime refrained from using force against of the protesters, release of all prisoners
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