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Pacific Science (1998), vol. 52, no. 4: 301-307 © 1998 by University of Hawai'i Press. All rights reserved

"In Behalf of the Science of the Country": The Smithsonian and the U.S. Navy in the North Pacific in the 1850s1

MARC ROTHENBERG 2

ABSTRACT: During the early l850s, the launched two major expeditions to the Pacific, as well as a series of surveys of the American West. Although the U.S. Army had developed a strong symbiotic relationship with the civilian scientific community, the U.S. Navy was still attempting to define its role in American science. This paper compares and contrasts the role of science, especially civilian science, in the U.S. Naval Expedition to and the U.S. Naval Expedition to the North Pacific in the context of American military-civilian scientific cooperation during that period. Special attention is paid to the role of the , the leading civilian scientific institution in the United States, in the two naval expeditions.

IN THE EARLY l850s, the U.S. Navy launched and scientific reconnaissances in the Ameri­ two major expeditions to the Pacific. These can West known as the Pacific Railroad Sur­ were the U.S. Naval Expedition to Japan, veys. The primary objective of these surveys better known as the Perry Expedition, which was to provide data to allow an informed set sail in November 1852, and the U.S. Naval decision as to the route for the transconti­ Expedition to the North Pacific, also known nental railroad. These surveys were the cul­ as the North Pacific Exploring Expedition mination of a number of pre-Civil War or the Ringgold/Rodgers Expeditions, which expeditions conducted by the army in the departed the United States in June 1853. Al­ American West, including the Pacific coast. though both expeditions had scientific com­ The history of scientific exploration and ponents, the involvement of the Smithsonian surveying by the U.S. Army and the U.S. Institution, the leading American scientific Navy is quite different (Goetzmann 1959, organization at the time, in the expeditions 1966, Kazar 1973, Ponko 1974). Civilian was quite different. The Smithsonian played scientists did not accompany the first major a very peripheral role in the Perry Expedi­ army effort, the Lewis and Clark Expedition tion, and then only after the expedition re­ of 1803-1805, which went from the Missis­ turned. In contrast, the Smithsonian was sippi River to the West Coast and back, central to the North Pacific Exploring Expe­ surveying and exploring the newly acquired dition throughout the expedition's existence. Louisiana Territory, but they were rela­ In this paper I examine and compare these tively easily integrated into later expeditions. contrasting roles in the context of American Working relationships between civilian sci­ military-civilian scientific cooperation during entists and survey commanders, although not that period. perfect, were relatively smooth and produc­ Coincidently in 1853, the U.S. Army began tive. For the most part, the collections gath­ a series of important and successful surveys ered by these expeditions had been small in number and collected over a long period. There had been few disputes. The scientists 1 Support for this paper came from the Research accompanying the expeditions usually de­ Opportunity Fund of the Smithsonian Institution. This scribed the specimens, having worked out the paper forms part of the commemoration of the bicenten­ nial of the birth of . Manuscript accepted issue of housing beforehand. Alternatively, 15 January 1998. the commanding officer of an expedition 2 Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. would send them to a particular scientist 301 302 PACIFIC SCIENCE, Volume 52, October 1998 or scientific institution with whom he had that it would take responsibility for the a personal relationship for description and Wilkes specimens and other national collec­ preservation. tions housed in the Patent Office Building. In contrast, the navy started out with a However, Joseph Henry, the first Secretary major exploring expedition-the U.S. South (i.e., Director) of the Smithsonian, rejected Seas Exploring Expedition of 1838-1842, that assumption. He argued that maintaining better known as the Wilkes Expedition. Its national collections, such as scientific speci­ problems became legendary among American mens returned by the military, was the finan­ scientists. Captain , the expedi­ cial responsibility of the government. The tion's commander, was a firm believer in the Smithsonian would be free with its advice, yet-unproven scientific abilities of naval offi­ whether to government scientists, military cers. He reserved the physical sciences for officers, or cabinet members; it would hap­ the military and reluctantly accepted civilian pily help train government scientists and scientists only when he was unable to find military officers conducting scientific collect­ qualified naturalists among the navy's medi­ ing. But at least some out-of-pocket costs cal corps. The relationship between the needs would have to be reimbursed (Reingold and of civilian scientists to collect and the naval Rothenberg 1985). officers to survey had not been well thought This was no obstacle for working with the out. Wilkes always placed the needs of the army. For example, Henry and Jefferson navy first (Stanton 1975, Viola and Margolis Davis, who had been a Regent (i.e., trustee) 1985). of the Smithsonian before becoming Secre­ Despite its problems, the Wilkes Expedi­ tary of War in 1853, had worked out an ar­ tion returned with thousands of specimens rangement for the Railroad Surveys in which from Australia, the West Coast of North the Smithsonian would serve as a temporary America, and the islands of the Pacific. clearinghouse for the collections. The Smith­ However, no provision had been made before sonian provided additional assistance to the the departure of the expedition for the care surveys: "The instruments have been com­ of the specimens, and they ultimately were pared, implements constructed, and practical placed under the curatorship of the National instruction given in the art of observation Institution for the Promotion of Science, a and the means of preserving specimens." local scientific society in Washington, D.C., Secretary Henry congratulated himself on the with considerable political influence, but little role of the Smithsonian in the exploration support among the national scientific com­ and surveying of the American West: "it has munity. The National Institution staff mis­ rendered important aid to physical geog­ handled the collections, damaged or lost raphy and by the facilities specimens, and ignored the need to keep which it has afforded the several exploring specimens and identification labels together parties which have been fitted out during (Kohlsted 1971, Viola and Margolis 1985). the past year" (Smithsonian Institution Adding to the scientific community's un­ 1853:24). happiness, publication of the scientific results The relative success of the army and civil­ of the U.S. Exploring Expedition was under ian scientists to cooperate for the cause of the control of Wilkes, who had his own ideas science can in part be credited to the training about scientific research and publication, and status of army officers in the United ideas that conflicted with those of the scien­ States. During the first two-thirds of the tists. There were two decades of clashes be­ nineteenth century, an American army officer tween the scientists analyzing the specimens could become a member of the scientific and Wilkes over issues of format, use of community. If trained at the U.S. Military Latin, and the need for foreign scientific Academy at West Point, which was founded input (Stanton 1975: 316-377, Hibler 1989). in 1803, such an officer would have had ex­ When the Smithsonian Institution was es­ cellent technical training in mathematics and tablished in 1846, it was assumed by many practical astronomy. Many graduates had no The Smithsonian and the U.S. Navy-RoTHENBERG 303 expectations of a military career. Ulysses Another alternative was duty with the U.S. S. Grant, destined to command the Union Coast Survey. Although a civilian agency, forces during the Civil War, went to the the Coast Survey utilized naval personnel, Military Academy in expectation of gain­ providing them with training in hydrography ing the qualifications for a professorship of and geodesy (Bruce 1988: 172). That these mathematics in a civilian college (Grant alternatives worked for highly motivated in­ 1885: 40). Army officers could and did pursue dividuals is indicated by the parity between research, publish in scientific journals, and active army officers and active naval officers get elected to learned societies such as the among the 50 founders of the National American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Academy of Sciences. There were four of Most of these officers were eventually as­ each (in addition to two former army officers signed by the army to its elite Corps of and three civilian employees of the navy). Topographical Engineers (Anonymous 1868, However, it required considerably more ini­ Goetzman 1959). tiative for a naval officer to become actively Adding to the status of army officers, involved in science. One consequence ofthese alumni of the Military Academy held impor­ circumstances was that some of the naval tant positions in the scientific community and officers most committed to raising the level civilian life. For example, Alexander Dallas of scientific expertise in their service felt the Bache, class of 1825, was director of the U.S. need to prove to the civilian community that Coast Survey from 1843 until his death in they could do science without civilian assis­ 1867 and became the first president of the tance (Dupree 1986: 97). Others, however, National Academy of Sciences in 1863. One felt comfortable with a partnership in which of Bache's Military Academy classmates the navy was subordinate to civilian scien­ was Jefferson Davis. Taking charge of the tists. The commanders of the Perry and survey of the northernmost route was Isaac I. North Pacific Exploring Expeditions took Stevens, the governor of Washington Terri­ these opposing approaches. tory, whom Henry described in a letter to an English scientist (Henry 1853a) as both "a graduate of West Point" and "much interested in the promotion of science." THE PERRY EXPEDITION The situation was much different for naval On 24 November 1852, Commodore officers. Even as late as 1853, most naval offi­ Matthew C. Perry, the recently appointed cers were the products of a shipboard ap­ commander of the East India Squadron, set prentice system. Those who went to the naval sail from Norfolk, Virginia. The primary equivalent of the Military Academy were few mission of his expedition was the opening and poorly trained. The naval academy at of Japan to American trade. A secondary Annapolis was not established until 1845, mission was the advancement of scientific and it did not provide a four-year curriculum knowledge. equivalent to that of the Military Academy Science was not supposed to be incidental until 1850-1851. Because science was not to the mission. Indeed, it has even been sug­ held in high regard at the naval academy, the gested that one of the reasons Perry was scientific training offered there was inferior to selected for the command was his sympathy its army counterpart (Bruce 1988: 161, 209, for science. During the Mexican War he had Ponko 1974: 15-16). collected natural history specimens (Kazar These differences between the army and 1973: 158). Yet science turned out to be very the navy did not result in the complete ab­ peripheral to this expedition. In part at least, sence of naval officers in the scientific com­ this was due to Perry's desire to prove that munity. Naval officers could receive scientific naval officers were just as capable of doing training before 1845 by taking a leave of science as West Point graduates. He fought absence to attend college or be tutored by every suggestion to have civilian scientists a scientist (Davis 1899, Ponko 1974: 15). accompany his expedition and bragged about 304 PACIFIC SCIENCE, Volume 52, October 1998

it to his officers (Perry 1968: 9). In the end, that had to be answered for the Wilkes Ex­ the only civilian component of the scientific pedition: how were expedition collections to side of the expedition was James Morrow, an be described and by whom? Perry decided on agriculturalist employed by the State De­ a modification of the Wilkes model. He partment, but he was not a research scientist. wanted to include the scientific findings in Collecting and observing in geology, ethnol­ his narrative, with Chaplain Jones providing ogy, zoology, and was to be done by oversight. Jones, however, was only inter­ naval officers, supplemented by the two naval ested in his zodiacal light observations. The surgeons who accompanied the expedition collections were eventually farmed out to and the naval chaplain. specialists for description: four botanists, The experiences of the chaplain, George including Asa Gray; the ichthyologist J. Jones, provide insight into the status of sci­ Carson Brevoort; and the ornithologist John ence on the Perry Expedition. Jones was offi­ Cassin. There were clashes between Perry cially the expedition's geologist, although and the scientists over the time necessary to he had not studied geology in the 30 years analyze the collections properly, as well as since he had graduated from Yale in 1823 over Perry's desire to publish the results in his (Rothenberg 1974: 90). In any case, Jones got narrative report versus the scientists' desires sidetracked after a conversation with James to publish in scientific journals. The State Dana, the professor of geology at Yale. He Department and the navy had jurisdictional took up Dana's suggestion that he "would disputes over the collections. The scientists have good opportunities for observations complained that the lack of trained collectors on the Zodiacal Light" (Jones 1856: ix). The resulted in insufficient information about the zodiacal light became his passion, despite a collections. Overall, the contribution to sci­ lack of training and preparation. Jones' only ence by the Perry Expedition was limited equipment was "a nine-inch-celestial globe"; (Kazar 1973, Ponko 1974). his library was restricted to "an odd number The Smithsonian's role was also limited. of the American Journal of Science, contain­ When the expedition returned, Henry offered ing some remarks by Professor Olmsted ... the assistance of the Smithsonian, an offer and two of Nichol's works on Astronomy" Perry apparently accepted. However, the (Jones 1856: x). extent of that assistance is uncertain. All that The third volume of Perry's report con­ is known for sure is that some of the Perry sisted of 340 plates showing Jones' obser­ collections did come to the Smithsonian vations. Jones also developed a theory of (Smithsonian Institution 1858). zodiacal light that he first published in the American Journal ofScience. He argued that the light was caused by a "nebulous ring with the earth for its centre, and lying within THE NORTH PACIFIC EXPLORING EXPEDITION the orbit of the moon" (Jones 1855: 139). The North Pacific Exploring Expedition The theory was extremely controversial. Al­ was a surveying and exploring expedition. Its though some Americans applauded his work, objective was the increase of knowledge. The Europeans were more skeptical. Piazzi Smyth political justification was the need of Ameri­ claimed that "Jones had never seen the zodi­ can whalers and ships engaged in the China acallight at all" (Anonymous 1870: 285). trade to have accurate surveys of the North Jones' lack of training and lack of prepa­ Pacific Ocean, the Bering Straits, and the ration was the norm for the expedition. The China Sea. But its officers were also expected naval officers were not up to the respon­ "to combine with its primary nautical aspect sibilities placed upon them. Fortunately, as much exploration in the field of natural Morrow proved to be a good collector and History as the opportunities of the cruise came back with excellent collections of rep­ might allow" (ponko 1974: 207). Initially led tiles and plants.With the return of the Perry by Lt. Cadwalader Ringgold, a veteran of Expedition in l855,came the same question the Wilkes Expedition, the North Pacific Ex- The Smithsonian and the U.S. Navy-RoTHENBERG 305 ploring Expedition was supposed to demon­ funds when the first specimens came back: strate what the navy and the nation had "Three cases of specimens of natural history, learned from the earlier venture to the Pacific. sent home by the exploring expedition under Neither Ringgold, removed from command the charge of Capt. Ringgold, have been re­ in 1854 after a mental breakdown, nor his ceived at this Institution. They are accom­ second in command (and ultimate successor) panied with the request that they may be ex­ Lt. John Rodgers, nor Secretary of the Navy amined and put in a condition for permanent William Graham were insecure about the preservation and scientific description.... We navy's ability to further the cause of science. have however been informed that the sum of They would cooperate with civilian scientists, one thousand dollars, was set aside out of much as the army did. the appropriation made by Congress for the In fact, the navy's approach to civilian expedition, to meet the expenses above men­ science in the Ringgold Expedition was simi­ tioned, and I write to ask whether the Insti­ lar to the army's approach in the Pacific tution can draw on the Navy Department Railroad Surveys. Initially, the navy worked for the expenditures on account of the speci­ closely with the Smithsonian, as representa­ mens, and if so, what forms are to be ob­ tive of the American scientific community, in served" (Henry 1853b). the selection of scientists to accompany the Henry was shocked by Dobbin's reply: expedition, the distribution of collections, the "that it was not the intention of the Navy selection of the reference library, and publi­ Department that the specimens should be cation plans. The Smithsonian would serve sent to the Smithsonian Institution, Com­ as the scientific clearinghouse. It agreed to mander Ringgold having been directed to "take charge" of the collections, "see to their send all such .specimens to the Navy Depart­ preservation, and if thought necessary, will ment to be disposed of in a suitable manner" procure scientific descriptions which will en­ (Dobbin 1853). He wanted the specimens able an account of them to be published as back in the hands of the navy. Henry fired soon as the expedition returns." It was un­ back: "In reply I beg respectfully to state in derstood, however, that the navy agreed to explanation of my previous letter, that there defray the expenses of the Smithsonian has been some mistake either on the part of (Henry 1853b). the Smithsonian Institutiorr, or the Navy A dozen civilian scientists were taken on Department with regard to this matter. The the expedition, backed by another dozen back Smithsonian Institution does not desire these in the United States. Leading the scientific specimens on its own account. It however contingent on board was Charles Wright, desires as far as possible with its limited Asa Gray's assistant and the most experi­ means to promote every branch of knowl­ enced botanical collector in the United States. edge, and in no case has it refused to render Also on board was William Stimson, then an the government any aid which might be re­ assistant to and destined to quired in this line." Henry then reviewed the become a leading invertebrate zoologist. relationship between the North Pacific Expe­ All of this was orchestrated with Secretary dition and the Smithsonian, repeatedly dis­ of the Navy Graham and his successor, John avowed any desire to keep the collections on Pendleton Kennedy. But by the time the first a permanent basis, and then subtly reminded scientific collections were returned in late Dobbin of what had gone wrong with the 1853, a presidential election had occurred, Wilkes Expedition: "In behalf of the science and a different political party was in power. of the country I beg leave to add that unless Yet a third Secretary of the Navy was in the specimens are properly preserved by per­ charge, James C. Dobbin, a Democrat, re­ sons well skilled in operations of this kind, placing his Whig predecessors. The careful they will be destroyed before the return ofthe arrangements made for the North Pacific expedition. If after this exposition of facts Exploring Expedition were threatened. The you still desire the return of the specimens, or problem arose when Henry asked for the if there be no funds appropriated to defray 306 PACIFIC SCIENCE, Volume 52, October 1998 the necessary expenses, I will direct Prof. the principal factors in the creation ofthe U.S. Baird to send the boxes to the Navy Depart­ National Museum. Thanks to that expedi­ ment" (Henry 1853c). tion, and the concurrent Railroad Surveys, While Henry and Dobbin exchanged let­ the number of scientific specimens belonging ters, the Smithsonian went to Kennedy for to the government increased some four-fold. support. He in tum wrote Dobbin, reiterating The quantity and quality of these specimens the curatorial failures of the National Insti­ persuaded Joseph Henry to work with the tute, highlighting the help the Smithsonian government to establish a publicly funded had already supplied to the navy, and argu­ national museum in the United States, the ing that utilizing the Smithsonian was in the forerunner of the Smithsonian museum com­ best interest of the nation, even though such plex that sits today on The Mall in Washing­ an arrangement was not explicitly included in ton, D.C. (Reingold and Rothenberg 1985). the bill authorizing the expedition (Kazar 1973: 206-207). Dobbin capitulated and wrote Henry that the navy would "avail itself LITERATURE CITED of the skill and science of the Smithsonian" for the care and preservation of the speci­ ANONYMOUS. 1868. Colonel James Duncan mens, providing funds until "circumstances Graham. Proc. Am. Acad. Arts Sci. may constrain me to abandon the effort" 7: 122. (Dobbin 1854). ANONYMOUS. 1870. Rev. George Jones, Yet the expedition faced rough times U.S.N. Am. J. Sci., 2d ser. 49: 284-285. ahead. Congress lost interest in the expedi­ BRUCE, R. V. 1988. The launching ofmodem tion as sectional politics loomed larger and American science, 1846-1876. Cornell larger in the American consciousness. Rod­ University Press, Ithaca, New York. gers was frustrated in his efforts to obtain DAVIS, C. H. 1899. Life of Charles Henry sufficient funding to publish the results in an Davis Rear Admiral 1807-1877. expedition series before the Civil War's out­ Houghton, Mifflin and Co., . break in 1861. With the coming of war, the DOBBIN, J. C. 1853. Letter to J. Henry, 19 publication was abandoned. The expedition December, Retained Copy Miscellaneous was also haunted by extreme bad luck. Stim­ Letters Sent, General Records, Office of son lost most of the collections in the great the Secretary of the Navy, RG 45, Na­ Chicago fire of 1871. tional Archives, Washington, D.C. Yet by combining the strengths of the --. 1854. Letter to J. Henry, 14 Smithsonian and the civilian scientific com­ February, retained copy, Miscellaneous munity with that of the navy, the North Letters Sent, General Records, Office of Pacific Exploring Expedition was able to the Secretary of the Navy, RG 45, Na­ make major contributions to science. Speci­ tional Archives, Washington, D.C. mens of over 5000 of fauna and DUPREE, A. H. 1968. Asa Gray, 1810-1888. thousands of plant species were collected and Atheneum, New York. returned to the Smithsonian, to be analyzed ---. 1986. Science in the federal govern­ by a variety of scientists whose results ap­ ment: A history of policies and activities. peared in the journal literature (Smithsonian The Johns Hopkins University Press, Bal­ Institution 1856). timore. The most important result of the expedi­ GOETZMANN, W. H. 1959. Army explora­ tion lay in its contribution to the work of tion in the American West, 1803-1863. Asa Gray on the geographical distribution of Press, New Haven, plant species, based on Charles Wright's field Connecticut. notes. In tum, this material was incorporated ---. 1966. Exploration and empire: The by in The Origin of Species explorer and the scientist in the winning of (Dupree 1968: 233-263). However, the North the American West. Alfred A. Knopf, Pacific Exploring Expedition was also one of New York. The Smithsonian and the U.S. Navy-RoTHENBERG 307

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