“Antisemitism Is a Barometer of Democracy”
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The Case of Upper Silesia After the Plebiscite in 1921
Celebrating the nation: the case of Upper Silesia after the plebiscite in 1921 Andrzej Michalczyk (Max Weber Center for Advanced Cultural and Social Studies, Erfurt, Germany.) The territory discussed in this article was for centuries the object of conflicts and its borders often altered. Control of some parts of Upper Silesia changed several times during the twentieth century. However, the activity of the states concerned was not only confined to the shifting borders. The Polish and German governments both tried to assert the transformation of the nationality of the population and the standardisation of its identity on the basis of ethno-linguistic nationalism. The handling of controversial aspects of Polish history is still a problem which cannot be ignored. Subjects relating to state policy in the western parts of pre-war Poland have been explored, but most projects have been intended to justify and defend Polish national policy. On the other hand, post-war research by German scholars has neglected the conflict between the nationalities in Upper Silesia. It is only recently that new material has been published in England, Germany and Poland. This examined the problem of the acceptance of national orientations in the already existing state rather than the broader topic of the formation and establishment of nationalistic movements aimed (only) at the creation of a nation-state.1 While the new research has generated relevant results, they have however, concentrated only on the broader field of national policy, above all on the nationalisation of the economy, language, education and the policy of changing names. Against this backdrop, this paper points out the effects of the political nationalisation on the form and content of state celebrations in Upper Silesia in the following remarks. -
Local Expellee Monuments and the Contestation of German Postwar Memory
To Our Dead: Local Expellee Monuments and the Contestation of German Postwar Memory by Jeffrey P. Luppes A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Germanic Languages and Literatures) in The University of Michigan 2010 Doctoral Committee: Professor Andrei S. Markovits, Chair Professor Geoff Eley Associate Professor Julia C. Hell Associate Professor Johannes von Moltke © Jeffrey P. Luppes 2010 To My Parents ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Writing a dissertation is a long, arduous, and often lonely exercise. Fortunately, I have had unbelievable support from many people. First and foremost, I would like to thank my advisor and dissertation committee chair, Andrei S. Markovits. Andy has played the largest role in my development as a scholar. In fact, his seminal works on German politics, German history, collective memory, anti-Americanism, and sports influenced me intellectually even before I arrived in Ann Arbor. The opportunity to learn from and work with him was the main reason I wanted to attend the University of Michigan. The decision to come here has paid off immeasurably. Andy has always pushed me to do my best and has been a huge inspiration—both professionally and personally—from the start. His motivational skills and dedication to his students are unmatched. Twice, he gave me the opportunity to assist in the teaching of his very popular undergraduate course on sports and society. He was also always quick to provide recommendation letters and signatures for my many fellowship applications. Most importantly, Andy helped me rethink, re-work, and revise this dissertation at a crucial point. -
Justice in the Justice Trial at Nuremberg Stephen J
University of Baltimore Law Review Volume 46 | Issue 3 Article 4 5-2017 A Court Pure and Unsullied: Justice in the Justice Trial at Nuremberg Stephen J. Sfekas Circuit Court for Baltimore City, Maryland Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/ublr Part of the Fourteenth Amendment Commons, International Law Commons, and the Legal History Commons Recommended Citation Sfekas, Stephen J. (2017) "A Court Pure and Unsullied: Justice in the Justice Trial at Nuremberg," University of Baltimore Law Review: Vol. 46 : Iss. 3 , Article 4. Available at: http://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/ublr/vol46/iss3/4 This Peer Reviewed Articles is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Baltimore Law Review by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A COURT PURE AND UNSULLIED: JUSTICE IN THE JUSTICE TRIAL AT NUREMBERG* Hon. Stephen J. Sfekas** Therefore, O Citizens, I bid ye bow In awe to this command, Let no man live Uncurbed by law nor curbed by tyranny . Thus I ordain it now, a [] court Pure and unsullied . .1 I. INTRODUCTION In the immediate aftermath of World War II, the common understanding was that the Nazi regime had been maintained by a combination of instruments of terror, such as the Gestapo, the SS, and concentration camps, combined with a sophisticated propaganda campaign.2 Modern historiography, however, has revealed the -
The Rise of Nazism and Militarism
EJ-SOCIAL, European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences ISSN: 2736-5522 The Rise of Nazism and Militarism Anping Yang 1 Abstract — The essay discusses the rise of Nazism and II. ECONOMIC RECESSION IN PREWAR GERMANY AND Militarism during interwar Germany and Japan. It compares JAPAN the similarities and differences that existed in the social, economic, and political environment of the two countries. The As is often the case, economic uncertainty drives social and essay approaches the topic by analyzing the cause and effect of political moods. Economic bases determine the distribution economic depression, social upheaval, and unique political of social divisions, that is to say, people are divided into propaganda. The paper intends to provide information about groups due to their different positions and relations by means circumstances when extremism revives, and thus to avoid of production. As a result, recessions and depression often similar conditions in the future. serve as the chief cause of cycles of upheaval, instability, and political change. For this reason, in order to understand the Index Terms — Economic Depression; Militarism; Nazism; World War. differences between the rise of extreme ideologies in both countries it is necessary to begin by looking at their respective I. INTRODUCTION economic histories. Germany and Japan’s dependence on foreign investments created economically fragile conditions, On November 21, 1945, twenty-two Nazi military and contributing to their inability to respond to external financial political leaders were investigated in the Nuremberg Trials in shocks, and inducing government bankruptcy and recession. Germany. Twenty-four major war criminals and seven The primary cause, somehow, was the misguided measures organizations were accused of war crimes by the tribunal, and taken by the government based on inaccurate predictions ten defendants were executed after the adjudication. -
Document Contains 1,126 Words
No. 19-351 ================================================================================================================ In The Supreme Court of the United States --------------------------------- ♦ --------------------------------- FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY, a foreign state, and STIFTUNG PREUSSICHER KULTURBESITZ, Petitioners, v. ALAN PHILIPP, et al., Respondents. --------------------------------- ♦ --------------------------------- On Writ of Certiorari To The United States Court of Appeals For The D.C. Circuit --------------------------------- ♦ --------------------------------- JOINT APPENDIX --------------------------------- ♦ --------------------------------- JONATHAN M. FREIMAN NICHOLAS M. O’DONNELL Counsel of Record Counsel of Record TADHG DOOLEY ERIKA L. TODD BENJAMIN M. DANIELS SULLIVAN & WORCESTER LLP DAVID R. ROTH One Post Office Square WIGGIN AND DANA LLP Boston, MA 02109 265 Church Street (617) 338-2814 P.O. Box 1832 [email protected] New Haven, CT 06508-1832 Counsel for Respondents (203) 498-4400 [email protected] DAVID L. HALL WIGGIN AND DANA LLP Two Liberty Place 50 S. 16th Street Suite 2925 Philadelphia, PA 19102 (215) 998-8310 Counsel for Petitioners Petition For Certiorari Filed September 16, 2019 Certiorari Granted July 2, 2020 ================================================================================================================ COCKLE LEGAL BRIEFS (800) 225-6964 WWW.COCKLELEGALBRIEFS.COM i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Relevant Docket Entries from the United States District Court for the District -
"Ein Mächtiger Pfeiler Im Bau Der Bundesrepublik". Das Gesetz Über
REINHARD SCHIFFERS „EIN MÄCHTIGER PFEILER IM BAU DER BUNDESREPUBLIK" Das Gesetz über das Bundesverfassungsgericht vom 12. März 1951* I. Bestimmungen über das Bundesverfassungsgericht im Grundgesetz 1. Vorschläge für eine Verfassungsgerichtsbarkeit in den Jahren 1946 bis 1948. Die im internationalen Vergleich ungewöhnliche Aufgabenfülle des Bundesverfas sungsgerichts (im folgenden BVerfG) und sein hohes Ansehen bei der Bevölkerung lassen leicht vergessen, daß dieses Gericht sozusagen ein verspätetes Verfassungsor gan ist. Es steht zwar gleichberechtigt neben den anderen obersten Bundesorganen, also neben Bundestag, Bundesrat, Bundespräsident und Bundesregierung1, ist aber anders als diese Organe nicht mit der Gründung der Bundesrepublik ins Leben getre ten, sondern erst zwei Jahre später, am 28. September 19512. Zunächst mußten Parla ment und Regierung die gesetzliche Grundlage für die Errichtung des Gerichtes schaffen: das Gesetz über das Bundesverfassungsgericht vom 12.März 19513 (BVerfGG), dessen Entstehung4 die bald erscheinende Edition dokumentieren soll. Erst mit diesem Gesetz wurde das Institutionengefüge der Bundesrepublik vervoll ständigt. Der Hinweis, daß mit diesem Gesetz der Staatsaufbau der Bundesrepublik * Der vorliegende Beitrag wird in erweiterter Form die Einleitung zu der Edition „Grundlegung der Verfassungsgerichtsbarkeit. Das Gesetz über das Bundesverfassungsgericht vom 12. März 1951" bil den, die von der Kommission für Geschichte des Parlamentarismus und der politischen Parteien in Bonn veröffentlicht wird: Quellen zur Geschichte des Parlamentarismus und der politischen Parteien, 4. Reihe „Deutschland seit 1945", Bd. 2, hrsg. von Karl Dietrich Bracher, Rudolf Morsey und Hans- Peter Schwarz, Düsseldorf 1984. - Wenn in den Fußnoten dieses Beitrags zitiert wird: „Dok. Nr." (mit der jeweiligen Ziffer), so handelt es sich um Verweise auf Dokumente, die in der erwähnten Edi tion abgedruckt werden. -
Prominent Nazi Lawyer – and Key Architect of the 'Brussels
Master Plan of the Nazi/Cartel Coalition – Blueprint for the ‘Brussels EU’ Chapter 2 WALTER HALLSTEIN: Prominent Nazi Lawyer – And Key Architect of the ‘Brussels EU’ Chapter 2 Walter Hallstein (1901-1982) Walter Hallstein was a prominent lawyer involved in the legal and ad- ministrative planning for a post-WWII Europe under the control of the Nazis and their corporate allies, the Oil and Drug Cartel IG Far- ben. Hallstein represented the new breed of members of the Nazi/Cartel Coalition. He was trained by legal teachers whose primary goal was to sabotage the ‘Versailles Treaty’ defining the reparation payments imposed on Germany after it lost WWI. Early on in his career Hall- stein received a special training at the ‘Kaiser Wilhelm Institute in Berlin.’ This private institute was largely financed by the IG•Farben Cartel to raise its scientific and legal cadres for the Cartel’s next at- tempts at the conquest and control of Europe and the world. While the rule of the Nazis ended in 1945, the rule of their accom- plices, the IG Farben Cartel and its successors BAYER, BASF, and HOECHST had just begun. As a strategic part of their plan to launch the third attempt at the conquest of Europe, they placed – a mere decade after their previous attempt had failed – one of their own at the helm of the new cartel ‘politburo’ in Brussels: Walter Hallstein. This chapter documents that the fundamentally undemocratic con- struct of today’s ‘Brussels EU’ is no coincidence. Hallstein, a promi- nent Nazi lawyer – and expert on the IG•Farben concern – was chosen by these corporate interests to become the first EU Commission pres- ident with a specific assignment: to model the ‘Brussels EU’ after the original plans of the Nazi/IG Farben coalition to rule Europe through a ‘Central Cartel Office’. -
Schmitten in the USA
Schmitten in the USA David Dyzenhaus 2020-04-04T10:11:35 Michael Taggart, the late great New Zealand public lawyer, once described a colleague as ‘Schmitten’, a customarily brilliant way of expressing his puzzlement at how Carl Schmitt’s ‘dangerous mind’ seems so alluring to some Anglo-American lawyers. I doubt that even Mike was capable of imagining the extent to which Adrian Vermeule, a prominent constitutional US lawyer, teaching at Harvard Law School, has not only been Schmitten, but has even surpassed his master in some respects with his essay in the Atlantic, ‘Beyond Originalism: The dominant conservative philosophy for interpreting the Constitution has served its purpose, and scholars ought to develop a more moral framework’. This article does not mention Schmitt. Its argument is presented as a conservative alternative to Dworkinian liberal constitutionalism different from and superior to the versions of originalism favoured by the right of the American legal academy. In a way the argument should appeal to those who have criticized originalists for using implausible claims about what as a matter of fact the legal meaning was at the time the Constitution was written as a disguise for a political agenda for dealing with contemporary issues that no one at that earlier time could have envisaged. But in suggesting that conservative judges should now embrace ‘illiberal legalism’, a deliberate riff off Victor Orbán’s ‘illiberal democracy’, Vermeule advocates abandoning the Constitution altogether as an agreed basis for legal argument. It is significant in this regard that the Hungarian Parliament has just enacted a law, on the pretext of responding to the pandemic, that gives Orbán indefinite authority to rule Hungary by decree. -
The Origins of Chancellor Democracy and the Transformation of the German Democratic Paradigm
01-Mommsen 7/24/07 4:38 PM Page 7 The Origins of Chancellor Democracy and the Transformation of the German Democratic Paradigm Hans Mommsen History, Ruhr University Bochum The main focus of the articles presented in this special issue is the international dimension of post World War II German politics and the specific role filled by the first West German chancellor, Konrad Adenauer. Adenauer’s main goal was the integration of the emerg- ing West German state into the West European community, while the reunification of Germany was postponed. In his view, any restoration of the former German Reich depended upon the cre- ation of a stable democratic order in West Germany. Undoubtedly, Adenauer contributed in many respects to the unexpectedly rapid rise of West Germany towards a stable parliamentary democratic system—even if most of the credit must go to the Western Allies who had introduced democratic structures first on the state level, and later on paved the way to the establishment of the Federal Republic with the fusion of the Western zones and the installment of the Economic Council in 1948. Besides the “economic miracle,” a fundamental shift within the West German political culture occurred, which gradually overcame the mentalities and prejudices of the late Weimar years that had been reactivated during the immediate aftermath of the war. While the concept of a specific “German path” (Sonderweg) had been more or less eroded under the impact of the defeat of the Nazi regime, the inherited apprehensiveness toward Western political traditions, symptomatic of the constitutional concepts of the German bourgeois resistance against Hitler, began to be replaced by an increasingly German Politics and Society, Issue 82 Vol. -
United States District Court for the District of Columbia
Case 1:15-cv-00266 Document 1 Filed 02/23/15 Page 1 of 71 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA ) Alan PHILIPP, ) 5 Raeburn Close ) London NW11 6UG, United Kingdom, ) ) and ) ) Gerald G. STIEBEL, ) 3716 Old Santa Fe Trail ) Santa Fe, NM 87505, ) ) Plaintiffs, ) ) v. ) Case No. ) FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY, a foreign ) state, ) ) and ) ) STIFTUNG PREUSSISCHER KULTURBESITZ, ) ) Von-der-Heydt-Str. 16-18 ) 10785 Berlin, Germany, ) ) Defendants. ) COMPLAINT This is a civil action by plaintiffs Alan Philipp (“Philipp”), and Gerald G. Stiebel (“Stiebel,” together with Philipp, the “plaintiffs”), for the restitution of a collection of medieval relics known as the “Welfenschatz” or the “Guelph Treasure” now wrongfully in the possession of the defendant Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, a/k/a the Prussian Cultural Heritage Foundation (the “SPK”). The SPK is an instrumentality of the defendant Federal Republic of Germany (“Germany,” together with the SPK, the “defendants”). Case 1:15-cv-00266 Document 1 Filed 02/23/15 Page 2 of 71 INTRODUCTORY STATEMENT 1. This is an action to recover the Welfenschatz, a unique collection of medieval relics and devotional art that was sold by victims of persecution of the Nazi regime under duress, and far below actual market value. Those owners were a consortium of three art dealer firms in Frankfurt: J.&S. Goldschmidt, I. Rosenbaum, and Z.M. Hackenbroch (together, the “Consortium”). Zacharias Max Hackenbroch (“Hackenbroch”), Isaak Rosenbaum (“Rosenbaum”), Saemy Rosenberg (“Rosenberg”), and Julius Falk Goldschmidt (“Goldschmidt”) were the owners of those firms, together with plaintiffs’ ancestors and/or predecessors-in-interest in this action. -
Bundestagsdebatte Vom 23. Januar 1958
Gesprächskreis Geschichte Heft 81 Otto Dann Eine Sternstunde des Bundestages Gustav Heinemanns Rede am 23. Januar 1958 Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Historisches Forschungszentrum Herausgegeben von Michael Schneider Historisches Forschungszentrum der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Kostenloser Bezug beim Historischen Forschungszentrum der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Godesberger Allee 149, D-53175 Bonn Tel. 0228-883473 E-mail: [email protected] http://library.fes.de/history/pub-history.html © 2008 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Bonn (-Bad Godesberg) Titelfoto: dpa/picture-alliance, Frankfurt/Main Foto: Der Spiegel, Hamburg Umschlag: Pellens Kommunikationsdesign GmbH, Bonn Druck: bub - Bonner Universitäts-Buchdruckerei, Bonn Alle Rechte vorbehalten Printed in Germany 2008 ISBN 978-3-89892-931-8 ISSN 0941-6862 3 Inhalt Die Bundestags-Debatte vom 23. Januar 1958 ........................ .5 Gustav Heinemanns Rede ......................................................... 8 Resonanzen und Reaktionen ................................................... 13 Gustav Heinemann und Thomas Dehler ................................. 20 Der Weg in die SPD................................................................ 28 Gustav Heinemann in der SPD................................................ 33 Die Kampagne „Kampf dem Atomtod!“................................. 37 Deutschlandpläne .................................................................... 43 Ausblick: Godesberg............................................................... 48 Anhang ................................................................................... -
Security Versus Unity: Germany's Dilemma II
NOT FOR PUBLICATION INSTITUTE OF CURRENT VORLD AFFAIRS DB- 8 Plockstrasse 8 Security versus Unity: Gie ssen, Germany Germany' s Dilemma II April l, 19G8 Mr. Walter S. Rogers Institute of Current World Affairs 522 Fifth Avenue ew York 36, Eew York Dear Mr. Rogers: A few months before the -arch Bundestag debate on atomic weapons I Islted a local civil defense meeting. The group leader enthusiastically painted a hideous picture of atomic devastation; the audience remained dumb arid expressionless. Film and magazine reports on hydrogen bombs, fall-out, radiation effects they all seeme to fall on plugged ears in Germany. "at can one do?"'asked Kurt Odrig, who sells me vegetables. "Yhen it comes, we're all goers anyway." The Germans were not uique in that attitude. Along with this nuclear numbness there was the dazed resignation towards the question of reunification. Everybody was for it like the fiv cent clgar. Any West German politlclan who wanted to make the rade had to master the sacred roeunification phase: "Let us not forget our seventeen-million German brothe.,,_s over there..." Uttered ith solen reverence, it had an effect tho same as ,'poor starving rmenlans" ,once had paralysis. The Test Germans felt, rightly so, that there ,sn't much they could do about uifying their country. But since the arch debate their ,reaction to atoms and reunificatoa has changed from palsy to St. Vitus Dance. Germany's basic dilemma has not changed since 1949 security could not be had without sending reunifi- cation a begging; reunification could not be had without sacrificing security.