Chad M. White April 8, 2016

Viking England How the Danes became English

On the thirteenth of November in the year 1002, Æthelred, King of all England, ordered the slaughter of every Dane living in England.1 Such an insane order was apt for one who bears the soubriquet “Unræd” or the ill-advised. The command was an act was both dangerous in its implications and impossible to effect. The Scandinavians living in England had been established in the British Isles for generations, through settlement, warfare, and by treaty with King Alfred of , Æthelred’s great-great-grandfather. The acculturation process had begun long before and the peoples of the eastern and northern England were no longer so easily separated Dane from Saxon, but were now Anglo-Danish. The very language was infiltrated by Danish loan-words, so easily transferrable to english with his shared Germanic roots. Evidence exists that the English and the Scandinavians were living side by side, in both peace and hostility, in much the way that the various Anglo-Saxon tribes had been prior to the Viking Age. Many of the Danes were Christian by this point and even the de facto viking capital in the north, the city of Jorvik, retained its archbishopric, an appointment made by the English king in Wintancaester. The Danes that Æthelred ordered killed on that day, Saint Brice’s Day, would not be so easily removed and had become an integral part of the English peoples, both blending into English society and altering it forever. The Viking Age in Britain historically began with a raid on a defenseless coastal monastery, an isolated religious community, in the northwestern part of the island in 793. The preeminent English record, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, records the events thusly:

1 Anne Savage, trans., The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, (Surrey: Colour Library Books, 1995), 148. Her wæron reðe forebecna cumene ofer Norðhymbra land, þæt folc earmlic bregdon, þæt wæron ormete þodenas ligrescas, fyrenne dracan wæron gesewene on þam lifte fleogende. Þam tacnum sona fyligde mycel hunger, litel æfter þam, þæs ilcan geares on .vi. Idus Ianuarii, earmlice hæþenra manna hergunc adilegode Godes cyrican in Lindisfarnaee þurh hreaflac mansliht.

In this year fierce, foreboding omens came over the land of the Northumbrians, and the wretched people shook; there were excessive whirlwinds, lightning, and fiery dragons were seen flying in the sky. These signs were followed by great famine, and a little after those, that same year on 6th ides of January, the ravaging of wretched heathen people destroyed God's church at .2

The date generally accepted for the attack on Lindisfarne is in fact 8 June rather than 8 January.

It is presumed that “vi id Ianr” is an error for vi id Iun, or 8 June 793. A date in early summer would be more logical than one mid-winter, as sailing and ocean winds would be far more favorable to the longships.3 This was not truly the first attack on Britain, as other, smaller raids had taken place in preceding years. Scandinavian merchants had been known to frequent the

British isles in the 8th century, trading between the Anglo-Saxon Kingdoms, Frisia, Frankia, and further afield. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle entry for the year 789, just four years before the attack on the monastery, tells us of three shiploads of “Northmen from Horthaland" who came into Wessex and killed a royal official. The king's reeve, a high-ranking magistrate of the king charged with defense and tax collection, went to the harbor south of Weymouth on the southwest coast of Britain. Assuming the men to be traders, the reeve presumably planned to escort to

Dornwaraceaster, modern-day Dorchester, and local seat of government. The Chronicle tells us

2 Swanton, Michael, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, (New York: Routledge, 1998), 56.

3 Ibid., 57.

White 2 that the reeve was killed and identifies his murderer as the first of the “Danish men” who would in the future seek out to control all of the land of the English.4. Typically the Chronicle identifies the attackers as Danes, a term used synonymously with another term, Northmen, and employed generically to signify all Scandinavian invaders. Hordaland, mentioned above, is actually in

Norway, not Denmark. However, it would be the warriors from Denmark, the Danes, who would be the most frequent raiders on English soil. The entry above was written a century after the events it retells, drawn from other records now lost or from local histories or tales, therefore its content is reflective of the writer’s hindsight.

Despite the attack on the southern coast, the raid and destruction of Lindisfarne in the north is used most often to signify the beginning of the Viking Age, a period of time deemed by historians and researchers to encompass the era of piracy and warfare stemming from those men and women coming mostly from lands that are now Denmark, Norway, and Sweden. Another general term to encompass all of these disparate peoples from yet-to-be unified countries is

Scandinavian. However this is problematic as the Scandinavian Peninsula does not include

Denmark, which is located on the Jutland Peninsula, which is attached to northern mainland

Europe. Also, settlers and decedents of these original settlers spread further out, to Ireland and

Northern France, from where further attacks would later be staged. Eventually their willingness to explore would bring them to discover new lands, from Iceland, to Greenland, to the North

American continent, as well as south, to Constantinople in Asia Minor. Another word used to encompass all of these people would be Norse which is a late-medieval term simply meaning

“from the North” and refers to those whose origin lies in the shared culture of those who we

4 Savage, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, 73.

White 3 think of as . Both Norse and Scandinavian are used as a cultural-linguistic concept to encapsulate the various tribes and communities of these aforementioned northern Europeans.

The term Viking itself is problematic for most scholars today. In the past, and today in modern pop culture, the term is used to encompass the entire culture of the Scandinavians.

However the word is more akin to the term pirate or raider. It was an activity that one performed, and not so much a title one possessed. Many of the vikings that are known throughout history likely lived as farmers and herdsmen until it was time to go a-viking, or raiding for wealth, supplies, and slaves. Therefore the terms Danes, Scandinavians, Norse, and Northman are used almost interchangeably in order to describe the people from whom sprang the Viking warriors. The use of the term viking appears to have fallen out of use in the Middle Ages, only to later be reintroduced during in the late-eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, about the same time when Richard Wagner famously wrote his Operas that began the erroneous associate of vikings with horned helmets.5 It is also important to note that while the Viking Age began with the attack on Lindisfarne in 879, Scandinavians were raiding and pillaging their neighbors and each other for centuries before they expanded beyond their local waters into more far-flung lands. There was steep competition for arable land in Scandinavia for a booming population brought on by climate change. Their society was an agrarian one and farmland was coveted and guarded voraciously. This provided them the chance to hone their skills and to develop the techniques and tools, mainly their superior ships, to the point where they were nearly an unstoppable force from the late 8th to mid-11th century.6

5 Julian D. Richards, Viking Age England, (: Batsford Ltd, 1991), 10-11

6 Ibid.,11.

White 4 After Lindesfarne, Viking attacks increased, with the raiders tending to choose isolated but wealthy monasteries, such as Monkwearmouth-Jarrow in and Abbey in

Scotland.7 These attacks would have most-likely been in the warmer months, when the

Scandinavian farmers could turn to warfare and fair seas. It wasn’t until 855 CE that “Heathen men first spent the winter at Sheppy,” an isle in the northern coast of Kent, Britain’s eastern coast, and located in the Thames estuary.8 Initially it appeared that the Scandinavian raiders were content with undefended church communities that were handily stocked with portable items of great wealth. The second half of the ninth century brought a change of tactics, and the various warlords, seeing the fertile fields of Britain when compared to their own fjords and mountainous lands, opted to band together and set out to completely conquer the English kingdoms. In the

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle this combined force is described as mycel hæþeb here, or “Great

Heathen Army”.9

The number of warriors that comprised the has been debated, however as most fleets of viking longships that are recorded in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle are fewer than 100 ships. The average ship carried about 32 men loaded down with equipment, based on extant ships found today. Therefore a sound estimate puts the Great Heathen Army at about

1,000 men or fewer, despite what numbers contemporary English propagandists might supply.10

7 Savage, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, 76.

8 Ibid., 89

9 Ibid., 89.

10 Katherine Holman, The Northern Conquest: Vikings in Britain and Northern Ireland, (United Kingdom: Andrews, 2012), iBooks edition.

White 5 Steadily the Great Heathen Army moved to overpower over the seven kingdoms. Initially landing in Kent, the warriors were paid by their unwilling hosts in order to ensure peace as they wintered in Thanet. Taking the gold and silver, the army nevertheless ravaged the countryside before moving on to , where the process was repeated. There King Edmund gave them horses as payment to leave his lands unmolested.11 From there the Army moved up the eastern coast of the island to Northumbria and the city of York. York would prove to be both a stable and relatively safe area, easily accessible by the River Ouse and Humber Estuary in which to stage their conquest. With their base in the north secured, , a Danish chieftain, and another of Ragnar’s sons named Halfdan, by now a powerful leader as well, launched their assault on the southern kingdoms.12

Anglo-Saxon England was divided up into seven principle kingdoms, known as the

Heptarchy. These kingdoms were Northumbria, , Wessex, East Anglia, Essex, Kent, and

Sussex. This can be both misleading and simplistic in how the island was truly ruled. At various times in the history of the Anglo-Saxons, certain kings were able to exert powerful control over neighboring kingdoms. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, when it mentions such magnates, calls them bretwalda, a word with an uncertain meaning but generally accepted to mean “wide-ruler” or one who rules the whole expanse.” In truth it appears that kingdoms such as Essex, Kent, and Sussex were weaker and subject to a client-kingship to the more powerful kingdoms such as Mercia and

Wessex.13

11 Savage, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, 89-92.

12 Ibid, 92-93.

13 Steven Fanning, “, Imperium, and the Bretwaldas,” Speculum 66 (1), (Medieval Academy of America, Cambridge University Press, University of Chicago Press, 1991), 1-26.

White 6 Scandinavian raiders steadily wore away at the English kingdoms in Britain, taking territory with a superior military force that relied heavily on speed, aggression, and surprise.

Some of their first targets were kingdoms in the northern part of the island where ineffectual rulers were unable to defend against the vicious marauders. Northumbria, the largest kingdom by land mass, stretching from the North Sea to the Irish Sea and from the Humber estuary in the south into modern-day in the north, was the first major kingdom to fall when Eoforwic, modern-day York, succumbed to a Scandinavian army in 867. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, which at times is terse in its entires, gives us unusual insight to the political situation that aided the overthrow one of the few major urban centers in all of Britain, and potentially the second largest by population. “There was great discord in this people amongst themselves; they had overthrown their king, Osbright, and had taken an unnatural king, Ælle.”14 Ælle, in English history, is most often referred to as a tyrant who seized power through direct military force, capturing town and land, notably land that belonged to the church. His sacrilegious conduct was probably perceived as shameful since the Christian Saxons were under constant threat from the pagan Danes at the time. In a time when the English should have been banding together to defend against the onslaught of the Vikings, Ælle started a civil war, weakening the kingdom of

Northumbria and making them more vulnerable to attack. 15

Symeon of Durham, a monk writing in the 10th century, recounts how the tyrant-king and his rival met their deaths at York while fighting the heathen army.

14 Savage, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, 92.

15 Ibid., 90.

White 7 When the pagans came upon the kingdom, the dissension was allayed by divine counsel and the aid of the nobles. King Osbryht and Alla, having united their forces and formed an army, came to the city of York; on their approach the multitude of the shipmen immediately took flight. The Christians, perceiving their flight and terror, found that they themselves were the stronger party. They fought upon each side with much ferocity, and both kings fell. The rest who escaped made peace with the Danes.16

Symeon’s work is likely copied from contemporary accounts and agrees closely with King

Alfred’s biographer, Bishop , and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Interestingly, Ælla also appears in a Norse saga, Ragnarssona þáttr, or The Tale of Ragnar’s Sons. As there are few written records from the Norse point-of-view, this insight adds a colorful perspective to the tale.

In the saga, Ragnar, semi-legendary king of Norway, is killed by King Ælla when Ragnar is thrown naked into a pit of venomous snakes. Ragnar’s sons go to York at the head of their army in order to avenger their father’s death.17 The saga names many of Ragnar’s sons and some of these names appear to be corroborated by Anglo-Saxon sources. Abbo of Fleury, a monk writing in the later 10th century, names the leader of the Scandinavian army “Hubba.”18 Likewise,

Symeon of Durham states that , a variation of the spelling, was one of the leaders, amongst others, on that day.19 However, as none of these are first-hand accounts of the attack, we are forced to speculate how much of the information that crossed over from the Anglo-Saxon written records and into the Scandinavian Sagas influenced one-another. By the time Abbo was writing,

16 Symeon and Joseph Stevenson, trans., The Historical Works of Symeon of Durham, (Charleston, South Carolina, Nabu Press, 2010), 470.

17 Christopher Van Dyke, Legend of , (Los Angeles, CA, Graymalkin Media, 2016), iBooks edition.

18 Abbo Floriacensis, Passio Sancti Edmundi Regis Et Martyris, accessed 20 April 2016, http:// www.thelatinlibrary.com/abbofloracensis.html.

19 Symeon, Historical Works, 470.

White 8 he was working in York along side Archbishop Oswald in an effort to reestablish the monastic system from 985 until 986, 120 years after the event and long into the entrenchment of the

Scandinavian people in England.

From York, the Great Heathen Army moved against the southern kingdoms of Mercia and

Wessex. Mercia, once one of the largest and most powerful kingdoms in the Heptarchy, was on the decline on matters of influence as Wessex rose to greater importance. In 874 CE, Danish raiders occupied first Nottingham, and then Repton, and Tamworth, and drove Burgred the king from his kingdom to the relative safety of his brother-in-law, Æthelred of Wessex. The exiled

King Burgred eventually fled Britain and retired to Rome. The Danes propped up the nobleman

Ceolwulf as a puppet king of Mercia, demanding oaths of loyalty from him. Ceolwulf would be the last king of Mercia as the kingdom shifted under control of the kings of Wessex.20

In 878, King Alfred and his assembled forces were all that stood between the English- speaking people in Britain and annihilation by the Great Heathen Army. After recovering from staggering losses, losing his capital to a surprise winter attack, and even being driven to cower in a swamp, Alfred made a remarkable recovery, and defeated the allied Scandinavian forces at the

Battle of Ethandun, and received the submission of one of their great leaders, Guthrum.21 A temporary peace held for nearly six years before Guthrum again attacked Wessex. King Alfred, a man of remarkable knowledge and leadership, defeated the Scandinavian forces and brokered a treaty with Guthrum. As part of the treaty agreements, Guthrum agreed to be baptized with

Alfred acting as his god-father, a highly symbolic exercise of authority of one king over another,

20 Savage, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, 93.

21 Ibid., 96.

White 9 a fairly common practice among Anglo-Saxon kings.22 After the defeat, “The Danish army divided, one force going into East Anglia and one into Northumbria; and those that were moneyless got themselves ships and went south across the sea to the Seine.”23 Guthrum, now called Ætherlred, received East Anglia as his kingdom, and Halfdan went north to Northumbria.

The Treaty of allowed for self-rule by the Scandinavians in prescribed regions, setting boundaries in an attempt to placate hostilities between the Norse settlers and the English.

Kingdom borders were established and provisions made for peaceful relations between the

English and the Scandinavians. This arrangement was in later centuries called the , a fairly self-explanatory term that meant that in the prescribed regions consisting of the northern and eastern kingdoms of Britain, as divided, more or less, by the ancient Roman road called in the Saxon period Watling Street, that Danish law and custom would hold sway over the land, while in the kingdoms south and west of the demarkation English law would prevail. The

Danelaw consisted of fourteen shires: York, Nottingham, Derby, Lincoln, Essex, Cambridge,

Suffolk, , Huntingdon, Bedford, Hertford, Middlesex and Buckingham. Peace would be short lived, however and control of these lands would constantly shift until they would eventually be unified under a single English kingdom in 959 under Edgar the Peaceable.24

By the time Alfred created the Danelaw, Scandinavian settlers had already been immigrating from mainland Europe and the Scandinavian Peninsula for some time. Whereas the

Saxons before them had come to the island and seemed to entirely replace the indigenous

22 Ibid., 96.

23 Ibid., 98.

24 Holman, The Northern Conquest, iBooks edition.

White 10 cultures for the most part, supplanting the celtic and latin languages with , the Danish migration appears to most of our evidence to be one of hybridization and assimilation. While certain words would migrate from Danish to English into common usage and certain place names have a distinct Danish origin, the peoples in the Danelaw continued to speak English as their primary tongue and the Scandinavian settlers adapted until they too spoke English, albeit accented in a way that leaves its mark even into the modern era.

One of the key indicators we posses today of norse settlement in the north and eastern parts of Britain is place-names. Most of the place names with distinct Scandinavian origins have endings such as -thorp or -by. The old Danish word thorp meaning village, and by meaning farmstead or village. These words are equivalent to the English use of the suffix -ton to denote the same construct. In modern English the word by-law survives today meaning to local laws that apply to a single group, or “law of the village.”25 Therefore we get village names of Omundiston

(Osmund’s farm), Kirby (Kir’s farm), Bishopthorpe (Bishop’s town), and Danthorpe (Dane town). Another class of place names exist that combine both Anglo-Saxon Elements and

Scandinavian language, such as a Scandinavian personal name with an English suffix. Place names such as Grimston (Grim’s town), or Olaveshide, which means Olaf’s hide, a hide being an

Anglo-Saxon measurement of land. Other place names simply had their pronunciation changed in order to conform more closely to the new management. Thus Shipton (ship town) looses the soft sh sound and changes to Skipton, Cheswick changes to a harder Keswick, and the city of

Eoforwic is translated to Jorvik.26

25 Richards, Vikings-Age England, 58.

26 Holman, The Northern Conquest, iBooks edition.

White 11 As might be presumed, the majority of place names with Scandinavian origins are clustered around York, with only a handful reaching further into the south or west into what was then Mercia and Wessex. In the Domesday Book, a census undertaken shortly after the Norman

Conquest of England in 1066, records 744 Scandinavian-influenced names in Yorkshire alone.

Meanwhile a scant few place names appear in eastern Cheshire and Staffordshire marking the western limits of Danish settlement into Mercia.27

Evidence of Scandinavian settlements does not support that the new arrivals simply overwhelmed the land and established new towns and villages, but instead integrated into already settled communities. England in the tenth century was well-farmed and where we find evidence for Scandinavians, there is almost always evidence for English settlement prior to or along side the Norse. Likewise the distribution of land wasn’t done haphazardly, but in an ordered fashion that demonstrates central authority over land granting. The Chronicle says that Halfdan “shared out the land of the Northumbrians, and they proceeded to plough and to support themselves.”

Guthrum did likewise in East Anglia, rewarding their followers with tracts of land as payment for loyal service.28

In Jorvik, the excavations of Coppergate that took place in the 1970s and 1980s provided us with a wealth of information about urban life of the Scandinavian settlers in the Danelaw.

Perhaps one of the most interesting conclusions drawn from the examination of remains of

Scandinavian houses is the uniformity that many of the dwellings exhibited. Most houses were rectilinear, situated closely together, built with a mixture of timber and wattle-fencing to create

27 Richards, Viking Age England, 57.

28 Savage, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, 96-97.

White 12 walls, and were approximately 4.4 meters (14 feet & 6 inches) and could be as long as 8.2 meters

(27 feet) in length. They were situated very closely together with little to no access between the buildings. Most contained a fenced in yard at the rear of the house where the residents had located their cess pits for depositing waste, as well as places to keep chickens, bees, or other small animals. Most houses would have consisted of a large single room with a central hearth in the dirt floor. Benches of raised earth or wood would line either side from the front of the house to the rear, which were supposedly used for sitting as well as sleeping. Aside from a few wooden remains, there is little evidence of furniture such as individual chairs or tables. It has been posited that a number of iron and brass fittings, such as keys and brackets, were most likely used on small, lockable chests that could have been used for storage purposes.29

This style of housing is remarkably similar to English houses throughout the Anglo-

Saxon period. English homes were wooden and usually made of a single room. Occasionally both Scandinavian and Anglo-Saxon homes would use woven wattle screens to provide privacy for the most senior members of the household. Stone was a building material reserved for high- status churches, defensive ramparts, and, rarely, royal palaces.30

No evidence remains of the palaces that housed the Kings of Jorvik during the Viking age, so we can only guess at their location using clues left in a few scant records or in the names of the streets. Jorvik had been the Roman city of Eboracum, and as such was centered on the military fortress, or castrum. Eboracum’s castrum was a walled compound covering 50 square

29 Hall, Viking Age York, 56-59.

30 Holman, The Northern Conquest, iBooks edition.

White 13 acres on high, flat ground.31 Originally the castrum would have housed granaries, barracks for soldiers, as well as a command centre, or praetorium. The praetorium would have also housed the praetor, or base commander, his family, slaves, and those of his staff. In the Roman period,

Eboracum was an important city, one which gave rise to Dux Britanniarum, the military commander of the island, as well as a few emperors of the entire Roman Empire.

Such an important Roman city doubtless once possessed some marvelous Roman buildings. Some evidence exists today of those building, now mostly buried far below the street level. A single Roman defensive tower still stands, albeit repaired and reused over the centuries.32 When Rome abandoned Britannia in 407, the citizens of Eboracum and their Anglo-

Saxon successors would have taken every opportunity to reuse the buildings for as long as it was sound to do so. The first Christian Anglican king in Northumbria, Eadwine (c. 586-633 CE), was baptized in a small church near the center of the old Roman fort, giving credence to the idea that the royal palace must have been situated nearby, if only for the sake of connivence to the King.33

However while this site may have been the home to the English rulers within the city, evidence points to another location for the Viking Age palace. In the north-eastern limit of the former

Roman compound are the remains of a stone gateway, the porta principalis sinistra. Now located nearly 15 feet below the current street level, this gate is a convergence of streets including

Colliergate, Goodramgate, Church Street, Petergate, and the Shambles. At the conflux of these street and directly outside the gate to the fortress is King’s Square. This city square was known in

31 Patrick Ottaway, Roman Yorkshire, (Stroud: Blackthorn Press, 2013), 34–37.

32 Hall, Viking Age York, 33.

33 Ibid, 53.

White 14 the thirteenth century as Kinnigesgard, originating in the Norwegian Konnugsgarthr, and which literally means “King’s residence.”34 Egil’s Saga, a thirteenth century Icelandic tale about the exploits and travels of ninth century warrior, describes a vibrant and aristocratic town with a multi-storied royal palace.35 Although this name for the location wasn’t recored until well-after the Viking age, since the Norman kings and their successors had their royal halls elsewhere in the city, and it is possible that the name alone records a genuine tradition that it was here that a

Scandinavian king lived and ruled.

Further evidence that the Scandinavians assimilated into their new homeland and culture rather than simply overwhelming it is that the Anglo-Saxons in the territory of the Danelaw continued to practice their religion. Most often it was the kings in Wessex that were guiding the appointments of both lords and bishops throughout Danish territory, and in Jorvik the

Archbishopric continues throughout the Danish conquest period. It is true that the original church in Eoforwic, a massive structure with no less than thirty altars, was destroyed when viking warriors first conquered the city, but evidence suggests that it was rebuild relatively soon thereafter.36 Wulfhere, from 854-896, fled the Danes and the city in 872, but returned in the following year to continue his ministry. By 974, Archbishop is said to have invited Eirikr Haraldsson (also known as Eiríkr Blóðøx/Erik Bloodaxe), a Scandinavian

King of Orkney, to become King of Jorvik, thereby spurning the English King of Wessex who was attempting to unite the Kingdom of York under his banner. His successor Oscytel was

34 Ibid., 54.

35 Ibid., 48.

36 Ibid., 37.

White 15 likely of Danish origin, as were several other Archbishops by that point in history, attesting to the a acculturation of the Danes into English society. To this date the only remains that indicate the remains of the original minster church is the cemetery. However the orientation of the graves, which were aligned north-west to south-east, indicates that the Anglo-Saxon and Viking era churches were oriented with the original Roman Fortress. The later Norman minster corrected this liturgical error and is aligned due east to west in accordance with cannon law.37

The picture that begins to emerge as the Scandinavians motivations change from merely raiding to settlement in Britain is a new hybrid culture, one both Danish and English. The evidence suggests that the Danish influence is due to a small number of Danish powerful elites in authority over a vast majority in the Danelaw. If it had been otherwise, it would follow that Danish would have become a dominant language instead of adapting to English as it happened. Similarly, the Scandinavians were converted to the dominant religion, , and fairly soon after they began to settle. What emerged was a new society, that came about organically, through a gradual renegotiation of identities and integration. The Anglo-Saxons share a common origin with the Norse, a fact reflected in their germanic languages and pre-

Christian religions. Both originated from Iron-age germanic tribes in northern Europe and despite a few differences such as faith, they lived parallel lives in clothing, farming, and societal structures. When the Norse raiders decided to immigrate to Britain, the acculturation and integration process of the Scandinavians into Anglo-Saxon society would be far reaching, in territory and in time.

37 Hall, Viking Age York, 48.

White 16 WORKS CITED

Abbo Floriacensis, Passio Sancti Edmundi Regis Et Martyris, accessed 20 April 2016, http:// www.thelatinlibrary.com/abbofloracensis.html.

Fanning, Stephen, “Bede, Imperium, and the Bretwaldas,” Speculum 66 (1), Medieval Academy of America, Cambridge University Press, University of Chicago Press, 1991.

Hall, Richard, Viking Age York, London: Batsford Ltd, 1994.

Holman, Katherine, The Northern Conquest: Vikings in Britain and Northern Ireland. United

Kingdom: Andrews, 2012.

Ottaway, Patrick, Roman Yorkshire, Stroud: Blackthorn Press, 2013.

Richards, Julian D., Viking Age England, London: Batsford Ltd, 1991.

Savage, Anne, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, Surrey: Colour Library Books, 1995.

Swanton, Michael, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, New York: Routledge, 1998.

Van Dyke, Christopher, Legend of Ragnar Lodbrok, (Los Angeles, CA, Graymalkin Media, 2016), iBooks edition.

White 17