Proc Antiqc So Scot, 110, 1978-80, 305-27

Hiberni reversuri M Miller* accouns Thirhi e f th o f do td Pictisen e Ath th War, Gildas tell thas s u consequenc n ti f eo the Brittonic victory the Picts retired and their Irish allies went home, post non longum tempus reversuri.1 In a previous discussion of this passage (Miller 1975a), I suggested that 'expecting to return after no long time' would be a legitimate translation. However, even if this suggestion holds, it is also true that Gildas might not have mentioned the matter if the expectation had not been fulfilled followine Th . g discussio concernes ni d with evidenc r thiefo s fulfilment. While Gildas' First and Second Pictish Wars can be fairly closely dated on external evidence2 Thire fo th ronle dw y know crisis thait Britone t sa th t s appealed (vainly Agitioo )t consult.r te From Bede's time onwards Agitius has usually been identified with Aetius, who was third time consul in 446, and could have been so addressed at any time up to his murder in 454.3 The Brittonic victory and the withdrawal of the Picts, together with the evacuation by the Irish of lande th s betweewallso therefore tw ar e , nth e probably dateable sometim f i 450se th d n an e;i Gildas kneIrisn a f hwo return, this mus f courso t e have happened writins beforwa e r gh eo (Mille9 54 publishino t r 5 1975c) 54 implicatioe n i gTh . f Gildasno ' referenc thas ei t aftee th r Third Pictish War, the Picts and Scots acted independently, no longer in alliance as before. lookine Whaar e r thereforw tgfo assertioy an s ei n about Irish attack Britain o s n after about 460 and before 545. The relevant written sources are of three ascertainable kinds: historical (at least by intention) legendar r presseyo legendaro dt y usepseudo-historicald an ; ; ther s alst source ei ye oon s ea unclassified. Of these, only the historical can (if it survives criticism) provide evidence that the evenn retura facts n resi te nwa th ; t tel thats lu , whether fac fictionr famouto s wa t ,i literature n si . Each account comes fro mdifferena t area historicae th : l from Ulste perhapd ran s Dalriadae th , legendary from Anglesey, the pseudo-historical from Meirionydd, and the unclassified from Man through Gwynedd. It is a question how far they are independent: their particularism has weighee b o t d agains face th tt tha l are r closelal to , y depen , pedigredon e material. surveA 4 y sourcee oth f usefully sma y precede discussio externae th f no l evidenc historicityr efo .

ULSTER e only th e major t , Th intendedlno f i , y historical sourc anagraphin a s ei ce poeth n mo provincial king f ChristiaUlstee so th f o r n period dow 1165-6o nt editions o t existI . tw n si f o , whic earliese hth t manuscript i MainBooe U th f ke o e sar (late 14th century Dublid an ) n RIA Stowe B iv 2, written in 1628.5 Taken together with the annals,6 this gives us an annotated pedigree. Professor Byrne lists five other treatments of the provincial king-list of Ulster, either independent or contained in Synchronisms. These were apparently known to the present poet, * 33 Kersland Street, Glasgow | PROCEEDING 6 30 THF SO E SOCIETY, 1978-80

TABLE 1 Early Ulaid king l Fiatacs Da fro e mth h 1. Muiredach Red-neck, first Christian king, reigned 25 or 27 years [obit 479 AFM, 490 ATg]

. Eochaid2 , reignee dth 3. Cairell, reigned 25 years; 4. Eochu of the Cruithin same length of time ravaged Man and died in l nAraideDa s yr 6 2 ; [obit 507 ATg] Arran [obit 526 AFM] [obit 553 AUc] . Fergnae5 , nephef wo I Muiredach (?) 4 yrs. 6. Demman, reigned 14 years 7. Baetan, reigned 20 years [obi AUc7 55 t ] [obit 572 AUc] [obiAUc1 58 t ] [577 AUc: e Blace th th f d ko Ae . 8 attac Mann ko ] Cruithin [obis 8 yr 58 t7 : AUc] . Fiachna9 e Lurgan (g.so) 4. f no 10. Fiachnae, reigned 2 years 30 yrs [obit 626 AUc] [obi AUc7 62 t ] 11. Congal Claen (g.son of 9.): 10 yrs.

12. Dunchad, reigne yearsd9 ; Seventeen generations raged against Man [obit I 643 AFM] 66. Eochaid 1158-1166

e commandeh t bu d better sources than thos e onl th extant ys i survivin e h : g authoritr yfo CairelFs campaign in Man and death in Arran. Baetan's Manx activities however are known not from this source, but from the annals and genealogical collections: the latter report that he 'cleared the gaill out of Man', but that it was abandoned in the second year after his death.7 The Manx war of Dunchad is apparently, like that of Cairell, unique to this poem. It is obvious that no confidence can be placed in the reign-lengths assigned to the first four reigns, with their sequence of 25/27, the same, 25, and 26 years respectively, too regular longo to .d Consequentlan y (assumin accurace g th pedigreee th f yo ) Cairell's deat likels hi o yt be later than 526.8 It is clear however that the historians of the Dal Fiatach believed that Cairell, Baetan, and Dunchad had led attacks on Man over a considerable period, and that Cairell had also reached the Firth of Clyde.

DALRIADA Whe Clydeside ture th nw o n t e power thif so s period fine w ,d tha recorde th t Brittonif so c Strathclyd t reacno ho e d royareliabl e backr th fa t l o pedigrebu y,s f Dalriadeo whas y aha ma t usefue b l details. Modern scholarship holds that the first kings of this pedigree settled in Kintyre, and that the advance into Cowal (reaching the west coast of the Firth of Clyde) took place under Comgall, regardes i eponyo e th wh s da m (Skene 1847, xciii; Watson 1926, 121; Anderso Anderso& n n 1961, 38). Once more, the variability of the dates makes them unreliable, but for our purposes the modern contention is of interest, in that this Dalriadic expansion is placed somewhere within 50 545o 6therefort d an , approximatels ei y contemporary with Cairell (whos6 52 eo t dat1 e50 have w eiss a ,seen early)o to , . nature extanr ou Th f eo t source sucs si h tha cannoe w t t tel thif li s modern contentios nwa MILLER: HIBERNI REVERSURI 307

TABLE2 Early king Dalriadf so a 1. Fergus, (first) king of Scots in Britain, obit 498 AFM, 501 ATg . Domangar2 t obit 506 ATg, 507 AUc

3. Comgall . Gabra4 n obit 538c ,AU 5425 54 , obic tAU 5580 56 , I I 5. Conall 6. Aedan obit 606 AUc c AU obi1 57 t campaignec Orknen di AU 0 y58 campaigned in Man 582 AUc, c AU , 583584 4AC 50 , 8. Connad Cerr . Eochaid7 , obi 'kins a t f go c AU 9 62 obig t AT 6278 62 , Picts' 629 AUc 9. Domnall Brecc obit 642, 686 AUc anticipated by medieval learning, nor whether any such anticipation was independent of the Dal Fiatach story of Cairell.9 It should however have been the case that, before the activities of i NeillColumbU kinge e th , th f Dalriad so f ao a were subordinat thoso et f Ulstereo thao s , t the king of the two Dalriadas would owe service and be owed protection or furtherance of his interests: Cairel Ulstef o l Arran ri Comgald nan Dalriadf o l Cowan ai therefore ar l plausiblea e conjuncture.

ANGLESEY The relevant material from Anglesey comes to us in the form of the foundation-legend of the kindred of the poets Meilyr Brydydd (c 1100-37), his son Gwalchmai (c 1130-80) and grand- son Einio 1203-23).c n( This foundation-legen annotation a s di pedigree e th o nt telld s an ,su 10 that Meilyr ap Gwron ap Cunedda was with his cousin Cadwallon ab Einion ap Cunedda when lattee th r defeate Irishmae dth n Serig t Llaa i mGwyddey Anglesey.n i l 11 This Meily listes i r d as the eighteenth ancestor of Meilyr Brydydd. The obit of Cadwallon is placed at 534 in the Annals of Redon,12 and seems to have been date th e from whic autho e Historiae hth th f ro Brittonum sources hi r (o ) reckoned back (exactly) 146 years to the foundation of Gwynedd on the death of Maximus in 388. We can therefore 13 apparently trace Cadwallo obit-dats hi d nestablishean s ea thad ad t- sinc 830y d db e,an consular dating appears in Gwynedd on an epitaph of 540 (Nash-Williams 1950, no 104) - the date could wel true taked b l ean n fro msimilaa r epigraphic source. Annalse noticobie e th 1th n 4Th i t f eo ofRedon is: occisus est Cavallonus rex fortissimus Majoris Britanniae, and this may be a reference Angleses hi o t y war (fortissimus). Unfortunatel knot no wo d whee yw n this entry (and four others) were prefixed to the Annals proper, which begin with the foundation of Redon in 832. t lookI s therefor thougs ea have hw e her egooa d historical source pressed into servica s ea foundation-legen Meilyy db r Brydyd progenys hi r do . However shoule w ,t expecdno t Meilyr Gwronp a nineteents a , h ancesto f Gwalchmao r 1130-80c ( i closelo s ) paralleo yt l Cairells a , twentieth ancesto f Eochaio r d (1158-66)parallee th f i evidencs d i l an , f intercommunicationeo , then also the Welsh and Irish narratives may not be wholly independent. 15 308 PROCEEDINGS OF THE SOCIETY, 1978-80 If now we compare the information of the three apparently historical bodies of source- material e obtainw , : >•

TABLE 3 Dalriada DalFiatach Padarn : SECOND PICTISH WAR (7398-) Edern Cunedda: THIRD PICTISH WAR Fergus Muiredach

Einion Domangart Eochaid

CADWALLON Owain COMGALL CAIRELL obit 534 obit 538

1 Maelgwn Cynlas Einion Ga sran (Gildas' (Gildas' king obit558 Maglocune) Cuneglase) 1 i died 549 1 1 Rhun Beli Conail De •nman obi t574 ob 1572 lago Ae

As already noted e Dalriadi e dateth th ,r sfo Dad can l Fiatach kingr fa se beforar 0 55 e from reliable, while tha Cadwallon'r fo t earle goodb d s y obian t wilI .ma t l follow e thatth f i , narratives attached to the names of Cairell and Cadwallon, and the eponymy of Comgall, are approximately acceptable, the Irise nth h attack Mann o s , Arran, Cowal Anglesed an ,o t e yar datee b d befor t lone no 534 gt beforebu , . Wmuca eo t com h w moreno e dubious source, pseudo-historica extans it n i l t version.17

MEIRIONYDD Geoffren I Monmouth'f o y s tal Gurguintf eo Barbtruc^ apparentle w y have pseudo-history allied to pedigree lore and legend. Geoffrey's hero's name is that of Gwrin Cut-beard, a member Meirionyde oth f d lineag18G ,H wherf eo eponye eth m Meirion (Gwrin's grandfather sais i ) d to have been son of Cunedda. In HG 32 however Meirion is made son of Tybion and grandson of Cunedda.19 Such pedigree variations often mark the point at which a genealogical canon has been disturbed, and in this case we have the older evidence in Historia Brittonum chapter 62 (Mommsen 1898) that Cunedda's sons were eigh numbern i t , wherea make2 3 G s sH the m nine. y suspecWma e t therefore that Meirionyd s recognise dwa perioe on f learninn do di n a s ga MILLER: HIBERNI REVERSURI 309 independent kingdom, and only later was accepted as a constitutuent of Gwynedd whose princes must be descended from Cunedda. howeve2 3 G EveH r n nMeirioi mads ni e contemporary with Cunedda's sons thao e s , th t situation as given is:

TABLE 4 Early generations in Meirionydd Gwynedd Meirionydd Cunedda Tybion I I Einion Meirion

Cadwallon Owain Cadwaladr obi4 53 t I Maelgwn Cynlas Einion Gwrin m. Marchell Cerddych die9 d54 Cut-beard saint in I I Tywyn Rhun Clydno Gwyddno I Idris obit 632AC

The names of Marchell and her saintly sister of Tywyn appear in the list of Brychan's daughters in De Situ Brecheniauc, a copy dated c 1200 of a text which has been held to be 'at least as old as the llth century'.20 The Meirionydd entries are not, it would seem, the youngest in the list, for they are separated from one another by an apparently intrusive block of names of wive motherd san f Northcountrso y heroes. Another indicatio thas f i somn o e t etherag s ei apparently no other trace, in literature or toponymy, of Cerddych of Tywyn. 21 t woulI d therefore see epithes m hi likels a t y- als o suggest - stha t oldf Gwrio s - nwa established fame in the lore of Meirionydd. There is however also the story that Maelgwn proved paramountcs hi y ove othee rth r prince DoveWaleshore f e so th th f n eo ys o estuary southere ,th n borde f Meirionydd.o r This geography means tha e tthirteent th Maelgw n i s h nwa centur y 22 credited with the conquest and annexation of Meirionydd: we may recall his contemporary's report that there were rulers expelled whoha e mr h killed.d o Gwrin's glorious reign seems therefor havo et e reputedly r sooende(o ny db after ) 534. 23 thin I s context, Geoffrey's assertion that Gwri fleewarrea d northe d an t th n ha o dt , where eh encountere dwanderina g ban f Basclensesdo unde leadea r r Partholan directed an , d themo t Ireland probabls ,i y something mor purn e ethaow fantasys nhi doubo N . obtainee th d Partholan's name from the Historia Brittonum, and he has simplified the Irish foundation-legend given there int osingla e event (and turne Spaniarde dth s int more oth e exotic Basques) t seemi t bu ,s likely tha opportunits hi t l thial sr nonsensyfo soms ewa e encounten tala f eo r with Iris t seaha , when Cadwallon was fighting them in Anglesey. Overall, and with the necessary cautions for the acceptance of such retrospective assertions, t seemi s that evidenc variouf eo s kinds converge supporto st believea s a , d fact Irisn a , h assault on Britain somewhere around 530, under the leadership of Cairell of the Dal Fiatach of Ulster. mighe w , t so hop f I e tha cruciae th t l evidence would come from Man: whicr h ou bring o t s su unclassified source. 310 PROCEEDING SOCIETYE TH F SO , 1978-80

MAN This consists in the main of a pedigree of one of the patrilineages claimed as ancestral to Secone th d Dynast f Gwyneddyo , first extan sourca 1100n c i t f eo , copyin gcollectioa n made by c 955. This patrilineage is nowhere in our sources said to be Manx; the attribution is modern and based24 on Irisn a h ) vers (1 f unknowe(o n datauthorshipd ean ) incorporate Annalse th n f di Ulstero t a obie f Rhodrth o t i Maw 878AUcn i r , which callRuaidrm shi i Manann, 'Rhodr Man'f o i . e 12th-centurth (2) y Welsh 'prophetic' poem, Cyfoesi, which asserts that Rhodri's father Merfyn (founde e Seconth f o rd Dynast f Gwyneddyo ) came fro e lan mth f Manaud o . Undoubtedly this assertion stresse parallee sth l betwee Firse nth t Dynasty's origi Manan i u of Gododdin, and the Second Dynasty's in Man; but this emphasis of itself does not necessarily invalidat reportse ratheey th ma rt :i presuppose them perhaps i t .I s more serious that Merfyn's derivatio froe sailandns e b i m th o dt , rather than fro islande mth Manauf ,o , but perhaps a prophetic text should not be pressed for such detail. Cruxe th ) Guriat(3 t Maugholda t closelno , y dated bees ha ,n sai commemorato dt e Rhodri's grandfather Gwriad (Lloyd 1911/1939, 323; Macalister 1945, no 1066; Megaw & Megaw 1950, 146, not. e2) (4) Rhodri's seventh ancestor, Merfy Greate nth identifies i , d wit e Mermihth n whose death in Mano reportes i t 682AUcda . It seems therefore that the location in Man of some six or seven generations of this lineage is given by evidence which just about attains adequacy, and we may set out the whole as in Table 5. reige f MerfyTh no Greate ndieth o d682c wh , , will have begun sometime abou mosr o t t probably after the attack on Man by Dunchad of the Dal Fiatach within 634-43. Merfyn's greatnes- exceptionall s doubo n reasowa e s thiy n th t sswa nkinwh Ma f y- noticego e th y db Irish annals, and perhaps his achievement principally lay in the reversal of the direction of sea- power which had usually been aggressive eastwards for some three centuries up to Dunchad's time. This reversal seemevidencee b o st mainln di y Irish records: 678: Britons defeat Ferchar Fot Lornf ao , kin Dalriadaf go Tireen i , . 682: Brittoni l nAraidc Da rai n do Ulsten e i r 684: raid by Ecgfrith of Northumbria on Brega, reported by (among others) Bede, without giving a reason; reason is still lacking, but a context is now suggested. (688-1081) Connailli of Louth rule an autonomous realm. 697: Brittonic rai Loutn do h 702: Brittonic rai Bregn do a 703: Brittoni l Fiatacc Da rai n do h 709: Brittonic mercenaries activ Leinstern ei 25 The above list includes the emergence of the Connailli as autonomous, in part because the onle yth yseee Irisb m o benefit ho t t from these activities (an e least da th f to toward d en e sth period there is strong suggestion that the raiders had Irish paymasters), and in part because earlier Irish settlers in Man may have been of the Connailli, if the Early Christian inscriptions are rightly interpreted (Marstrander 1937; Macalister 1945, no 504; Byrne 1965). t thereforI e appears tha Iris n Britisd a t han h Christian populatios aboun wa 0 Ma 50 tf no unde0 65 Brittonira c y b c dynasty whe directioe nth aggressivf no e sea-power turned westward. MILLER: HIBERNI REVERSUR1 31 | I

TABLE 5 e pre-VikinTh g Britonn Ma f so Maxim: replaced by Maxen in JC 19 Anhun: replace 9 1 Dunoy db C J n di 40° Ednyfed: common ancestor in various texts of Dalriada, Strathclyde, and St Llawddog of Bardsey?6 I Tudwal I Dingad Senyllt: himself 'ththree th e f egenerous' o generou e on d san ,0 heroeNorthcountrye 50 th f so 1C 9J , I Neithon I Rhun I Tudwal Anllech 600 I Cynyn: omitte scribay b ? d( 4 l errorG H n )i I Merfy Greate nth : died 682AUc Monon i , Anarawd, 'sturdy hawk' Tudwal, called tudclyd in JC 19, transferring this epithet from a king of Strathclyde 700 I I Idwal Celeinion married Sandde I Elidir I Esyll f Gwynedo t d m. Gwriad Cru? : x Guria Maugholn i t d Merfyn Frych: founde f Secono r d Dynast f Gwyneddyo , reigned 826-44 I Rhodri Mawr 844-878 For our present purposes the chief implication is perhaps that the tales of Cairell, Baetan, and Diincha havy dema been exaggerated t likelno havo e yt ar et beebu , n invented, after 650. attachmene Th t LlawddoS f o t pedigrea o gt e statin s descenghi t from Ednyfe f thio d s patrilineage shows - as do our texts themselves - the situation of Manx history in 12th-century and later Gwynedd. This is dynastic historiography, and we should probably note, as relevant thio t s construction repore roya,th a f o t l abbo Bardsef o t y12th-centurye latth n ei persoe th n ,i n of Cadwallo Owaib na n Gwynedd. appointmens Hi t probably mark time sth t whic ea h Bardsey was definitively accepted int Gwynede o2th 7 d establishment. When we turn to the Manx royal pedigree before Merfyn the Great, it is disappointing to find tha informatioo n t attaches ni name e perioe th th o dn t s i dpresen r oou f t interest; Merfyn's sixth ancestor is the next name to be annotated, as that of Senyllt Hael, one of the three generous heroeNorthcountrye th f so . Senyll alss i t o hospitalits famehi r e Gododdindfo th n yi (Jackson 1969, A 47), but in extant Welsh material he is usually replaced by Nudd, said to be his son.28 This Nudd howeve almoss ri t certainly mythical, bein Brittonie gth cIrise forth hf m o Nuad f uo Silvee th r Hand.29 312 | PROCEEDINGS OF THE SOCIETY, 1978-80 If the pedigree is accurate as a record of the number of generations, Senyllt would have been activneighbourhooe th n ei befor0 attribute 50 n attack e f deth o Ma n s o Cairelldo t , Baetan, and Dunchad, and approximately of the time of the Andreas bilingual inscription, in ogam and British Latin.30 It is possible therefore that the lack of record for the five intervening generations is deliberate: certainly the Second Dynasty of Gwynedd would not wish to advertise that Baetan 'cleared ha f Man o gaille t dabove)th 6 ' ou (se30 e p thesf i , e foreigners included their ancestral Brittoni meano cn dynastyy b s s cleai t I . r l whetheFiatacDa e hth r attacks foun pretexa d n i t the presence of Irish in Man: if these Irish were in fact Connailli, their kinsmen on the mainland woul dl Fiatac stanDa o dt h provincial king Dalriadae th s d mucdi s nha king Kintyren si y B . Baetan's time however the situation may have been very different: Aedan of Dalriada and i NeilColumbU e l th attempte f ao t againsac o dt t Baetan afted ;an r Baetan's death Aedas ni reported to have campaigne31 d victoriously in Man. It may be that various scraps of pseudo- history derive ultimately from accounts of this restoration32 , but none appear attached to the present pedigree.33 The silence of the pedigree and its notes on the three Dal Fiatach attacks on Man may therefore not be evidential; but in addition it has been supposed that the earliest generations of the dynasty were not located, factually or allegedly, in Man, and for several reasons. One is that Senyllt is said to have belonged to the Northcountry, which otherwise does not seem to include Man: there is however no early evidence, it would seem, one way or the other. Again, Senyllt's father Tudwal has been identified as the wicked king of that name who harasse3d4 Ninian t Whithorna placeGallowae o s th d n do ,an y coast t Whithor:bu almoss ni t within sigh Manf o t , so again the argument against his location in Man lacks cogency. It is true that the emperor Maximus cannot be placed in Man, but we do not know when he was put at the head of this pedigree, excep probabls t thawa t i t y before 826, whe e Seconnth d Dynast f Gwynedyo s dwa founded.35 On the other hand (while we are in this highly speculative area) the use of Ednyfed's name for Dalriada, Strathclyde Bardsed an , y suggests tha twelfth-centure th t y Wels t leasha t thought of this ancestor as proper for people of the seaways, and certainly implies that they had no clear notioparticulay an f no r mainlan whico dt shoule hh fixede db thay .sa t mucs Thio a t s s i h a Manx dynastic lore once went bac ktime onl th (approximatelyf eo o yt ) TudwaThire th d an l allowedd Gwynede an Pictis th - n r i , hwa d version l Fiatac intermissionDa o n ,e hth o t e du s thereafter. Consequentl yt wouli d appea historicas i 4 r tha G basie H kin tn th li f so d from Tudwal onwards, and that its pruning and elaboration are not so much pseudo-historical as candidly propagandist, on behalf of the Second Dynasty of Gwynedd. In Table 6 the various results of the previous discussions are brought together, and there is adde dStrathclyde parth f o t e pedigrees fro5-7G mH , because Strathclyde would certainle yb affecteDalriadie th y b d c annexatio f Cowalno becausd an , propee eth r name t thisa s period suggest close connections - real or alleged - with the dynasty of Meirionydd.3^ Comparison of the Manx pedigree and that of the First Dynasty of Gwynedd suggests that two more generations (Ednyfed and Anthun/Dunod) besides that of Maximus were added to overtop Padarn in seniority - and no doubt to put Maximus at the right date too, for it is a rul goof eo d propagandt trueno f ,i the, t leasbe n a not y o at t ema accurate howe w d , outsidAn . e Gwyneddd an botn n i t hMa bu ,Britai Irelandd nan claimee th , d historical horizone fallth n i s second half of the 5th century, about the time of the ending of the Third Pictish War. We may recall also that realistic, t historicalthougye t hno , Pictish reign-lengths oldese begith n ni t list at 456, and the first Christian king's accession is dated to 460 (Miller 1979). We can scarcely hold that such convergenc agreemend ean t come fros u particularise mth o st t preservatiof no MILLER: HIBERNI REVERSURI 313 each local recor r betweedfo centurien te n d fivan e s befor r extanou e t sources begin: rather there was - probably in immediately pre-Viking scholarship - international learned agreement throughout the British Isles on the acceptable post-Roman horizon. Moreover, it is difficult to doubt that such agreement was due to the acceptance and propagation of Gildas' testimony by Bede, reinforcing earlier more local synchronism e presenth s n (suci t, cashas e perhapse th , connection f Fergusso , Muiredach Ceredid an , g- tha Dalriada, is t , Ulster Strathclydd an , e- with Patrick). If then we accept this horizon, at least we now know that in doing so we accept TABLE 6 Comparison of Pedigree Evidence MAN GWYNEDD DALRIADA DAL FIATACH MEIRIONYDD STRATHCLYDE Maxim I Anthun Padarn I I Ednyfed Edern Tudwal Cunedda Fergus Muiredach Tybion Ceredig

Di igad Eir ion DC>mangart Eo<:haid Meirion Cynwyd

A C Seiiyllt DWALLOC C N MGALL CACAIRELI HELL Cadwaladr Dynfwan He l -534 Neithon Miiclgwn Ga Dran GWRIN Clynog Cynfelyn -549 Rhun Rhun Conall Demmdn Clydno Tudwal Clydno Gwyddno I Erdyn

Tu dwal lago BAETAN Gwyddno Rhydderch Neithon e A -616 ddn -c614 -606 Ar llech Cadfan Eochaid Fia chnae Idris Beli -632 Cn yny Cadv /allon Domnall DUNCHAD Owain -634 -642 -643 -642- M :rfyn Cadwaladr -682 -682 Anarawd Tudwal I Celeinion I Elidir I Gwriad I Merfyn Frych 826-844 I Rhodri Mawr 844-878 31 | 4PROCEEDING S OF THE SOCIETY, 1978-80 a conclusion of multi-national 8th-century learning, and are not deluding ourselves about the naive result fantasticalla f so y accurate oral tradition cultivate folke th sy db concerned . If then our immediate sources are fragmentations - due presumably to the destructions of the Viking age - of a once coherent historiographic view, and particularist developments after this breakdown, the convergence of the surviving records of Dal Fiatach, Dalriada, Gwynedd, and Meirionyd Irisn do h assaults unde leadershipe th r r afte o examplee , th r f Cairelo , l about 530 is less surprising. In this context the records of Man and Strathclyde also fall into place: Senyllt the generous (and therefore the wealthy) would represent the good times remembered before CairelFs assault; the branching of the Strathclyde pedigree would represent the turmoil within the defeated. It is difficult, in this context, to avoid the conclusion that Gildas' reference to the Hiberni reversuri had (rightly or not) been recognised as referring to an event known to dynastic lore thad learnee an ,th t d version locae th f l o shistorie s r sources(whicou e har ) were moulded within the discipline of this doctrine. In other words, in so far as the preceding discus- sion well-groundede ar s , they merely rediscover whas commonplacwa t Insulao et r historical learning about AD 800 t wil.I lsame folloth en wcondition(o ) tha convergence tth sourcer ou f eo s s certainli y historiographi t onlbu c y probably historical t confirm; no e another's theyo on d historicity. If however future work shows their general or approximate acceptability, then these statementexplais u r fo ny Gildassma ' reversuri Irise th hf o unaccompanie Pictse th wels y a ,db l referencs as hi valoue t otherwisth no bravf o et o r n eme e mentione historicas hi n di l sketch. A most interesting question is raised by this hypothesis: the action taken by the dynasty of the Deisi in Dyfed about 530, founded by Irish immigrants a century or more before. There assaultw ne suppor y e traco i,an sth n eve f r e o Gildasfo n tni ' denunciatio f Voteporixno d an ; that prince in his bilingual epitaph boasts the Roman title or epithet of Protector (which first appear pedigres hi n si generationo etw s earlier).37 Aergo praises i l Voteporixs d(a ' fathery )b Gildas alsd an o, remembere Booke th n di ofLlandafas foundee coure th th f to r chaplaincf yo Dyfed, wit t Teilo.hele S hth f p o thil 38Al s seem meao st n Deisthae abouth y Dyfedf b t0 o i 53 t , t leasa t officially, felt themselves British (thougt Brittonic)ye t h no provide d ,an assistanco dn e invaderse th o t . The external evidence of pots and inscriptions Fully independent and external evidence for our period is to be found mainly in archaeology epigraphyd an , neithe whicf ro h witnesses directl persone th evento yd literart e san th f so y record. We cannot even assume that the testimony of this material is directly relevant. Since however both the pots and the inscriptions are contemporary, they can properly be considered together as evidence for routes and communications; and these results can then be compared to the written sources - in principle. The last two words need to be stressed, almost to the extinction of the statement they modify, at least at the present stage of knowledge. The imported Mediterranean pottery is evi- denced on Insular sites by sherds only: no complete vessels are known. Recognition is conse- quently recent (Radford 1956), classification often tentative distribution-mapd an , formae th n si - tive stage (Thomas 1959; Alcock 1971, map 6). Correspondingly, an inscription in situ may be too wet and windswept to encourage the use of the minuter museum techniques, while those which have wandered have of course lost some part of their evidential value. Nevertheless, after some pioneering (Macalister 1945) somd ,an e more advanced (Nash-Williams 1950), studies, they have received surprisingly close dating (Jackson 1953), which it is not for a non-epigraphist to question. followine Th g discussion should therefor reae b e d with adequate reservations i t i : pessimistia t no cpresene vieth 3f w9o t stat knowledgef eo . MILLER: HIBERNI REVERSUR5 31 | I begiy Wema n wit potterye hth somr ,fo e classe Insulae th f so r fragments havreceivew eno d firm context stude th theif n yso i r ware thein si r homelands (Hayes 1972). This wor reveales kha d Slid pRe thawaree th t s which have bee t togethenpu Insulan i r r o importw f o t e Clasar A s different origins earliee Th . r Insula materiarA Lats i l e Roma latee FornC th r; m 3 Insula A r is African Red Slip Ware of Form 103 or 104, and stamp-style E. The third kind of table-ware, Insular import D, was manufactured in the Bordeaux area and is not so well dated in its home- land. Insular import Clas consistB s f amphoraeso , wine-jars importe r theidfo r contentd an , dateable only within rather wide limits (except of course when stratification or associations are available at specific sites). The earliest of the import fragments is apparently a dish from Dinas Powys dateable 460 (Haye0 49 o t s 1972, 357); other sherd f Lato s e Roma com3 nC e from Garrane Munstern si , Coyga Dyfedn ni Tintageld an , , Gwithian, Lydford, Congresbur Cadburd yan e West th n yi - country (Hayes 1972 ,Mediterraneane 40)mapth & 5 n .perioI 550e 1 so t th 0 ,n i d45 Lat d ean , Roma extend3 nC s from Sicil Soutd yan h Ital l rounyal eastere dth n coastland througd san h Egypt to Libya (Hayes 1972, map 33). The nearest provenance for the Insular imports is thus Sicily-South Italy, while the insular distribution at present is restricted to the Westcountry, South Wales, and Munster, the area of the Deisi and Ui Liathain. It is to be noted also that only Tintage bees lha n takeecclesiastican a s na linsulae site.th t rBu distributio t presena s na t known may well be extended by futur40 e finds. These pots then had been carried from at least Sicily/South Italy before they reached the islands: they must have been well-stowe werd dan e apparently rarely trade t intermediatda e points, although the boats presumably had to pay at least watering and harbourage dues at some places en route. The pots were probably therefore part of mixed cargoes, and (to judge from their rarity) neither a4 1large part nor brought on every voyage. The distribution in Munster and on both Severe side th suggest a f so nSe s tha attempo t n ther s rouneo wa t t d Land's End t thabu ,t the boats went direct from NW Spain to Ireland, then to the Severn eastwards, retracing their route on the return journey. amphorae Th Insulaf eo r import reporteClase ar sB t Garraneda Munsten si recentld ran y (as Professor Alcock tells me) at Clogher in Louth, and at 15 sites in the Severn area and West- country t als t bu Castel,oa l Degannw Dinad yan s Emry Gwynedn i s d (Alcock, 19716) p ,ma and now at Dumbarton in Strathclyde (Alcock 1976). The absence as yet of firm relative or absolute dating means that this materia considerabla o t s li e extent historically mute, excepr fo t the implications of its distribution. Its appearance in Munster for example together with the earlier Clas materiasA suggesy ma l same th t e shippers widea ; r marke winr fo t e tha r finnfo e table-ware may be shown by the relative numbers of sites in the Severn area; but the extension to Gwynedd and Strathclyde probably means continuance to a later date than the imports of Late Roman C.« The African Red Slip Ware is wholly of the 6th century; the transition to Form 104 begins about 530; stamp-styl pervades i eE 'ay d b strongl y Christian flavour' (Hayes 1972, 166, 221-2). It has been found (at present) only at Tintagel and lona (Hayes 1972, map 29); the lona sherd is dated to the last third of the 6th century; the Tintagel sherd does not seem to be dated. Insular Clas , manufacturesD Bordeaue th n di x area, show4s3 some overlap homelans it n si d bot stamp-stylen hi distributionn i d san , wit Africae hth Slid pnRe Ware (Hayes 1972, 143-4). bees ha n t I foun t Tintagelda , Cadbury, Congresbur Dinad yan s PowySevere th n si n aread an , at Mote of Mark in Galloway and Dunadd in Argyll: none, as yet, occurs in Ireland (Alcock . 6) 1971 p ma , The general impression at the moment is therefore that for some years - perhaps a genera- 316 | PROCEEDINGS OF THE SOCIETY, 1978-80 tion - on either side of 500, shipping from the Mediterranean did not venture N of the Munster- Severn line, while before 597 at least one 'ship from Gaul' reached Dalriada. In considering this situation have w ,coursf eo reckoo et n with war piratesd san t probablbu , y harbou transid an r t dues goodd an , s acceptabl exchangen ei , wer morr efa e importan people th o t e engagee th n di trade, while the further N the voyages extended, the more they would be dependent on local northere pilotsth r Fo .n extensions especially dearte th , Manf ho x archaeolog distory r yma ou t notions appreciably. We have seen thaearliese th t f theso t e voyagers see havmo t e avoided Land's Endd an : we may now note similarly that some inscriptions suggest the use of transpeninsular routes in Dyfe Gwyneddd dan , avoidin dangeroue gth s waters roun headlandse dth . A memorial at Llanaelhaearn, a terminus of the Gwynedd transpeninsular route, is provided by ECMW 87, dated to the late 5th century (Jackson 1953, 570, 192, note 2). It commemorates a man described as ELMETIACO, 'of Elmet', most probably the cantref of Elfed on a Dyfed trans- peninsular route. Conversely, and perhaps earlier (Jackson 1953, 619), ECMW 126 is a 44 memorial in Dyfed of an Ordovician, ORDOVS, from Meirionydd or its general area. Also in Dyfedlatee centuryh th 5t rn i , (Jackson 1953, 610) ECMs i , W 315 memoriaa wit,n hma a f o l 45 a purely Celtic name, whose father is described as PAVLINI MARINI LATIO. We do not know the precise significance of the name of Latium at this time (and in this context), nor whether MARINI is part of Paulinus' name or designates his trade. These inscriptions may suggest that, at the time when Mediterranean shipping did not Munster-Severe venturth f o eN n line, some local movemen use S transpeninsulae d th an N t r safee routeth rd watersan s between , sucso hf I .movement f heavo s e woulb y t gooddno n si great bulk exampler :fo northware thine th w f f ko i , d movemen winf o t e fro amphorae mth t ea all at this time, we should probably suppose it repacked in skins or kegs, suitable for ponies or porter landn smalso d an , l boat t seasa . In the 'early to mid-6th century' (Jackson 1953, 193), at Capel Anelog in Gwynedd, there ECMs i whicW8 7 h contain contractiosa n of presbyter characteristi e saib o dt Nortf co h African d Spanisan h scribal habits. This inscriptio s itselni f therefore evidence that book r otheo s r documents, or literate men, were being imported from the same region or by the same boats as African Red Slip Ware of 'a strongly Christian flavour'. The multitudo fratrum of ECMW 78 probably implies a monastic community, like those at (?) Tintagel and lona which used the ware. Insulae Th r import Clas warsD e froFrancW mS paralleles ei parn d i ECM y b t a , W33 Llantrisant (Aberffraw, Anglesey) earle centurth h yf 6t o , y (Jackson 1953, 446), commemorating apparently a bishop who came from the Andecavi on the Loire. At Pemnachno in Gwynedd ther s ECMei W 104, self-date consulshie th o dt recognises f lustinuspo wa o wh ,southern di n France 540n i , . These inscription usefue sar l because Clas potsD beet s ye hav nt recogniseeno d in Gwynedd, though they appear not only in the Severn area, but at Mote of Mark in Galloway and Dunadd in Argyll. Similarly at Kirkmadrine in the Rhinns of Galloway, the Viventius and Mavortius inscription is said, in its hooked chi-rho, to show Gaulish influence of the early 6th century.46 If then in the 5th century we can as yet envisage long-distance shipping no further N than the Munster-Severn line, the Class B amphorae of Gwynedd and Dumbarton probably show through-cargoes at a later date, and this is supported by the Class D (Bordeaux) sherds in Gallowa Africa Argylle d Slith yd an d pn Re sher,an perhap d lont dCapea e an ath - y lsb Anelog, Penmachno, Llantrisant Kirkmadrind an , e inscriptions Penmachne Th . o inscriptio suggesy nma t tha through-routee th t reached sha d Gwyned 540y db . Another grou f inscriptionpo relevane r b problems y ou o ma st t : those which have Irish MILLER: HIBERNI REVERSURI 317 names in monolingual texts, and the ogam and Latin bilinguals. These include the Andreas bilingua Mann i l , dated aroun followine d th 500 d , an Gwyneddn gi : ECM (lost)0 W1 : Llanfaelog, Anglesey: perhap Irisn a s h name centurh , 5t perhap e th y f o s (Jackson 1953, 329: MATLISI?) ECMW 176: Clocaenog, Dyffryn Clwyd: bilingual, late 5th century (Jackson 1953,172: SmiLiNi47) Bodedern: Irish name, 5th to 6th century (White 1972, ERCAGNI) ECMW 9: Llanfaelog, Anglesey: Irish name, beginning of 6th century (Jackson 1953, 172: CVNOCVSI) ECM : PenrhoW39 s Llugwy, Anglesey: Irish name, earl mid-6to yt h century (Jackson 1953, 172: MACCUDECETTI) ECMW 106: Treflys, Eifionydd: bilingual, 6th century: IACONVS ECMW 84: Bryncir, Eifionydd: bilingual, mid-late 6th century (Jackson 1953, 172: ICORI) absence Th bilingualf eo Angleseyn si theid an , r presenc otheo tw rn ei part f Gwyneddso , is of course capable of more than one explanation (and chance is a good candidate). The dating obefore fb ECM y r afteo e ma rW 9 5303 likele ,th y approximate tim r Cadwallon'efo s wart .I is possible therefore that MACCVDECCETI was not an enemy of Cadwallon, though Irish names in Anglesey inscriptions cease wit s (fohhi r what this fac s worti smalo ts n hi a numbel f o r survivals). But ogams are in use in Eifionydd, as in Dyfed, certainly later than Cadwallon: again, possibly not of enemy Irish - Gildas' description (DEB 31) of Aergol of the Deisi of Dyfed as a goo(witn d ma hworthlesa s son, Voteporix) shows tha Britone th t t leasts(a , some ecclesiastical Britons) of the mid-6th century had no blanket anti-Hibernian feeling. presene Atth t stag knowledgf eo e therefor pottere eth inscriptiond yan s see mdistinguiso t h an early period when through-route voyages did not advance beyond the Munster-Severn line, northward an d communication Walen si s preferred transpeninsular routes extensioe Th . e th f no through-route sailings to places N of Wales apparently happened in the 6th century, but it is not clear exactly when; while Columba's ship from Gaul belongs, probably, not merely to the last perioe centuryh th 6t o t d e t thirafteth bu ,f dro Aedan' 582/4n i s likels i victorn t I . yMa than yi t piloe th thif o t s Gallic boaeithes wa t r Man r Dalriadic.xo 48 t improbablno s i t I e thaMunster-Severe th t seriea f no f maritim o sonls line eywa on e frontiers in being at various times; the two Dalriadas on either side of the North Channel no doubt provided another, and Man is admirably placed to draw either a N-S line to Galloway Cumberlane linth AngleseyW d o et E- an n a r do , coasHeyshao t r o t Lancashiremn i mors A . e pottery evidence emerges, it may be possible to trace such frontier-lines, and so better to under- stand some of the mainland events in both the major islands. At the moment two questions seem important. The first is the problem of when the through- routes reached Man whad consequenceMane n an i , th td xdi theres r exampleWa . fo , tima , e when the through-route stopped at Man, and goods for northward destinations were repacked and transhipped there? Certainly Senyllt might have grown wealthy (and generous) on such a situation, and Cairell have had an interest in changing it, but the pottery (as at present known) does not suggest that, if there was ever anything of the kind, it was as early as this. Such matters however might wel relevane b l Baetano t . The second question is that of the goods which paid for the wine and pots. They were probably either heavy (such as metal), or bulky (such as textiles, hides, and especially slaves). Any conquering 'Heroic' Dark Age king would need to be assured of, or to find, a market for enslaved war-captives, and - since these would often be of better quality than the trickle of criminal outlawd san s coming more constantly int same oth e marke woule h - t d generally have x

318 | PROCEEDINGS OF THE SOCIETY, 1978-80

9 few commercial worries. In4 a general sense this must have been true for Aedan in the Hebrides, for Urien Rhegeallies hi sd againsdan Saxons,e th t Aethelfritr fo turn hi n agains Britonse th t ; doubo n t i t d goean sexplaio t som y enwa Aedan's curious expeditio50 f 603 no importane .Th t aspec thif o t s proble mtherefors i e whethe endine traceable th rth f go e Mediterranean voyages was connected with some reorganisatio e slave-tradth f no e consequent upons parta , r of ,o , changes in political and ecclesiastical situations, perhaps far from the islands. more th f eo mysterioue On s eventearle centurth h yf establishment7t e s o th s yi Edwiy b , n of Northumbria, of some close connection with Man (as well as Anglesey), This can hardly be dissociated fro annexatios mhi Aire th eElmef eastere f n o o gap th t d a t, n en whic h openee dth easies Heyshamf o ty routewa Yorky o t b , fron f theI .m Ma n reaso y theran s suspecteo ni t n i , the 620s, that routes from Man N or S were difficult, it can be seen that the Manx would be only pleaseo to mako dt e contact wit Anglo-Saxoe hth r Frisiano n commercial spher f operationeo s whic doubo hn thiy b t s time included York.51 Subsequentl t coulyi d als understooe ob y dwh Cadwallon of Gwynedd refused to abide by Christian rules of war: he would in such circumstances need a good supply of captives for any attempt to reopen the through-routes in the W. 52 Consideratio relevane th f no t archaeologica epigraphid an l c evidenc t presena s ei t known offer therefors u s e nothing immediately relevan Gildaso t t ' Hiberni reversuri, t verbu y strongly suggests that a great deal of illumination can be expected from archaeology in the near future, especiall thif yi s includes substantial exploratio Mann i . questioA generae th s ni lIrise effecth hf o assault t (assumin t gactualli y happened) upon the situation in Britain, which S of the Humber appears at this time to have been governed (if Gilda s rightli s y understood existence th y a divortiumb )f o e r partitiono , with autonomous Germanic settlement to the E of the line. This is however complicated, to an unknown degree, by Gildas' characterisatio severaf no l Brittonic king usurpers:s sa shoulde w probabl t supposyno e that theusurped yha d their individual kingdoms rathet bu , r certain aspect sovereigntf so y which in Gildas' view belonged separately to none of them, but either to all in concert, or to some power to whom they should owe alliance or obedience. It is conceivable therefore that the Irish war t merelno y prevente kine dth f conventio do t whicna h agreed policies coul formulatede db t bu , also created considerable differences of interest between the rulers in the front line of the Irish attack, and those on the borders of the divortium. It appears, for example, from the English pedigree material, that Anglian and Saxon kingdoms began to be formed towards the middle of the 6th century (Miller forthcoming a): as they came into being and disappeared or extended and consolidated, we should expect their kings to conduct some classes of business directly with the Brittonic kings on their borders, and to force them to take decisions without overmuch consultatio f kingno s engage Irisn di h matters. Such piecemeal decisions might no t onl deploree yb legitimisn do t grounds: they would create precedents, whic westere hth n kings might find irreversible when their attentio longeo n s rnwa distracte Irishe th y .d b Suc hsituatioa n might be a major element in the disorder which Gildas reports as growing at the time of writing. In so far as the preceding discussion is on the right lines, it has shown that modern enquiries assemblet havye t eno dsufficienta sufficientlr o , y precise, bod evidencf yo matco et criticisd han e historiographie th c doctrine late centuryh th e8t f t perhapso Bu . fullea s r appreciatioe th f no dimensions of those doctrines leads to a more focused view of what still has to be done.

POSTSCRIPT In his Life of Columba (iii 17), Adomnan records a miraculous event in Hinba (perhaps Jura) when Columba was host to four Irish abbots. The purpose of the meeting is not given MILLER: HIBERNI REVERSURI | 319 (though, as we shall see, the names of the participants suggest something of the agenda). In ii 42, Columba and one of the four abbots are concerned with a voyage to Orkney, Bridei I of the reguluse Pictsth d f Orkneyo an , e Latith n i ; Life f Comgallo (Plummer 1910 i 18)i , , Columba and two others of the abbots visit king Bridei. It seems therefore that there was a group of stories (Anderso Anderso& n n 1961, 22; Anderson 1965O M , ) about Columb d otheran a , visiting, abbot Hinban i s theid an r join r severao t l relationships with thaBrided an t , thesI i e stories referred to the period between Columba's arrival in Britain in 563 and Bridei's death c 587. The abbots concerned are: Columba of the Northern Ui Neill: resident in Dalriada and active in Pictland and the Isles; i LiathainU Corma e th f membea co : f Columba'o r s foundatio t Durrowna Southern i , i nU Neill territory; kinsman(? i LiathaiU e th Munstef f no )o Severnsided ran , activ Orknen ei y under the protection of Columba and Bridei I. In Scotland cult-sites attributed to Cormac are of course most dubious because the name was common: they are the parish of North Knapdale (between Kintyre and Argyll proper), Kirkcormack in Kirkcudbright, and Arde- onai Kenmorn gi Locn eo h Tayside t for: no the m geographicaa o yd l group (Innes 1854, ii 39-40; MacKinlay 1914, 91-2). Cainnech moccu Dalon: founder (lat life?n ei Aghabof o ) Osraign ei e amon Southere gth i nU Neill. In the Isles he is eponym at Inchkenneth in Mull (Innes 1854, ii 36), Kilchainie at Sorob Tiren yi e (Innes 1854 i 327)i , , Kilchaini Coln ei l (Innes 1854 i 331)i , , Kilchainit ea Howmore in South Uist (Innes 1854, ii 368), as well as at Kilchenzie in Kintyre (Innes 1854, ii 20). His other mainland cult-centres may be later than 842: if so there should be implications for the starring and territories of new, specifically Scottish (as distinct from Scoto-Pictish) churches afte conquest.e th r 53 Brendan moccu Altai Navigatore th , f Clonferto , , culte t Braddada Islee th sMann n i i d ,an in the parish of Kilbrandon (the islands of Seil, Iniscapel, etc: Innes 1854, ii 102), and t Elachnava Garvelloche th n ei s (Innes 1854 i 276)i , ; doubtfull t Kilbirnieya , Ayrshire.54 His obit at 577/83 places his visit to Columba in Hinba before that date. Comgall moccu AridiCruithine th f o , , founde f Bangoro r houss hi : Tireen ei apparentld ydi not survive. He had a keill in the parish 5o5f Lonan in Man, and the hagiographers suggest that Cattan and Blaan were his associates. Cattan is reported for Kilchattan in Kintyre (Innes 1854, ii 9), the parish of Kilchattan including Luing and other islands (Innes 1854, ii 100), Kilchatta Butn ni e (Innes 1854 i 210)i , , Kilchatta Gighn ni a (Innes 1854 i 257)i , , the parish of Kilchattan including Colonsay and Oronsay (Innes 1854, ii 280), and Storno- way in Lewis (Innes 1854, ii 381). Blaan is especially founder of the monastery and bishopric of Kingart Bute,n hi alsd 56an o reporte t mainlanda d sites.57 Whether formally on the agenda at Hinba or not, the fortunes of the Ui Neill would be of interes Columbao t , Cormac Cainnechd an , , while Pictis Isled han s affairs (unles culte sth - sites are all post-conquest or post-Viking) would be of concern to Columba, Cormac, Cainnech and Brendan practicae :th l organisatio thesf no e matters would involve ecclesiastical spheref so influenc discipline.d an e 58 Corma Brendad can speciad nha l sea-faring interests botd e an ,h ar credited with ocean voyages, but Cormac in Orkney and Brendan in Man suggest that they may have specialise differenn di t areas, whil obite eth s place Cormac whole e generatioe th th n n o ,i , n after Brendan. The common interests of Columba and Comgall were probably political as well as ecclesi- astical. Comgall's people, the Cruithin of Ulster, were at this time in process of finding a single kin unito gt e their communities firse Th t . Blace emergeo stron t curses th n d kwa y gma db Ae , [ PROCEEDING 0 32 SOCIETYE TH F SO , 1978-80 Columba failed 5 an 9foun o t d dynastya d secone Th . d attemp Fiachnay b t e Lurgan afte8 58 r was f Comgall'successfulo s kindredwa n e ow sh : e Araidith , . Thus Columb d Comgalan a l together appear to have secured for the Cruithin a dynasty not as obnoxious to the Ui Neill as i Neilkilled Ae U Black e ha n ldth o a king wh , . Columba and Comgall are also both in some association with the kindred of the moccu Min: Sinlan was Comgall's second successor as abbot of Bangor and died in 610 (Kenney 1929, no 55) while Lugbe was Columba's envoy to Rhydderch of Strathclyde and his companion 61 receptioe th 'shie n th i pf no fro m Gaul'. Nothing otherwise seem knowe moccue b th o st f no Min,t Lugb havbu y eema been Columba's interpreter Sinlad an , n 'learne rot y computude b eth s from a certain learned Greek'. They are contemporaries of Columban who, leaving Bangor about 590, also shows Bangor's interes foreign i t n parts and, perhaps, linguistic aptitude. If we bear in mind this reasonably clear and well-evidenced ecclesiastical material, the secular reports of the same period are perhaps less dubious. Columba was in some sense on good terms with Bridei I of the Picts: it should follow that if Aedan was ever enemy of the Picts, this would be at earliest alter Bridei's death, and perhaps not before Columba's death; conversely, his Orkney campaign in c 580 should have been fought as a Pictish ally.62 This would accord with Orcadian hostages at Bridei's court, and with Columba's request that Cormac should be well-receive islands e came h th f do i e t t als.I o accords wit highle hth y authoritative double dating of Columba's arrival: in 563 in Irish sources, in 565 in Bede from a Pictish source; the latter can be taken as the date of the Pictish confirmation of the grant of lona.63 Now if land-grants by the Dalriadic king in the 560s required Pictish confirmation, it is necessar givo yt e muc , hwhic Irise so weighe entr th r th ho h n yi o repor9 annalt t 55 f a to s Dalriadic defea Brideiy supposo t b t d an ; e that this initiate dperioa f subjectiondo Irise Th h. status of the Dalriadic king was also low at this time: his superior was the provincial king of Ulster, above i NeilwhoU e lm th king s claime Conventioe dth statusn i t Bu .f Druim no m Cete s changedthi5 iwa s57 n : Aedan became directly subordinat levyinn e(i hostingd e gan th o t ) Northern Ui Neill, while the taxes of Irish Dal Riata went to the Scottish king, who apparently also kep fleet e coule th t W . d suppose that after thisituatioe sth Dalriadf no s Pictisn ai wa w hla also revised - that Aedan became more of an ally than a subject of Bridei, and was so acting in 580 in Orkney. OIrise nth h side, this change woul coursf do e ear enmitrejectee l e Riatnth th Da f ao o yt d provincial king of Ulster, Baetan, who would (we may suppose) now find his landward frontiers menaced by the Ui Neill or their proteges, and his northern seaward frontier blocked by Aedan's fleet, holding the North Channel between Kintyre and Antrim. In the year after Druimm Cete a costly battle in Kintyre is recorded, and was probably Baetan's opening campaign against his rebellious subject: other conflicts are legendary and may never have been on a comparable scale because of the Ui Neill threat. We may therefore tentatively hold that for some years from 575 onwards Aedan's fleet held the North Channel frontier, and that through communications southwards went west-about friendly ,b Neili yU l haven Connachn si Munstee th o t Brendaf ro n and Cormac, and there linked up with the route to western France. Baetan is said to have attacked Man in 577, and to have drive64n out the gaill, which must seemingly includ e Brittonieth c dynasty. Aeda 582/4n ni , after Baetan's death sais i , havo dt e won a helium Manonn, which the Welsh annals certainly take to be in Man. Welsh pedigree learning made Aeda honorarn na y Briton wels a ,tracins a l Mane gth x dynasty without interrup- tion. Tentatively therefor coule ew d suppose tha Brittonie th t restores cwa dynastn y db Ma f yo alliancn a e between s Brittoni Aedahi d nan c neighbour Strathclydn i s southwardsd ean , thus reopening the North Channel frontier by about 583.65 MILLER: HIBERNI REVERSUR1 32 | I situatioe Th n thus created could have remaine existencn di r somefo e time, during which Fiachnae Lurgan established his dynasty, and Aedan in 603 mounted his attack, no doubt with Brittonic help, on Aethelfrith of Bernicia: probably the defeated allies fell out, and Aedan then earne Brittonis dhi c nicknam bradawg,f eo treacherous.e th 66 It could therefore be that the final stage in opening through-routes from western France to e Orkneyheliume th th s wa sHinbn Manonn, i t consistentld aha thad me e saint o an th t wh s y pressed towards this development. Since they would nee dmasse winth r coursf ,o e fo the d eyha permanena t interes seawayse th n i t , quite apart from books, computi othed an , r matter lesf so s urgency or regular demand from the S, and furs and amber from Scandinavia and the Baltic. 67 NOTES 1 Gildas, De Excidio Britanniae, chapter 21 (Mommsen 1898, 36 lines 16-17) Firse Th Seconte withi390th o t d 2 3 398o d,t an n 38 : Miller 1975b, 1978. 3 Gildas DEB 20. The Aetius who was consul in 454 was a different man. 4 We badly need a technical term for those innumerable insular verses, tracts, and memoranda which list people and things whether in asyntactical form, in prose, or in verse. Consequently anagraphic suggestede b y ma , meaning forliste a 'i nth f m, o catalogue, schedule r register'o , , widely use anciendn i t historiograph listr yrulersf fo so , Olympic (and other) victors, thalassocracies, philosophers, or anything else needed as ancillary to scholarship, in any form, and annotated or not. Walesn I mnemonie th , c chieTriade th fe examplesar anagraphif so c composition kinde on n f ;i so both Wale Ireland san pedigree dth e collection anothere sar Irelann GreeceI .n i s d(a ) anagraphic verse was widely employed, and merits a thorough study in its own right as a genre: linguistic and stylistic detail may be useful in helping to determine period and school of composition and conse- quentl somo yt e degre historicae eth lsuc y valuan h f poemepreseno e th n I . t material usefus i t i , l to be able to say that nearly all the evidence is anagraphic. 5 Byrne 1964: text, translation, introduction, and commentary, with genealogical tables, and absolute dates fro annalse mth poee Th .ms anonymous i same th f e o generatio t d bu , an , nas similar linguistic poemkinge e habitth th f Connach , so n sto o Leinsted an t Gilly b rNae a an m Duinna U dieo 116n di wh , 0 asfer leiginn Inif o s Clothra Locn no h Ree. 6 There are not yet adequate editions of AU [Annals of Ulster], AT [Annals of Tigernach], or AFM [Annals of the Four Masters], and none of the dates can be pressed to the year. Nevertheless, for clarity's sake, the years marked AUc are from AU corrected for the omission (by scribal error) of a year in the 480s. AT has no absolute dating in its text, and the years are guessed by moderns comparing sequences and year-sections with AU: so the fact that these figures are guessed is indicate ATgy b dprobleme r Th sources. ou f o s ' archival procedure e constructioth n i s a f no provincial king-lis whicn (i t shoule hw d expect many interregn overlapsd aan , fro naturee mth f o institutione th ) canno analysee b t d until ther adequate ear erelevane editionth l al tf o smaterial . Annalese Th Cambriae (AC thein )i r oldest extant versio beautifulle nar y edite Phillimory db e 1888. 7 Anderson 1922, i, 88: from the Book ofLecan, written 1416-18, copying an exemplar of unknown date. associatioe Th poee th 8 Muirdacf mn o i Eochaid han d witt hno Comgaly ma Bangor d o lan y rma refe evento t r s afte mid-6te th r h century t doesi f pedigree i : th reference , t th fault a t s ei Bu .s ei probabl anachronismn ya : Byrne 196 , not4 82 stanzo et . 10 a t knoye t w wheno o king-lise d nth e W Dalriadf o t 9 firss atwa compile anagraphiy an n di c text, oral or written, though the problems are much more clearly defined now that the texts are available discussed an Andersoy db n 1973. 10 I take these dates from D Simon Evans 1964, xxvi-vii, where the bibliography of publication and study is given. It is perhaps to be presumed that the references in Triad 62 (Bromwich 1961/1978), and the pedigrees (see next note), arise from the 12th-century lore of this family. earliese Th 11t extant manuscrip 147c f o t5 contain texe f botsth o t h 'Boned r Arwyrdy 'Hed an ' n Lwythau': internal evidence suggest text-historsa y beginnin 13te th hn gi century : Bartrum 1966, 75-80,92-3, 112-14. 12 Migne 1952, column 1323: from Avranches 213 transcripa , abstracn a f o t t fro Annalse mth made r Roberfo br yo f Torigny o t 12te th hn i . century. | PROCEEDING 2 32 THF SO E SOCIETY, 1978-80 13 Historia Brittonum chapte , (Mommser62 n 1898) discusse Milley db r 1978. 14 The Welsh anagraphic genres did not include king-lists, so that such an origin is unlikely. 15 Though the direction of the dependence (if there was such) might be questioned. The latest sub- stantial opportunity was perhaps given by the exile of Cynan ab lago of Gwynedd in Ireland in mid-elevente th h century. r thiFo s 1versio6 Gwyned e th f no d pedigre Millee ese r 1978, 1979. 17 I omit here, as being not yet closely enough dated, two bodies of material which may become relevan wors a t k proceeds archaeologicals i e On . grass-markee :th d potter Somersetsitef yW o n si , W Cornwall, and the Scillies, which may be of the 6th century, and may evidence connections with Ulster othee Th .toponymics i r kil-e th : name f Gallowayso , whic perhape har s older than kirke th namesame centurth h f e6t so area e sommighn d yth (i s ,an e a tcases) d possiblol s a . e yb mose Th t optimistic current vie thesf wo e material expresses i Thomay db s 1972. 18 Historia Regum Britanniae iii, 11-12 (Griscom 1929, 291ff). 19 HG 18 in Bartrum p 11; HG 32 at p 13. (The Harleian Genealogies were compiled by c 955 and are extant in a manuscript of c 1100.) 20 Bartrum 1966, 14-16, entrie (132 s1 (17) )& . 21 Unless the old guess that her name is represented in Llangedris near Tywyn still holds. 22 Printed (from a 13th-century source) (Bromwich 1961-78, 439f). 23 Gildas DEB chapter 33. 24 HG 4; more informatively in JC 16 (Bartrum 1966, 46), which in this section is a modernising rendering of a collection of the ancestral lines of Rhodri Mawr (844-878): a generally late 9th- century origin would.not however guarantee details. r annalistidetaie th Fo f 2lo 5 c source Andersoe sse n 1922 amis;b ,su listr thesf fo so e activities Watson 1926, 193 (assuming that the Britons were of Strathclyde) and Mac Niocail 1972, 112-13, 114, identifying the Britons as of Man. The list is not complete: the llth- or 12th-century Life of Findchu i GobanBr f ao n (Whitley Stokes 1890, 235) reports sea-borne raid territorien so e th f so Southern Ui Neill in the saint's time (his obit is 664 AFM) and that of king Sechnussach (obit 671), giving the enemy an anachronistic Viking colour. No doubt there are other references too. 26 'Lineage Northcountrymene th f so ' (EGG) 8-12, 'Lineage Saintse th f so Buchedd d ' (BySan , 18 ) Llawddog, Bartrun i l al m 1966. Accordin Booke th go t ofLlandaf, Bardse desolats timye wa th et ea of the hermit Elgar, whose visions authenticated the relics of Dyfrig, translated to Llandaf in 1120. Pilgrimages to Bardsey are first mentioned by Meilyr Brydydd (c 1100-37), for whom see above under Anglesey. 27 ABT 2b (first extant c 1475: Bartrum 1966, 97). Other more ecclesiastical connections between the Manx and the Welsh may be earlier in origin though later in record. There is for example a small grou f 'childrepo f Mano f Peun o ' reporteHe l Gruffudy db d Hiraethog (By [154S7 7 1565o 4t ] Bartrum 1966, 65): Peulan (eponym of Llanbeulan in Aberffraw), disciple of St Cybi: Gwyngeneu (eponym of Chapel Gwyngeneu in the parish of Caergybi); and their sister Gwenfaen, culled in Ynys Gybi, all in Anglesey. Another group, located in Man, is reckoned among the children of Brycha Situe n(D Brecheniauc (6)& (11) 2 ) ,1 1(5 : extan 1200c t : Bartrum 1966, 15-16), named Papay, Cynon, and Bethan, while Brychan himself is said to be buried in Ynys Brachan quae est iuxta Manniam (perhap roce sth k Ellan Vretyn off Langness: Kneen 1925 , 108)i , thesef O . , Cynon is said to be 'in the western part of the island', which looks specific enough to be knowledgeable - perhaps this Cyno Coninre th s ni r Conindruio Irisf so h sources secone th , d 'Patrician' bishof po Man. Thes groupo etw f Manso x saint Welsn i s h source attachee ar s Caeo dt r Gybi perhapd an , s (through Marchell and Cerddych, daughters of Brychan) to Tywyn in Meirionydd: since neither seem havo st e been specially Secone closth o et d Dynasty perhapy ma e sw , suppose that they were t importeno Merfyy db n independen d Frychha t bu , t origin ecclesiastican si l relations between Man Welsd xan h churches date f thesTh e.o e interconnection wholls si y unknown, except that Welsh claims for Manx saints are perhaps not likely to be of the Viking age or soon after: an early r ratheo r late dat therefors ei e suggested native th n eI . Manx recor f cultdo s (which begino n s earlier than the 16th-century), none is found - at least in the list which can be abstracted from Marstrander (1937): he gives 71 parishes and treen cults, of which 11 are of unidentified saints. onle Th y (recognisably) Brittonic nam thas e i f Santan o t , als Cumberlane osaina th f o t d coast: Miller 1975d. This, with Miller 1975 197d ean 8 shoul correctee db Kenney db y 727) p ( 1929 3 ,58 , MILLER: HIBERNI REVERSURI | 323 who date hyme sth r loricano ascribe 9th-centurye th Santao d t f o s na t Gal.S Scribe e l th f so Priscian (Kenney 1929, 583ii 674p , ) memberclaie b s Madoc,mo t M f o s whic allegedls hwa y founded by Santan's reputed brother Madog. The codex was written in 845 to 856, and may have reached St Gall through Sedulius Scottus or one of his associates. All this may suggest that Santan and Madog, or at least their institutions, were important in the first half of the 9th-century and perhap a littls e earlier t thia : s time therefor n supposca e w ee good communications between Cumberland, Man, Gwynedd, and Ireland (especially Clonard, where Santan tarried, and Ynys Madog). 28 Except in BGG 6 (Bartrum 1966), where a Nudd is son of Ceidio and brother of the Gwenddoleu whkilles o wa t Arthureda 573ACn i t allegee name th Th .f eo d thir origin i dy brothenma f Co r hav e(4)2 bee1 : epithetBartun B na DS f Cynin mi c , f 1966nCo . ,73 29 Bromwich 1961-78, 428 e Yarrowkire Nudusth . Th f o s a k e samn inscriptioth ma e b y nma Gwenddoleu' Senyllt's a brother t no t s sonbu , . 30 Macalister 1945,500. Perhap Lati shoule e sth w nd inscriptiodad n from Santan: Macalister 1945,505. 31 At first in his exclusion from the convention of Druimm Cete in 575: Anderson & Anderson 1961, 40f; legend spoke of many battles between Aedan and Baetan. 32 In the Irish annals and Annales Cambriae sub annis 582^: see further below and Postscript. 33 Eg the treatment in Welsh sources of Aedan as an honorary Briton [BGG 11 & DSB 12 (12): Bartum 1966] with different pedigree conventions; Fordun's assertion (iii 28: Skene 1872) that Brendinus, regulus of Man, was Aedan's sister's son. 34 If we ignore modern guesses that one or another mention of Manau confuses Man with Manau of Gododdin - for if such confusion was possible, both may have been regarded as in the North- country. There is of course no objection to the supposition that the Manx may, from time to time, have been overlord somn si e sens coastaf eo l strip Cumbrian si , Galloway r Bregao , . 35 The reason for this inference is that the early claims to descent from Maximus are confined to the Second Dynasty itself and to the Powys line into which Merfyn married (his wife was Nest, sister of the Cyngen who claimed Maximus as ancestor on the Pillar ofEliseg before 854: Bartrum 1966); and the Dyfed line into which Hywel Dda married, as in HG 2. It may be added that a claim to imperial descent and status would help to explain the extraordinary lack of recorded opposition rapie th do t extensio powef Secone no th f o rd Dynast 9th-centurye th n yi . 36 A law-book as extant c 1200 has the story of Maelgwn's son Rhun and his enemy Clydno, identified Clydns a o Eidy Cynfelyp na associated nan d with other Northcountry heroes (tex Owen i t n 1841, i, 104; translation and discussion Bromwich 1961/1978, 501f). Williams 1968, 105 rightly remarks that the presence of the tri hael in the story 'is sufficient almost in itself to prove that this is not plai commeny n ma history' e w td alsan , o souther a tha r fo t n arm pauso yt regroupinr efo g before crossing the Forth to attack the Northcountry Britons is an insane geography. It seems much more likely tha Clydne earliestorn e th ta th t yf a o o r stag Gwrin's f Meirionyddo ewa n sso d an , that the northern heroes are due to error based on some dim notion of a connection between Meirionydd and Strathclyde at this period. 37 Miller 1978c havtitly e Th e.ma e been conferre r usurpeconquese do tim e th e th f th eo t da r o t conversion of the Deisi. 38 Book ofLlandaf, Teilo 125b. The mention of Teilo does not of course date the saint, but this story, as possibilite welth s la y that Voteporix' memoria places lwa d nea churcra h perhaps (later? Teilof )o , suggests tha t soma t e dynast e perioth f patroo s dyit d Teilbefors en nwa e o eth rathe r than David. 39 See however the doubts raised in Foster & Daniel 1965, 200-2; and Alcock 1971, 242-5. ecclesiasticae Th 40 l natur sithowevee s th eha f eo r been strongly doubted: Burrow 1973. 41 The strays at Ceuta (Hayes 1972, 415, note 2, 431, sv) and Bracara Augusta (Hayes 1972, 415, indicaty ma ) havene esv th 2 nots43 used, e5 . 42 It seems likely that the Class B amphorae ceased to be used as the wine trade became more sub- stantial and regular, and were replaced by casks: Adomnan, writing c 690, speaks (Columba ii 50 ad fin) of wine oozing from a cask. 43 Hayes 1972 hav,y 422 ma recore a 166 arrivals & fe it f W .d o Adomnan' n i , s 'ship from Gaul': Columba i 28. On the other hand, the boat from Alexandria financed by the partiarch John the Almoner (611-619) brought corn and returned with tin, so that no archaeological record would presumably survive: Jones 1964, 869f. 44 Perhaps Elmet in western Yorkshire, or Elvet near Durham, are less likely. 32 | 4PROCEEDING S OF THE SOCIETY, 1978-80 45 Perhaps it is relevant to note that the eponym Meirion is not to be placed earlier than c 475 at the outside: see Table 6. notee b thao y dto t ma Dunragit t I 46 , whic havy hma e give r receivenams o nit , eto t fromdi e th , shora kingdof o t d transpeninsulaen Rhegedmf e o th t a s ,i r route which avoid mose sth t dangerous headlandse ofth Mule th , Gallowayf lo . 47 This nam alss ei o foun saina thas a df o tt culte t Angerda f Nash-William(c s sa 1950s a ) ,33 guardian against Saxons: Lot 1915. connection I 48 n wit northere hth n seaway shoule sw d look agai Adomnan't na s report Columba'f so s connections with Cormac's voyage to Orkney, and other Irish voyages of the time: see Postscript below. t ther havy Bu e4ma e 9 bee n some casesexampler fo , :if , Baetan hope disposo dt f Maneo x captives in 577-8, he might have found the southern markets glutted with Ceawlin's captives from the 'three chesters' of Severnside: ASC sub anno. 50 The Deiran slave-boys seen by Gregory in Rome before 590 (if they existed) might conceivably represen para t Urien'f o t s income. (The earlier Irish Roma e raidth n si n period were t leasa ,Patrick' n o t s evidence, concerneo dt acquire slaves in large numbers for domestic Irish use. The purpose of these vast imports - which, if they usefule werb o et apparentl,s i woul - d dfe e havyb unexplored.o et ) 51 A relevant discussion of south-western Saxon sea-borne trade is to be found in Vierck 1970; and of Friesian activity in the Baltic in Zak 1962 -1 owe this reference to the kindness of Dr L Koczy, of the General Sikorski Historical Institute Library, Glasgow. On the Irish side, the legends of Fianchnae Lurga Mongad nan n examinede neeb o dt . 52 Welsh ecclesiastical lore (extan Lifee th n ofBeuno)i t t Clynnoa g Fawr supports Bede's characteri- allegesatiod an f Cadwallo) no s 20 tha i i confiscatee h t E n(H d lan Gwyneddn di . Thialsy osma suggest straitened 'finances' chronologicalls i t I . y possible that Dunchad'd ha sn attacMa n ko some connection with Cadwallon's restoration deaths hi r o ,. 53 Cainnech's favoures cul celie wa t th y Dedb about 800: Anderson 1974, 1. Other Cainnech sites allegee ar lonr dfo a (chapel); Kilkennet Colonsayhn i ; Kilkenneth (castle t Ma)a y bole, Ayrshire; Laggan in Inverness ('traditionally' late); St Andrews; Kennoway: Mackinlay 1914, 61-3. 54 Innes 1854. Othe92 , i ,r siteTireee saib e sar t o Kildad t S ; ; Barra; Kilivrana Soutn ni h Uist; chape Kilniniann i l , Mull Kilarrown i ; , Islay; Boyndi Banffn ei ; Dunlain Glwnlyod gan n ni Perthshire; Birnie in Moray: Mackinlay 1914, 66-9. 55 Plummer 1910, ii, 11. Other sites which might be associated with saints of this not unusual name (or Brittonic equivalents) are Inchinnan and Eastwood in Renfrewshire, a chapel near Paisley, Cumnoc Ochiltred kan Ayrshiren ei , Ruthergle Lanarkshirn i fairla e- y compact groupingd an ; Tibbermore, Perthshire: Mackinlay 1914, 188-9. 56 Anderson 1922, i, 176f; Vita in Breviary of Aberdeen ii 3, 77, August 10th. 57 Kirkmahoe and Caerlaverock on the Solway; Southend in Kintyre; Inverary, Lochearnhead, and Dunblane: Watson 1926, 164, 278 las e maia tTh n .thre no e east-wesear t route lase ;th t becamea diocesfoundatios it probabilitl d al e an n i s ni y later than 842. 58 Perhap shoule sw d consider whethe Penitentiae rth Synodue th f lo s Aquilonalis Britanniay an s eha relevanc theso et e matters: Biele rcase y 1963an , n whilI . e muc bees hha n uncritically inferred from cult-sites and toponymy in the past and is to be rejected, it remains true that these details are evidence for something, and perhaps by this time it is safe to ask what that something is. 59 Adomna. 36 , ni 60 Adomnan i, 15. 61 Adomnan i, 28. 62 Older modern scholarship assumed enmity; Anderson & Anderson 1961, 44 doubt the historicity of the campaign. 63 Dr Anderson however tells me that she takes the Irish notice to be a late (perhaps 10th-century) additio anachronismn simpla a o ne t b ey obit thad t ma hav t an ,no i t Scot e ,e y sincth ) sma e(1 reached Mull or lona by the 560s; and (2) the self-exiled Columba may have deliberately chosen a non-Irish site in which to spend the years of his pilgrimage. 64 Note however tha 'wese nortd th t an t h coast Irelandf s[o ] woul avoidee db merchantsy db ' since access to the interior from the large number of havens is difficult: Warner 1976, 284-5. But temporary special r politicalo , , situations might make such voyages worth while. MILLER: HIBERNI REVERSUR5 32 | I 5 6 Anderso Anderson& n 1961, 42-3 hold tha bellume th t Manonnidentifiee b o t s i d wit battle hth e agains Miate th t i mentione Adomnay db f Aedan' whico n i , o 8 h tw , n i s elder sons were killed. The major reasons are (1) that the Miat(h)i bear the same name as the Maeatae mentioned as residing in 197 to 211 near the Wall; (2) that the toponyms Dumyat NE of Stirling, and Myot Hill S of Stirling, may derive from the tribal name; (3) that these place-names (near the Antonine Wall), being between Clackmanna Slamannand nan withie ar , e districnth f Manao t f Gododdinuo , which is therefore the Mano of the bellum Manonn. There are however difficulties: (1) nearly 400 years between the Maeatae and the Miathi is a very long time in a disturbed frontier region, and identical tribe-names can occur in widely-separated places; (2) early forms of Dumyat and Myot seem to be lacking (Watson 1926, 58-9 gives none); (3) by Adomnan's time, or even Aedan's, the peopl f Manaeo f Gododdiuo n were certainly Christian, while Adomnan call Miathe sth i barbari, which must thinkI , , mean that they were heathen (though Adomnan's usual wor heather dfo s ni gentiles: i, 37; ii, 33, 34; ii, 11; iii, 14; gentiles barbari in ii, 27 - Dr Anderson has supplied these references) muco whil) t to upo fallibl(4 t e ;hbeliepu e th enno e weighth f b o fe n compileca t f o r the Annales Cambriae that Aedan fought in Man, the evidence of the Irish that Baetan campaigned in Man and that it was lost to Ulster after his death, has rather more weight, especially when taken with the treatment of Aedan by the Welsh pedigree experts. r Anderso D nam8 57 ed Eufanianan note7 57 s , c thaEumaniaManonn2 AU t58 c t bu ,AU , point t thasou t sinc annale eth compositee sar , this differenc inconclusives ei . e balanc evidence Th th f eo t presenea t available seems therefor suggeso t e t thabellume th t Manonn was fought in Man, but until at least early forms of the toponyms, and the texts of the Irish annals, are fully accessible, certainty is far from attainable. Dr Anderson (1973, 13, 31) leaves choice th eMana d betweean n u nwidMa e open alse oW . nee dthorouga h growte studth f yf o h o Aedae th n legen Irisn di h material. Welse Th 6h6 Tria (Bromwic4 d5 h 1961-78 Fordud (Sken)an 0 3 i nii e 1872) have different accounts (neither trustworthy) of what happened, but agree that the Scottish forces were undisciplined. 67 The difficulties of this survey of highly uncertain material of various kinds have been both dimin- ished and brought into focus by the tireless help and advice of Professor Alcock and Drs M O Anderso DumvilleN D d nan whoo t , deby mgratitudf m o t vers ei y great.

ABBREVIATION REFERENCED SAN S Phillimore se C A e 1888. Adomnan see Anderson & Anderson 1961. Alcock L ,197 1 Arthur's Britain. Alcock, L 1976 'A multidisciplinary chronology for Alt Glut, Castle Rock, Dumbarton', Proc Soc Antiq Scot, 107 (1975-6), 103-12. Anderson O 192 A , 2 Early Sources of Scottish History. Edinburgh. Anderson O 196 M , 5 'Columb othed aan r Irish saint Scotlandn si McCrackenn i ; (ed)L J , , Historical Studies 5: Papers read before sixthe th conference of Irish historians. London. Anderson, M O 1973 Kings and kingship in early Scotland. Anderson O 197 M , t Andrew4'S s before Alexander BarrowI' n (ed),i S Scottish e W ,Th G , Tradition: Essays honourn i ofR Cant,G London, 1-13. Anderson, A O & Anderson, M O 1961 Adomnan's Life of Columba. Annales Cambriae Phillimore se e 1888. C Anglo-SaxonAS Chronicle. Bartrum, P C 1966 Early Welsh Genealogical Tracts. Cardiff. Bed Plummee se e r 1896. Bieler, L 1963 The Irish Penitentials. Dublin. Book ofLlandaf see Evans 1893. 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