Countermarks in the Name “Galba” on Roman Imperial and Provincial
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The Satrap of Western Anatolia and the Greeks
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Eyal Meyer University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons Recommended Citation Meyer, Eyal, "The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2473. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Abstract This dissertation explores the extent to which Persian policies in the western satrapies originated from the provincial capitals in the Anatolian periphery rather than from the royal centers in the Persian heartland in the fifth ec ntury BC. I begin by establishing that the Persian administrative apparatus was a product of a grand reform initiated by Darius I, which was aimed at producing a more uniform and centralized administrative infrastructure. In the following chapter I show that the provincial administration was embedded with chancellors, scribes, secretaries and military personnel of royal status and that the satrapies were periodically inspected by the Persian King or his loyal agents, which allowed to central authorities to monitory the provinces. In chapter three I delineate the extent of satrapal authority, responsibility and resources, and conclude that the satraps were supplied with considerable resources which enabled to fulfill the duties of their office. After the power dynamic between the Great Persian King and his provincial governors and the nature of the office of satrap has been analyzed, I begin a diachronic scrutiny of Greco-Persian interactions in the fifth century BC. -
This Electronic Thesis Or Dissertation Has Been Downloaded from Explore Bristol Research
This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from Explore Bristol Research, http://research-information.bristol.ac.uk Author: Hoag, Gary G Title: The teachings on Riches in 1 Timothy in light of Ephesiaca by Xenophon of Ephesus General rights Access to the thesis is subject to the Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial-No Derivatives 4.0 International Public License. A copy of this may be found at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode This license sets out your rights and the restrictions that apply to your access to the thesis so it is important you read this before proceeding. Take down policy Some pages of this thesis may have been removed for copyright restrictions prior to having it been deposited in Explore Bristol Research. However, if you have discovered material within the thesis that you consider to be unlawful e.g. breaches of copyright (either yours or that of a third party) or any other law, including but not limited to those relating to patent, trademark, confidentiality, data protection, obscenity, defamation, libel, then please contact [email protected] and include the following information in your message: •Your contact details •Bibliographic details for the item, including a URL •An outline nature of the complaint Your claim will be investigated and, where appropriate, the item in question will be removed from public view as soon as possible. The Teachings on Riches in I Timothy in light of Ephesiaca by Xenophon of Ephesus Gary G. Hoag A dissertation submitted to the University of Bristol and Trinity College in accordance with the requirements for award of degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Arts. -
Mercenaries, Poleis, and Empires in the Fourth Century Bce
The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School College of the Liberal Arts ALL THE KING’S GREEKS: MERCENARIES, POLEIS, AND EMPIRES IN THE FOURTH CENTURY BCE A Dissertation in History and Classics and Ancient Mediterranean Studies by Jeffrey Rop © 2013 Jeffrey Rop Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 2013 ii The dissertation of Jeffrey Rop was reviewed and approved* by the following: Mark Munn Professor of Ancient Greek History and Greek Archaeology, Classics and Ancient Mediterranean Studies Dissertation Advisor Chair of Committee Gary N. Knoppers Edwin Erle Sparks Professor of Classics and Ancient Mediterranean Studies, Religious Studies, and Jewish Studies Garrett G. Fagan Professor of Ancient History and Classics and Ancient Mediterranean Studies Kenneth Hirth Professor of Anthropology Carol Reardon George Winfree Professor of American History David Atwill Associate Professor of History and Asian Studies Graduate Program Director for the Department of History *Signatures are on file in the Graduate School iii ABSTRACT This dissertation examines Greek mercenary service in the Near East from 401- 330 BCE. Traditionally, the employment of Greek soldiers by the Persian Achaemenid Empire and the Kingdom of Egypt during this period has been understood to indicate the military weakness of these polities and the superiority of Greek hoplites over their Near Eastern counterparts. I demonstrate that the purported superiority of Greek heavy infantry has been exaggerated by Greco-Roman authors. Furthermore, close examination of Greek mercenary service reveals that the recruitment of Greek soldiers was not the purpose of Achaemenid foreign policy in Greece and the Aegean, but was instead an indication of the political subordination of prominent Greek citizens and poleis, conducted through the social institution of xenia, to Persian satraps and kings. -
Philip II, Alexander the Great, and the Rise and Fall of the Macedonian
Epidamnus S tr Byzantium ym THRACE on R Amphipolis A . NI PROPONTIS O Eion ED Thasos Cyzicus C Stagira Aegospotami A Acanthus CHALCIDICE M Lampsacus Dascylium Potidaea Cynossema Scione Troy AEOLIS LY Corcyra SA ES Ambracia H Lesbos T AEGEAN MYSIA AE SEA Anactorium TO Mytilene Sollium L Euboea Arginusae Islands L ACAR- IA YD Delphi IA NANIA Delium Sardes PHOCISThebes Chios Naupactus Gulf Oropus Erythrae of Corinth IONIA Plataea Decelea Chios Notium E ACHAEA Megara L A Athens I R Samos Ephesus Zacynthus S C Corinth Piraeus ATTICA A Argos Icaria Olympia D Laureum I Epidaurus Miletus A Aegina Messene Delos MESSENIA LACONIA Halicarnassus Pylos Sparta Melos Cythera Rhodes 100 miles 160 km Crete Map 1 Greece. xvii W h i t 50 km e D r i n I R. D rin L P A E O L N IA Y Bylazora R . B S la t R r c R y k A . m D I A ) o r x i N a ius n I n n ( Epidamnus O r V e ar G C d ( a A r A n ) L o ig Lychnidus E r E P .E . R o (Ochrid) R rd a ic s u Heraclea u s r ) ( S o s D Lyncestis d u U e c ev i oll) Pella h l Antipatria C c l Edessa a Amphipolis S YN E TI L . G (Berat) E ( AR R DASS Celetrum Mieza Koritsa E O O R Beroea R.Ao R D Aegae (Vergina) us E A S E on Methone T m I A c Olynthus S lia Pydna a A Thermaic . -
The Histories
Place Names Latitude Longitude Numbers of Times Mentioned Adriatic Sea 42.7752864 15.885196 3 Paphos 34.757212 32.406593 1 Oaxos 35.3080415 24.8441326 2 Petra 35.25 26.25 2 Siphnus 35.208535 26.108246 4 Abae 38.5831615 22.929852 5 Abdera 40.93950935 24.9795992 13 Abydos 26.409131 31.91627145 18 Acarnania 38.71765475 21.19036225 2 Achaia 38.10212147 22.22458591 8 Achelous river 38.3388321 21.1067111 3 Acheron river 39.2348296 20.4831346 2 Achilleum 39.914982 26.1511315 1 Achilles 46.5 31.5 1 Pyrene 42.468926 2.866662 1 Adramytteum 39.5023635 26.936321 1 Aegaen Sea 37.44094966 25.85418454 9 Aegina island 37.7409397 23.430141 51 Egyptian sea 31.15802 32.68554 1 Egypt 19.21140877 30.56732963 263 Aeolia 38.84644288 26.95080175 2 Ethiopia 14.125005 38.721522 22 Aetolia 38.51650426 21.75966982 1 Agathyrsi 47.5 27.5 11 Agora 40.513545 26.786353 1 Aegae 38.154879 22.314637 2 Aegaleos Mountain 37.154 21.721 1 Aege 39.978627 23.666064 1 Aegira 38.1297925 22.377887 1 Aegilea island 38.1771519 24.1749085 2 Aegion 38.252707 22.081952 1 Aenea 40.439481 22.879124 2 Aenus 40.7248985 26.085729 2 Aenyra 40.683333 24.65 1 Aesa 40.309275 23.060368 1 Acanthus 40.39975 23.880112 8 Acragas 37.29289215 13.58945448 4 Acrothoum 38.4526062 23.2197021 1 Akrothooi 40.183833 24.34933 1 Alabanda 37.59557847 27.97571613 2 Alalia 42.10240033 9.511828 2 Alopecae 37.95 23.749997 1 Alpeni 38.801852 22.586084 4 Amathus 34.712264 33.13708095 3 Ampelus headland 37.75 26.75 2 Amphicaea 38.642319 22.598214 1 Amphissa 38.518403 22.374172 2 Anagyrous 37.8300155 23.804843 1 Anaphlystus -
I. Index of Deities Ii. Index of Emperors and Empresses Iii
I. INDEX OF DEITIES Alexandria 58-61, 63 Hygieia 49 Ammon I (inscription); 52, Add. 2 Isis I, 2, 5-7 (inscriptions); 23, 41, Anubis 5, 7 (inscriptions); 65 42, 44-46, 50, 52, 53, 57, 60, 62, Apollo 68 64-66, III, Add. 6 Ares 5 (inscription) Isis-Hekate 56, 58, 59, 61, Add. 2 Asklepius 66 Jupiter Heliopolitanus 3 (inscrip- Cybele 124 tion) Diana 68 Mithras 149 Dioscuri 5 (inscription); 149 Nephthys Add. 6 Euthenia 52, 53, 56, 62 Nilus 52, 53, 56-64, 66 Harpocrates 5 (inscription); 61, 62, Osiris 5 (inscription); 43 Add. 24 Ptah 52, 59, 62 Hathor-Venus 49 Roma 3 (inscription) Helios 5 (inscription) Sarapis 2, 5-7 (inscriptions); 39, Hera Add. 35 52, 55, 65, III Hermes 87, 88 Victoria 57, 64, 66 Horus Add. 6 Zeus Strategos 103 II. INDEX OF EMPERORS AND EMPRESSES Antoninus Pius 30, 31, 49, 50, 92, Julianus 112-149; p. VII 93; p. 6, p. 14 Lucius Verus 96, 102 Caligula 3, 4 Marcus Aurelius 32-35, 89, 95, 99, Caracalla 91, 93, 109 100; p. 6 Cleopatra I, 2 Nero 5-8 ; p. 5 Commodus 34, 35,90, 110; p. 6 Septimius Severus 36-38, 97, 106, Domitianus 9-17,40-42; p. 5, p. 14 107, 110 Faustina the Younger 101 Trajanus 18-20, 43-46 ; p. 5, p. 14 Geta 38, 104, 105; p. 6 Antinous 29, 87, 88, 91 Gordianus 70-73, 98, 105 Antinous Heros 74-77,80-82, 84, 85 Hadrianus 21-29, 39, 47, 48, 51, - Heros agathos 78,79 81; p. -
2,500-Year Evolution of the Term Epidemic Paul M.V
HISTORICAL REVIEW 2,500-year Evolution of the Term Epidemic Paul M.V. Martin* and Estelle Martin-Granel† The term epidemic (from the Greek epi [on] plus collecting the clinical observations he would publish in demos [people]), first used by Homer, took its medical Epidemics, his treatise that forms the foundation of mod- meaning when Hippocrates used it as the title of one of his ern medicine, at least 3 terms were used in Ancient Greece famous treatises. At that time, epidemic was the name to describe situations that resembled those described by given to a collection of clinical syndromes, such as coughs Hippocrates: nosos, phtoros, and loimos (2). or diarrheas, occurring and propagating in a given period at a given location. Over centuries, the form and meaning of Nosos, meaning disease, was used by Plato in the 4th the term have changed. Successive epidemics of plague in century BC and clearly had the same meaning 2 centuries the Middle Ages contributed to the definition of an epidem- earlier in the works of Homer and Aeschylus. Nosos ic as the propagation of a single, well-defined disease. The encompasses disease of the mind, body, and soul: physical, meaning of the term continued to evolve in the 19th-centu- including epilepsy, and moral (i.e., psychological and psy- ry era of microbiology. Its most recent semantic evolution chiatric). Phtoros or phthoros means ruin, destruction, dates from the last quarter of the 20th century, and this evo- deterioration, damage, unhappiness, and loss, after war for lution is likely to continue in the future. -
Council of Antioch and Its Aftermath (341-343) Copyright 2018 Glen L
Harmony 2.2 - Council of Antioch and its aftermath (341-343) Copyright 2018 Glen L. Thompson This document is provided for personal and educational use. It may not be used for commercial purposes without the permission of the copyright holder. Last updated 3/26/18 Socrates Sozomen Theodoret 2.4.1a How indeed the Eusebians got Athanasius expelled I shall now tell you. 341 - Council of Antioch summoned 2.8.1 Eusebius, however, could by no means remain 3.5.1 Soon after these occurrences, the emperor went to quiet, but as the saying goes, left no stone unturned, in Antioch, a city of Syria. Here a church had already been order to effect the purpose he had in view. completed, which excelled in size and beauty. Constantine began to build it during his lifetime, and as the structure had been just finished by his son Constantius, it was deemed a favorable opportunity by the partisans of Eusebius, who of old were zealous for it, to convene a council. 2.8.2 Therefore, he caused a Synod to be convened at 3.5.2 They, therefore, with those from various regions Antioch in Syria under the pretense of dedicating the who held their sentiments, met together in Antioch. church which the father of the Augusti had begun to build, and which his son Constantius had finished in the tenth year after its foundations were laid. 2.8.2b The real intention, however, was subverting and 3.5.2c Their professed object was the consecration of abolishing the doctrine of the homoiousia. -
CHAPTER Introduction the Siege of Adrianople Ended in a Asco. After
CHAPTER 16 Introduction The siege of Adrianople ended in a asco. After two days of heavy ghting at the cost of many lives, the Goths decided to raise the siege and to use Perinthus as a base for their predatory raids. Defectors, acting as guides, showed them the way to the riches of the region, which they plundered to their hearts’ content (§1). The inhabitants of Adrianople left the city by night and took the imperial treasure with them, in the hope to nd Valens, not knowing that the emperor had fallen during the battle against the Goths (§2). Fritigern persuaded Huns and Alans with promises of huge booty to join forces with the Goths. Together they ravaged the fertile country around Perinthus without meeting any resistance (§3). Since the fabulous wealth of Constantinople was close at hand, the barbarians made this city their next target. Taking all necessary precautions they advanced in force to the metropolis (§4). At that critical moment, however, the godhead intervened by means of a band of Saracen auxiliaries, who had recently arrived in Constantinople. These erce warriors joined battle with the Goths and their allies. Although the actual battle remained undecided, the fanaticism of one Saracen warrior made a stunning impression on the Goths. He plunged into the enemy lines, slit a man’s throat and sucked the blood out of the wound. That frightened the Goths to such a degree that from then on they lost much of their former audacity (§5–6). Moreover, the sight of the huge walls, the enormous dimensions and the density of the population of Constantinople made the barbarians lose heart. -
ATLAS of CLASSICAL HISTORY
ATLAS of CLASSICAL HISTORY EDITED BY RICHARD J.A.TALBERT London and New York First published 1985 by Croom Helm Ltd Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2003. © 1985 Richard J.A.Talbert and contributors All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Atlas of classical history. 1. History, Ancient—Maps I. Talbert, Richard J.A. 911.3 G3201.S2 ISBN 0-203-40535-8 Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-203-71359-1 (Adobe eReader Format) ISBN 0-415-03463-9 (pbk) Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data Also available CONTENTS Preface v Northern Greece, Macedonia and Thrace 32 Contributors vi The Eastern Aegean and the Asia Minor Equivalent Measurements vi Hinterland 33 Attica 34–5, 181 Maps: map and text page reference placed first, Classical Athens 35–6, 181 further reading reference second Roman Athens 35–6, 181 Halicarnassus 36, 181 The Mediterranean World: Physical 1 Miletus 37, 181 The Aegean in the Bronze Age 2–5, 179 Priene 37, 181 Troy 3, 179 Greek Sicily 38–9, 181 Knossos 3, 179 Syracuse 39, 181 Minoan Crete 4–5, 179 Akragas 40, 181 Mycenae 5, 179 Cyrene 40, 182 Mycenaean Greece 4–6, 179 Olympia 41, 182 Mainland Greece in the Homeric Poems 7–8, Greek Dialects c. -
254 77.–82. Notes on Greek Epitaphs 77. Perinthus: I.Perinthos-Herakleia
254 Adn. Tyche 74–84 77.–82. Notes on Greek Epitaphs L.S.B. MacCoull μνήμης χάριν 77. Perinthus: I.Perinthos-Herakleia 146 A funerary monument at Perinthus of the first or second century stipulates a fine for violating the tomb, to be paid to “my cohort,” the “Swaddlings” (probably a Dionysiac group as the editor observed).26 The amount of the fine as inscribed contains an error of some sort: . [- - - - - - - - -] Σωφροσύνῃ̣. [ἐὰν δὲ ἕ]- τερόν τις ἐνθάδε θάψῃ, 4 δώσει μου σπείρῃ, οἷς τοὔ- νομα Σπαργανιώταις, <Zahl> χρυσοῦς ἑκατόν τε τετραχρύσους. At the end of line 5, there is not space for a siglum, let alone a word. The editor concluded that the mason omitted a numeral: thus, a fine was described in two numbers, <x> aurei plus 100 quadruple-aurei. One must wonder why the two amounts of gold were not simply added so as to give one sum. I propose that the mason committed a different error, one that is well attested:27 he repeated a syllable as he passed from one line to the next, in effect starting the word again, χρυσοῦς ἑκατὸν {τε} / τετραχρύσους. The fine then was simplex rather than complex, “in gold, 100 tetrachrysoi.” But what were these?28 In the classical empire gold is rarely specified for sepulchral fines (in contrast to late antiquity). When this does occur, it is likely a notional unit, meant to be paid in the silver denarii that circulated everywhere. Thus at Olympus in Lycia 10 chrysoi to the fiscus and 10 to the prosecutor would equate to 250 + 250 denarii (TAM II 991). -
Bridging the Hellespont: the Successor Lysimachus - a Study
BRIDGING THE HELLESPONT: THE SUCCESSOR LYSIMACHUS - A STUDY IN EARLY HELLENISTIC KINGSHIP Helen Sarah Lund PhD University College, London ProQuest Number: 10610063 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10610063 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 ABSTRACT Literary evidence on Lysimachus reveals a series of images which may say more about contemporary or later views on kingship than about the actual man, given the intrusion of bias, conventional motifs and propaganda. Thrace was Lysimachus* legacy from Alexander's empire; though problems posed by its formidable tribes and limited resources excluded him from the Successors' wars for nearly ten years, its position, linking Europe and Asia, afforded him some influence, Lysimachus failed to conquer "all of Thrace", but his settlements there achieved enough stability to allow him thoughts of rule across the Hellespont, in Asia Minor, More ambitious and less cautious than is often thought, Lysimachus' acquisition of empire in Asia Minor, Macedon and Greece from c.315 BC to 284 BC reflects considerable military and diplomatic skills, deployed primarily when self-interest demanded rather than reflecting obligations as a permanent member of an "anti-Antigonid team".