Technobureaucratic Capitalism
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Beyond Social Democracy in West Germany?
BEYOND SOCIAL DEMOCRACY IN WEST GERMANY? William Graf I The theme of transcending, bypassing, revising, reinvigorating or otherwise raising German Social Democracy to a higher level recurs throughout the party's century-and-a-quarter history. Figures such as Luxemburg, Hilferding, Liebknecht-as well as Lassalle, Kautsky and Bernstein-recall prolonged, intensive intra-party debates about the desirable relationship between the party and the capitalist state, the sources of its mass support, and the strategy and tactics best suited to accomplishing socialism. Although the post-1945 SPD has in many ways replicated these controversies surrounding the limits and prospects of Social Democracy, it has not reproduced the Left-Right dimension, the fundamental lines of political discourse that characterised the party before 1933 and indeed, in exile or underground during the Third Reich. The crucial difference between then and now is that during the Second Reich and Weimar Republic, any significant shift to the right on the part of the SPD leader- ship,' such as the parliamentary party's approval of war credits in 1914, its truck under Ebert with the reactionary forces, its periodic lapses into 'parliamentary opportunism' or the right rump's acceptance of Hitler's Enabling Law in 1933, would be countered and challenged at every step by the Left. The success of the USPD, the rise of the Spartacus move- ment, and the consistent increase in the KPD's mass following throughout the Weimar era were all concrete and determined reactions to deficiences or revisions in Social Democratic praxis. Since 1945, however, the dynamics of Social Democracy have changed considerably. -
Gründungsaufruf Des Kuratoriums Für Einen Demokratisch Verfassten Bund Der Länder
Am 16. Juni 1990 hat sich im Reichstag, Berlin, Das Kuratorium ist ein Forum für eine breite das KURATORIUM FÜR EINEN DEMOKRA- öffentliche Verfassungsdiskussion, eine TISCH VERFASSTEN BUND DEUTSCHER LÄN- Verfassunggebende Versammlung und für DER gegründet und folgenden Gründungsauf- eine gesamtdeutsche Verfassung mit Volks- ruf verabschiedet: entscheid. Um diesen Forderungen Nach- „Das KURATORIUM FÜR EINEN DEMOKRA- druck zu verleihen, führen wir eine Unter- TISCH VERFASSTEN BUND DEUTSCHER LÄN- schriftensammlung durch und rufen auf, DER hat sich gebildet, um eine breite öffentliche Ver- sich daran aktiv zu beteiligen. fassungsdiskussion zu fördern, deren Ergebnisse in eine Verfassunggebende Versammlung einmünden sol- „Ich will, daß die Menschen in der B R D und in der len. Auf der Basis des Grundgesetzes für die Bundes- D D R ihr politisches Zusammenleben selbst gestalten republik Deutschland, unter Wahrung der in ihm ent- und darüber in einer Volksabstimmung entscheiden haltenen Grundrechte und unter Berücksichtigung können. Die wichtigsten Weichenstellungen für die des Verfassungsentwurfs des Runden Tisches für die neue deutsche Republik dürfen nicht über die Köpfe DDR, soll eine neue gesamtdeutsche Verfassung aus- der Menschen hinweg getroffen werden. gearbeitet werden. Wir setzen uns dafür ein, daß die Deshalb muß unter Beteiligung der Bürgerinnen und Einberufung einer Verfassunggebenden Versammlung Bürger eine Verfassung ausgearbeitet und ,von dem zwischen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und der deutschen Volke in freier Entscheidung beschlossen' Deutschen Demokratischen Republik verbindlich werden (Art. 146 GG). Diese Verfassung darf nicht festgeschrieben und die neue gesamtdeutsche Verfas- hinter das Grundgesetz der Bunderepublik Deutsch- sung von den Bürgerinnen und Bürgern durch Volks- land zurückfallen. Sie bietet vielmehr die Chance, entscheid angenommen wird." (verabschiedet auf der den hinzugekommenen Aufgaben entsprechend, die Gründungssitzung des Kuratoriums am 16. -
1 Claus Offe Crisis and Innovation of Liberal Democracy: Can Deliberation
Claus Offe Crisis and innovation of liberal democracy: Can deliberation be institutionalized? Liberal democracies, and by far not just the new ones among them, are not functioning well. While there is no realistic and normatively respectable alternative to liberal democracy in sight, the widely observed decline of democratic politics, as well as state policies under democracy, provides reasons for concern. This concern is a challenge for sociologically informed political theorists to come up with designs for remedial innovations of liberal democracy. In this essay, I am going to review institutional designs for democratic innovation. I shall proceed as follows. The first section addresses the question of the functions of liberal democracy. What are the fea- tures and expected outcomes of democracy which explain why liberal democracy is so widely considered today to be the most desirable form of political rule? The second section looks at the institutional structure and the constitutive mechanisms of democratic regimes. In either of these sections four relevant items are specified and discussed. Thirdly, I shall provide a very con- densed summary of critical accounts concerning democracy's actual failures and symptoms of malfunctioning. In a final section, I distinguish two families of institutional innovations that are currently being proposed as remedies for some of the observed deficiencies of democracy, with an emphasis on "deliberative" methods of political preference formation. (1) Four functional virtues of liberal democracy 1 The question is not often asked, as its answer appears quite obvious: What is democracy good for? In fact, there are several answers, corresponding to different schools of political theory. -
Liberalism and Economic Liberty
jeppe von platz and john tomasi 11 Liberalism and economic liberty introduction Can the state decide how much people must be paid for their work, say, by setting a minimum wage? Can it limit how many hours people may work in a day or week? Can the state require that people must be licensed to sell medical services, alcohol, or groceries? Can the state require that people save for their own retirement, or that they con- tribute some determined amount to medical insurance? Can the state levy taxes to provide putative public goods such as roads or national defense, or to fund medical care or housing for the needy? These are questions about economic liberty. They require us to consider what authority the state has to regulate economic activity. We can consider these questions in a slightly different way. If we approach the authority of the state in terms of the authority of citizens to regulate themselves as a collective, then it is natural to view questions about what the state can do in terms of what free and equal citizens can justify to each other. Can citizens justify to each other imposing requirements about the wages they must be paid or the hours they can work? Can citizens justify to each other the requirement that various professionals must be licensed? Can citi- zens justify to each other mandatory saving for retirement or man- datory participation in an insurance scheme? These two ways of asking questions about economic liberty invite two different approaches to answering them. Asking the questions in the first way invites reasoning that foregrounds the social results of free economic agency. -
The Community As Entrepreneurial Firm: Common Property Capitalism in Mexican Forest Communities Creates Jobs, Competes in Global Markets, and Conserves Biodiversity
The Community as Entrepreneurial Firm: Common Property Capitalism in Mexican Forest Communities Creates Jobs, Competes in Global Markets, and Conserves Biodiversity Professor David Barton Bray This article was published previously by Americas Quarterly on February 15, 2010 The Community as an Entrepreneurial Firm 2 Imagine a business with a 384-member board of directors that governs using organizational principles predating the rise of modern capitalism. Imagine as well that this business has a 20-member executive committee that includes the town mechanic and newspaper vendor, and whose monthly meetings can last three days. The business also changes its CEO and other officers every three years, regardless of whether they have done a good job. Sound impractical? In fact, such an enterprise has transformed hundreds of poor Mexican Zapotec indigenous farmers into owners of a multi-million dollar diversified forest industry. A sign posted at the entrance to the enterprise offices sums up its character succinctly: “In this community private property does not exist. The buying and selling of communal lands is prohibited,” The Forest, Agriculture, and Services Communal Enterprise” of Ixtlán de Juarez, a forest community in the Sierra Norte of Oaxaca, an hour north of the city of Oaxaca, evolved from traditional forms of governance developed by the Zapotec ancestors of the people of Ixtlán that were later reinforced with agrarian governance structures mandated by the Mexican government. The structures were designed to run community affairs, not businesses. Nevertheless, Ixtlán, along with many other forest communities in that region of Mexico, have successfully fused communal democratic traditions with the principles of competitive market enterprises to achieve economic equity. -
Economic Theory, Politics and the State in the Neoliberal Epoch
Economic Theory, Politics and the State in the Neoliberal Epoch Stahl, Rune Møller Document Version Submitted manuscript Publication date: 2018 Citation for published version (APA): Stahl, R. M. (2018). Economic Theory, Politics and the State in the Neoliberal Epoch. Department of Political Science, University of Copenhagen. Ph.d.-serien Link to publication in CBS Research Portal General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us ([email protected]) providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 30. Sep. 2021 ECONOMIC THEORY, POLITICS AND THE STATE IN THE NEOLIBERAL EPOCH Rune Møller Stahl Department of Political Science Faculty of Social Sciences University of Copenhagen This thesis is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy January 2018 CONTENT Acknowledgements ..................................................................................................................................................... 3 Thesis Framework ............................................................................................................................... 5 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................................ -
Black Economic Development As a Strategy for Community Development
BLACK ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AS A STRATEGY FOR COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT by SUSAN STARZYNSKI YOUNG B.A., Chatham College (1962) M.A., Syracuse University (1964) SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF CITY PLANNING at the MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY September, 1969 . Signature of Author .... .... *... .. .. .. Department of Urban Studies and Planning Certified by thsis Supervisor I Accepted by . P a .. ... DepartmentaloChairman, Committee on Graduate Students Room 14-0551 77 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02139 Ph: 617.253.2800 MITLib ries Email: [email protected] Document Services http://Iibraries.mit.edu/docs DISCLAIM ER Page has been ommitted due to a pagination error by the author. ( Page 16 ) 2. ABSTRACT Title: Black Economic Development as a Strategy for Community Development Author: Susan Starzynski Young Submitted to the Department of Urban Studies and Planning in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Master of City Planning. Discussion on the current attempts to increase black economic development reveal widely divergent views on the direction the development is expected to take. One view holds that it will lead to a separatist black economy, while another holds that it will produce greater integration. It is anti- cipated both that traditional capitalistic structures and communal structures will be the dominant form of organization. It predicts that development will be large scale and dominated by large corporations and also that it will be insignificant and petty. The future of black communities will, in part, be shaped by the direction economic development takes, especially as goals being established by ghetto political leaders could either be fostered or destroyed by the path economic development takes. -
Lecture 27 Sociology 621 April 30, 2008 What Is Socialism?
Lecture 27 Sociology 621 April 30, 2008 What is Socialism? I. What Do Socialists Want? Socialists have traditionally criticized capitalism for the ways in which it violates five central values: 1. Equality: Capitalism generates morally intolerable levels of inequality of material conditions of people. This is especially offensive in its impact on children, but more broadly the levels of material deprivation in a world of affluence generated by capitalism violates a wide range of principles of egalitarian justice held by socialists. 2. Democracy: Capitalism thwarts democracy. By placing the basic economic resources and conditions of investment in hands of private individuals, the capacity of the democratic polity to make decisions about the fate of the community is significantly undermined. 3. Autonomy: Capitalism robs most people of meaningful control over much of their work lives. There is a deep meaning-deficit in most people’s lives because they are pawns in other people’s projects. Capitalism does not merely generate inequality and poverty through exploitation, it generates alienation as well. 4. Community: Capitalism undermines a sense of solidarity among people. As G.A. Cohen has argued, the forms of competition and conflict built into capitalism drive economic activities primarily on the basis of two motives -- greed and fear. Instead of social interaction in economic life being normatively organized around the principle of helping others, it is organized primarily around motive of taking advantage of the weakness of others for one's own gain. This underwrites a culture of selfish individualism and atomism. 5. Efficiency/rationality: This may seem quite odd, but traditionally socialists have criticized capitalism because it was irrational, wasteful and ultimately inefficient. -
Solving the EU's Democratic Deficit Would Help Revive Democracy at the National Level
Solving the EU’s democratic deficit would help revive democracy at the national level blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2014/12/16/solving-the-eus-democratic-deficit-would-help-revive-democracy-at-the- national-level/ 16/12/2014 The European Union has often been accused of having a ‘democratic deficit’, but what measures would actually improve EU democracy? William Outhwaite writes on theoretical models of democracy and how they might be applied to EU politics. He notes that while the democratic problems associated with the EU policy process are very real, strong leadership from within the EU’s institutions could help bring about a revival of democracy at both the national and European levels. To paraphrase Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the EU is born free yet is everywhere in chains. Its member states have by law to be democratic (Hungary is currently pushing this particular envelope), but there is a discussion of principle about whether the Union itself needs democracy which it would be hard (and disturbing) to find in any member state. This uncertainty exists among both experts and the public. Citizens are prone to feel decisions ought to be made at the national level, while criticising the EU for its lack of democracy. Europe’s ‘democratic deficit’ The ‘democratic deficit’ in the EU has been a topic since the 1980s; a good source of an explanation is the ‘ gridlock’ model, in which an initially successful organisational model becomes an obstacle to further change. The tension between the Council, made up of (often, though not always, elected) politicians from member states on the one hand and the directly elected Parliament on the other is a structural feature of the EU; so is the tension between its formal decision-making structures and intergovernmental deals between (usually the larger) member states. -
Strengthening Democracy in Uncertain Times
CONFERENCE PROGRAM — STRENGTHENING DEMOCRACY IN UNCERTAIN TIMES 21ST FORUM 2000 CONFERENCE | 8—10 October 2017 | Prague and other cities www.forum2000.cz | #forum2000 SIDE EFFECTS: FAILURE TO USE THIS PRODUCT INCREASES THE RISK THAT SOMEONE ELSE WILL MISUSE IT. WARNING: IMPROPER HANDLING OF FREE ELECTIONS WILL CAUSE DETERIORATION OF DEMOCRACY. THIS PRODUCT IS SENSITIVE TO POPULISM. PLEASE KEEP IT OUT OF THE REACH OF IRRESPONSIBLE INDIVIDUALS. STRENGTHENING DEMOCRACY IN UNCERTAIN TIMES 21ST FORUM 2000 CONFERENCE | 8–10 October 2017 | Prague and other cities www.forum2000.cz | #forum2000 2 Conference App: #forum2000 3 SUNDAY — OCTOBER 8 4 11.00—12.30 Discussion (Faculty of Law, Charles University) d EN CHANGING INTERNATIONAL ORDER AND THE FUTURE OF OUR PLANET Opening remarks Prince Albert II of Monaco — Head of State, Monaco Remarks Karel Schwarzenberg — Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Chamber of Deputies, Parliament, Czech Republic t Mohamed Nasheed — Former President, Human Rights and Environmental Activist, Maldives Moderator Bedřich Moldan — Director, Environment Center, Charles University, Czech Republic 16.00—17.30 Panel (Embassy of Germany) d EN THE CHALLENGES OF THE TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONS AND THE IMPACT ON DEMOCRACY In cooperation with the Embassy of the Federal Republic of Germany and the Friedrich Naumann Foundation. By special invitation only. Welcome Guido Müntel — Spokesperson, German Embassy in Prague, Germany Panel discussion Claus Offe — Political Sociologist, Hertie School of Governance, Germany t Thomas Carothers — Senior Vice President for Studies, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, USA t Yascha Mounk — Political Scientist, Harvard University, Germany t Karl-Heinz Paqué — Vice President, Friedrich Naumann Foundation, Germany Moderator Pavel Fischer — Director, STEM, Member, Program Council, Forum 2000 Foundation, Czech Republic 19.00—21.00 Ceremony and Reception (Prague Crossroads) d EN OPENING CEREMONY By special invitation only. -
FJNSB 2005 2.Pdf
Inhalt Forschungsjournal NSB, Jg. 18, 2/2005 1 EDITORIAL PULSSCHLAG .................................................................................................................................... .................................................................................................................................... 2 Strategisches Niemandsland 98 Helmut Martens Institution und soziale Bewegung: Strategi- AKTUELLE ANALYSE .................................................................................................................................... sche Herausforderung der Gewerkschaften 5 Gerd Mielke 105 Silke Brauers Auf der Suche nach der Gerechtigkeit Erfahrungswissen Älterer hoch im Kurs – Anmerkungen zur Programmdiskussion der ein internationaler Vergleich SPD in einer Zeit der Identitätskrise 110 Konstantin von Normann THEMENSCHWERPUNKT .................................................................................................................................... Die Evolution der Deutschen Tafeln 18 Rudolf Speth / Thomas Leif Eine Studie über eine junge Nonprofit- Thesen zum Workshop Organisation ,Strategiebildung und Strategieblockaden‘ 116 Marius Haberland 20 Rudolf Speth Protest und Vernetzung am Beispiel der Strategiebildung in der Politik ‚Initiative Berliner Sozialforum‘ 38 Andrea Nahles TREIBGUT Der Strategiebildungsprozess der SPD .................................................................................................................................... 121 Materialien, Notizen, Hinweise -
The Political Economy of Food Insecurity in East Asia
Rice, politics and power: the political economy of food insecurity in East Asia Paul Belesky Master of International Studies (International Relations) The University of Queensland A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Queensland, 2016 School of Political Science and International Studies School of Social Science Abstract This thesis has three main objectives: (1) to provide a critical political economy study of the complex interplay between rice, politics and power in East Asia; (2) to make a contribution to understanding the evolution of the regional and global food system through an historically-contextualised exploration of the political economy of rice in the East Asian region; and (3) to make a contribution towards an alternative analytical framework for the political economy of food insecurity in the region. This study focuses on the agricultural commodity of rice as a prism through which to examine and explore the complex and multidimensional nature of food insecurity in the region, with rice providing a lens through which to explore social relations and relations of power that underpin the political economy of food and agriculture. This study has identified a gap in literature in relation to a contemporary analysis of the political economy of rice, with a second gap appearing in relation to the evolution of the global food system from an East Asian perspective. This thesis aims to make a contribution towards addressing these gaps in literature. With these objectives in mind, this thesis responds