Copyright by Eric Alan Ratliff 2003
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Copyright by Eric Alan Ratliff 2003 The Dissertation Committee for Eric Alan Ratliff Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: The Price of Passion: Performances of Consumption and Desire in the Philippine Go-Go Bar Committee: ____________________________________ Douglas Foley, Supervisor ____________________________________ Kamran Asdar Ali ____________________________________ Robert Fernea ____________________________________ Ward Keeler ____________________________________ Mark Nichter The Price of Passion: Performances of Consumption and Desire in the Philippine Go-Go Bar by Eric Alan Ratliff, B.A., M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin May 2003 Acknowledgements A project of this scope and duration does not progress very far without the assistance of many people. I would first like to acknowledge my dissertation committee members for their advice and encouragement over these many years. Douglas Foley, Ward Keeler, Robert Fernea, Kamran Ali and Mark Nichter provided constructive comments during those times when I could not find the right words and continuing motivation when my own patience and enthusiasm was waning. As with the subjects of my study, their ‘stories’ of ethnographic practice were both informative and entertaining at just the right moments. Many others have also offered inspiration and valuable suggestions over the years, including Eufracio Abaya, Laura Agustín, Priscilla Alexander, Dr. Nicolas Bautista, Katherine Frank, Jeanne Francis Illo, Geoff Manthey, Sachiyo Yamato, Aida Santos, Melbourne Tapper, and Kamala Visweswaran. This research would never have gotten off the ground without the support of the ReachOut AIDS Education Foundation (now ReachOut Foundation International). Jomar Fleras has always been there with unwavering support when others doubted my ability and sincerity, and Josie dela Cruz made a place for me at the ReachOut ‘home’ in Angeles, offering valuable insight into the local socio-political considerations. Funding for work in Leyte and Samar (1993-94) came in the form of a Fulbright- IIE fellowship to study schistosomiasis and a subsequent return to these Visayan islands (1999-2000) was supported by a Fulbright-Hays fellowship. The Philippine-American Educational Foundation (PAEF) in Makati administered both grants, and the director, Alex Calata, and the rest of the staff have been extremely helpful, particularly during my initial research period in the Philippines. Drs. Remigio Olveda, Gemiliano Aligui, and Bernadette Ramirez at the Research Institute for Tropical Medicine (RITM) facilitated my stay in Leyte and provided housing when I was in Manila during 1993 and 1994. I would also like to thank Steven T. McGarvey for introducing me to the Philippines in 1992 – I never imagined that the short research project would evolve into this! During my second Fulbright stint, I was affiliated with the Institute for Philippine Culture (IPC) iv at Ateneo de Manila University in Quezon City. I would like to thank Mary Racelis and the rest of the IPC staff for their generous assistance. Writing during 2000-01 was supported by The Research School for Pacific and Asian Studies (RSPAS) at the Australian National University through funding from the Henry Luce Foundation. Kathryn Robinson and Benedict Kerkvliet provided timely guidance and advice in the production of this manuscript, while Lisa Law, Terrence Hull and Fadzilah Cooke supplied additional intellectual stimulation during our impromptu discussions. While living in Leyte and Samar, many extended their hospitality and assistance to furthering my understanding of local conditions and evolving research interests. The barangay of Macanip (in the municipio of Jaro, Leyte) served as ‘home’ and ‘field’ for many months, and the Adlawan and Arbas families were instrumental in helping me navigate the intricacies of Waray culture through incorporation in their households. Local government officials in Jaro (and throughout the Eastern Visayas) were more than accommodating in granting access and answering my questions. In Tacloban City, Dr. Cresencia Chan-Gonzaga and the faculty of Leyte State University provided language instruction as well as engaging commentary on my work. The primary subjects of the study – the denizens of go-go bars in Makati and Angeles cities – deserve special gratitude for allowing me into their lives. Under the best conditions, people have difficulty in describing their erotic experiences and expressing their sexual desires; the trying circumstances of this time and place make their contributions all the more meaningful. Finally, I want to thank my family for their unwavering support over these many years. My parents David Ratliff and Jane Aker have made the long distances seem shorter through their continued assistance in this academic endeavor. I cannot say enough about my wife Leonor, who has furnished a critical eye toward my reading of go- go bars and Philippine culture through her own experiences. I also want to thank my daughter Kira for keeping my priorities in order. This ethnography is for them and all the other Filipinas who dream of better lives and pursue their desires. v The Price of Passion: Performances of Consumption and Desire in the Philippine Go-Go Bar Publication No. ________ Eric Alan Ratliff, Ph.D. The University of Texas at Austin, 2003 Supervisor: Douglas Foley The emergence of a global, (post)modern ‘consumer culture’ has resulted in an increasing commodification of people and their relationships, destabilizing many ‘traditional’ ideas and practices concerning sexual intimacy. This is especially evident in those encounters between foreign men and local women that arise in Philippine go-go bars, where an assortment of sexual arrangements – from prostitution to marriage – are negotiated according to the variable desires of the participants. Analyzing the activities within this space from a dramaturgical standpoint, I show how women and men adopt particular social / sexual identities and ‘scripts’ to achieve their personal aspirations through the manipulation of others, creating myriad gendered discourses and performances to express their diverse sexual, socioeconomic and political longings. Through the production and consumption of individual narratives and (re)presentations, actors in this liminal setting can satisfy their desires for personal autonomy and ‘success’ insofar as they embody desired ‘lifestyles’ through the active incorporation of goods, images and services. Moreover, in the enactment of these alternative biographies and practices, people also challenge the prevailing socioerotic discourses by modifying the symbolic meanings of sexual relations in line with notions of consumer sovereignty and personal agency within a liberal, late-capitalist framework. vi Table of Contents Introduction Angeles City, July 1995 1 Chapter 1 Ethnography or Pornography? Tales of Sex (Work) 9 Chapter 2 Discursive Struggles 40 Chapter 3 Sexscapes 93 Chapter 4 The Dynamics of Gazing 136 Chapter 5 Of Masks and Mirrors 180 Chapter 6 Narrative Re-Visions 228 Conclusion Makati, February 2001 244 Glossary 249 Bibliography 251 Vita 272 vii Introduction Angeles City, July 1995 “Blowjob, sir.” Is that a proposition? Or simply a means of introducing one’s self in a setting where public expressions of sex are commonplace? The timid utterance coming from the ramshackle bungalow caught me by surprise, even though it was precisely what I was looking for this evening. Strolling along in my capacity as a social ‘scientist,’ I was not seeking physical stimulation, but rather an opportunity to discuss and observe human sexual behavior – a pursuit that is itself pleasurable. The matter-of-fact manner in which the young woman announced the availability of this service highlighted the ambiguity of her erotic suggestion as well as my research. Neither of us had any yearning to engage in this type of intercourse at the time (as far as I know), yet the stereotypical expectations of sexual performance made it difficult to base our brief encounter on anything else. As a foreign male in this setting I am supposed to crave sex-on-demand, and be willing to pay for it; as a Filipina occupying this particular location in the sexual landscape, she is expected to provide such services. The statement “blowjob, sir” should have removed all doubt regarding her availability for oral copulation or anything else I was willing to purchase from her: simply put, she wanted money and I wanted information. However, I continued down the road because I had already learned that for most women working in the sex industry, a ‘blowjob’ is easier than, and often preferable to, revealing one’s identity and desires. There are many similar offers indicating the availability of sexual services in the bars, massage parlors, and streets of the Philippines (as well as in other venues across Asia and the rest of the world) designed to draw consumers into various spaces and relations. Walking down a dimly lit side street away from the main strip of nightclubs along Fields Avenue in Angeles City, you may stumble across a row of houses known locally as Blowjob Alley. It is where foreign men go if they want to receive that specific service, and the refrain of “blowjob” resonates in hushed tones from doorways and 1 windows (spoken by women and also men performing