DOCSLIB.ORG

Proquest Dissertations

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Proquest Dissertations ADDING INSULT TO INJURY: EMOTION, FRAMING, AND COGNITIVE LIBERATION IN GEORGIA'S ROSE REVOLUTION By Kelli Hash-Gonzalez Submitted to the Faculty of the School of International Service of American University in Partial Fulfillment of l D \ , . l . I . (..Y \"-A Q \. ~ f', f'\Ct\ 0 /) the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In ath /I . ~ , l,·t~I -~~L.·· .·· . /(... , ... ~··-/, Dr. Charles H. Fairbanks, Jr. ~ ··· ~~x CJW--1~ /Dr:-Miguel Carter J b w OtJDh_ Dean of the School /<; 0fsT Date 2008 American University Washington, D.C. 20016 AMERICAN UNIVERSITY UBFV\RY C\ 2>\?\ UMI Number: 3340557 Copyright 2008 by Hash-Gonzalez, Kelli All rights reserved. INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. ® UMI UMI Microform 3340557 Copyright 2009 by ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 E. Eisenhower Parkway PO Box 1346 Ann Arbor, MI 481 06-1346 ©COPYRIGHT by Kelli Hash-Gonzalez 2008 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED This is dedicated to Kate Lomtatidze, Vera Gogokhia, and all hopeful people. ADDING INSULT TO INJURY: EMOTION, FRAMING, AND COGNITIVE LIBERATION IN GEORGIA'S ROSE REVOLUTION BY Kelli Hash-Gonzalez ABSTRACT This dissertation looks at popular mobilization during Georgia's Rose Revolution (November 2003). It asks why a relatively large number of people joined the movements and protests, despite the apathy and resignation that pervaded the political culture. An inductive, comparative analysis examines the responses of protestors and non-protestors, in an effort to understand what made the difference in their behavior: Why did some people become active, while others remained at home? Why did this instance of election fraud provoke such a reaction, in contrast to previous instances? While other factors were also necessary, I argue that we can only understand the popular mobilization if we look at the role emotion played in moving people to protest. In order for a sufficient number of people to join the protest movement, the old mindset of resignation and passiveness had to change. Some Georgians experienced such a change in consciousness, as they made the transition from frustrated resignation to outraged and empowered defiance. A sufficient number of people began to believe that they might have the power to cause change. I argue that this transformation, sometimes known as cognitive liberation, was possible because of emotion. This is because emotions and beliefs are intimately 11 connected and therefore able to influence each other. They work together, in turn, to influence human behavior. In the Georgian case, one means by which emotions and beliefs impacted protest behavior was the collective action frames. In their framing work, activists appealed to people's emotions, as well as to their beliefs and values. Thanks to this framing work and its emotional component, activists were able to amplify beliefs that supported participation and transform beliefs that did not. They were able to overcome the resignation and apathy and mobilize a critical mass of people. 111 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank the Fulbright Organization and Institute for International Education for supporting the language study that made this research possible. Charles Fairbanks and the American-Georgian Initiative for Liberal Education provided financial support that allowed me to conduct the field work. I am grateful to all of the people who shared their stories and their homes with me in Georgia, and to my committee and other scholars for their input and encouragement: Cathy Schneider, Charles Fairbanks, Miguel Carter, Louise Shelley, Jerrold Post, James Jasper, and Louis Goodman. Finally, I thank my husband Ed for his enduring patience and generosity. My 'paper' is finally done. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT .......................................................................................... .ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .......................................................................... iv LIST OF TABLES ...................................................................................vi LIST OF ACRONYMS .............................................................................. vii Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION ....................................................................... l 2. THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO MOBILIZATION .......................... 6 3. DEVELOPMENT OF THE DEMAND: GEORGIA UP TO 2001. ............. .40 4. CREATION OF THE SUPPLY ...................................................... 76 5. MOBILIZATION: THE ROSE REVOLUTION ................................. 102 6. FINDINGS ............................................................................. 141 7. DISCUSSION ........................................................................ .155 8. EPILOGUE ............................................................................ 187 APPENDIX ......................................................................................... 199 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................. 200 v LIST OF TABLES PRELIMINARY ELECTION RESULTS ...................................................... 105 vi ACRONYMS ALPE Legal Education Association CEC Central Election Commission CUG Citizens' Union of Georgia GFSIS Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies GYLA Georgian Young Lawyers' Association IS FED International Society for Fair Elections and Democracy OSCE Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe OSGF Open Society Georgia Foundation PVT Parallel Vote Tabulation RR Rose Revolution TSU Tbilisi State University vii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION We finally saw a revolution with our own eyes. We had been taught that the 1917 revolution was the greatest thing, and then we saw one with our own eyes. There aren't many revolutionaries in history-Lenin, Castro, but not Chavez. Saakashvili is now one of their number. Revolution is an operation without anesthesia, and you observe while they cut you open. But the living body was already dying, and the operation had to be done. We saw it all on tv, without anesthetic. We all watched the operation. Where else will you ever see such a thing? It's a very interesting thing to watch and go through, an historic event. And we were afraid. Who isn't afraid of an operation? Even the doctor's hands shake. When I watched it, my hair stood on end. We knew something big was happening, and didn't know how it would end. 1 This 'operation' was the 2003 Rose Revolution, performed on the critically ill Republic of Georgia.2 The country was dying--ofpoor governance and total corruption. Years of ineffective, corrupt leadership had reduced the country, once a relatively prosperous Soviet republic, to poverty. By 2000, Georgia had received more than a billion dollars in US aid,3 and a common perception was that elites were siphoning off funds for their own use. People saw the extravagant homes and expensive suits and watches that government employees could not have afforded on their official salaries. At the same time, people could see the country's infrastructure crumbling before their eyes. 1 Confidential interview with non-protestor, by author, October 10, 2006, Tbilisi, Georgia, digital recording, (22). 2 There is a lack of agreement on whether this event was indeed a revolution in the classical sense. I bracket this question in my work and refer to it as a revolution, because that is how it has come to be known. 3 "Country Report: Georgia," Economist Intelligence Unit (November 2003), 24, http://www.eiu.com (accessed May 21, 2006). 1 2 The country was also falling apart in a literal sense, as Shevardnadze had proved unable to restore Georgia's territorial integrity. Two breakaway regions had remained de facto independent for ten years by the time of the Rose Revolution (hereafter referred to as the RR). The parliamentary elections of November 2003 proved to be the last straw. After President Shevardnadze and his allies tried to steal the election, thousands of Georgians protested in cold, rainy weather for weeks, sometimes overnight. The size of the crowd fluctuated, from a few hundred up to about 100,000.4 First, the people demanded the true election results, and later-the president's resignation. Shevardnadze resigned after three weeks of protest, and even more impressive is the fact that there was so little violence involved. In hindsight, people's reaction is not surprising, but it could not have been taken for granted at the time that so many would rise up in protest. 5 Georgians had good reasons not to participate in the protest movement. The poverty that angered people also exhausted them. Some who might otherwise have been politically active were too busy trying to support families. Also, cynicism and distrust of political authority are part of Georgia's Soviet legacy. Politics is popularly considered a truly 'dirty' business, activist Giorgi Kandelaki writes: "Georgia was a typical post-Soviet society, where the popular attitude towards any kind of political participation
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Georgia's October 2013 Presidential Election: Outcome and Implications
    Georgia’s October 2013 Presidential Election: Outcome and Implications Jim Nichol Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs November 4, 2013 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43299 Georgia’s October 2013 Presidential Election: Outcome and Implications Summary This report discusses Georgia’s October 27, 2013, presidential election and its implications for U.S. interests. The election took place one year after a legislative election that witnessed the mostly peaceful shift of legislative and ministerial power from the ruling party, the United National Movement (UNM), to the Georgia Dream (GD) coalition bloc. The newly elected president, Giorgi Margvelashvili of the GD, will have fewer powers under recently approved constitutional changes. Most observers have viewed the 2013 presidential election as marking Georgia’s further progress in democratization, including a peaceful shift of presidential power from UNM head Mikheil Saakashvili to GD official Margvelashvili. Some analysts, however, have raised concerns over ongoing tensions between the UNM and GD, as well as Prime Minister and GD head Bidzini Ivanishvili’s announcement on November 2, 2013, that he will step down as the premier. In his victory speech on October 28, Margvelashvili reaffirmed Georgia’s Euro-Atlantic foreign policy orientation, including the pursuit of Georgia’s future membership in NATO and the EU. At the same time, he reiterated that GD would continue to pursue the normalization of ties with Russia. On October 28, 2013, the U.S. State Department praised the Georgian presidential election as generally democratic and expressing the will of the people, and as demonstrating Georgia’s continuing commitment to Euro-Atlantic integration.
    [Show full text]
  • PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION in GEORGIA 27Th October 2013
    PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN GEORGIA 27th October 2013 European Elections monitor The candidate in office, Giorgi Margvelashvili, favourite in the Presidential Election in Georgia Corinne Deloy Translated by Helen Levy On 27th October next, 3,537,249 Georgians will be electing their president of the republic. The election is important even though the constitutional reform of 2010 deprived the Head of State of some of his powers to be benefit of the Prime Minister and Parliament (Sakartvelos Parlamenti). The President of the Republic will no longer be able to dismiss the government and convene a new Analysis cabinet without parliament’s approval. The latter will also be responsible for appointing the regional governors, which previously lay within the powers of the President of the Republic. The constitutional reform which modified the powers enjoyed by the head of State was approved by the Georgian parliament on 21st March last 135 votes in support, i.e. all of the MPs present. The outgoing President, Mikheil Saakashvili (United National Movement, ENM), in office since the election on 4th January 2004 cannot run for office again since the Constitution does not allow more than two consecutive mandates. Georgian Dream-Democratic Georgia in coalition with Mikheil Saakashvili. 10 have been appointed by politi- Our Georgia-Free Democrats led by former representa- cal parties, 13 by initiative groups. 54 people registe- tive of Georgia at the UN, Irakli Alasania, the Republi- red to stand in all. can Party led by Davit Usupashvili, the National Forum The candidates are as follows: led by Kakha Shartava, the Conservative Party led by Zviad Dzidziguri and Industry will save Georgia led by – Giorgi Margvelashvili (Georgian Dream-Democratic Prime Minister Bidzina Ivanishvili has been in office Georgia), former Minister of Education and Science and since the general elections on 1st October 2012.
    [Show full text]
  • Local Elites in the Years of Independence (The Example of Gurjaani District, Georgia)
    DIFFERENT GOVERNMENTS IN TBILISI, SAME PEOPLE IN REGIONS: LOCAL ELITES IN THE YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE (THE EXAMPLE OF GURJAANI DISTRICT, GEORGIA) Giorgi Gotua he ruling political regime in Georgia has changed three times since 1990. Twice the government was replaced through non-constitutional means. None of these regimes were able to consolidate and reach consensus with different groups vying for power regarding basic insti- Ttutions and rules of game. Researchers studying the transition from autocracy to democracy point out various structural factors (culture, socio-economic factors) which they say deter- mine the successful consolidation of new democratic regimes. In recent years, more and more attention has been paid to political elites as essential actors able to decisively influence the direction of state development. Choices made by elites at certain stages of state development, the level of power and authority they ex- ercise in society and the character of relations among various factions determine the success of the process of forming and consolidating a new regime. Studies by G. Field, M. Burton and D. Higley demonstrate that the stability of a regime is directly linked to the degree of consensus among its various fac- tions regarding existing institutions and rules of game (another way to guaran- tee relative stability of the regime, dominance of one group over another, is not discussed as an option within the framework of this research).1 Georgia’s case can serve as a good example demonstrating the correctness of this thesis. During the period of independence three political regimes have changed in Georgia. The regime of President Zviad Gamsakhurdia – which followed the 1 This thesis is presented in: Field G., Hihley J., Burton M., National Elite Configurations and Transitions to De- mocracy // Classes and Elites in Democracy and Democratization: A Collection of Readings / ed.
    [Show full text]
  • Javakheti After the Rose Revolution: Progress and Regress in the Pursuit of National Unity in Georgia
    Javakheti after the Rose Revolution: Progress and Regress in the Pursuit of National Unity in Georgia Hedvig Lohm ECMI Working Paper #38 April 2007 EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR MINORITY ISSUES (ECMI) ECMI Headquarters: Schiffbruecke 12 (Kompagnietor) D-24939 Flensburg Germany +49-(0)461-14 14 9-0 fax +49-(0)461-14 14 9-19 Internet: http://www.ecmi.de ECMI Working Paper #38 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Dr. Marc Weller Copyright 2007 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Published in April 2007 by the European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) ISSN: 1435-9812 2 Table of Contents I. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................4 II. JAVAKHETI IN SOCIO-ECONOMIC TERMS ...........................................................5 1. The Current Socio-Economic Situation .............................................................................6 2. Transformation of Agriculture ...........................................................................................8 3. Socio-Economic Dependency on Russia .......................................................................... 10 III. DIFFERENT ACTORS IN JAVAKHETI ................................................................... 12 1. Tbilisi influence on Javakheti .......................................................................................... 12 2. Role of Armenia and Russia ............................................................................................. 13 3. International
    [Show full text]
  • Report from the Observation of the Presidential Elections in the Republic of Georgia 9 April 2000
    Report from the Observation of the Presidential Elections in the Republic of Georgia 9 April 2000 Table of contents: Preface Executive Summary Introduction Method and Organization of the Election Observation Political Background The Electoral System Observation and Assessment of the Elections Conclusions Recommendations PREFACE This report is based on observation of the presidential elections in the Republic of Georgia 9 April 2000. The conclusions of the report are based on election day observations made by the representatives of the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, as well as information gathered in Georgia from international observers and experts and local NGO-representatives and journalists prior to and after the elections. Our thanks to the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, which provided invaluable assistance and background information. We would also like to thank the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which sponsors the Norwegian Helsinki Committee’s election monitoring activities. The report is written by Helge Blakkisrud and Tomasz Wacko. Oslo, May 2000. Bjørn Engesland Secretary General EXECUTIVE SUMMARY These were the third multi-candidate presidential elections in Georgia since independence was re-established in 1991. The Norwegian Helsinki Committee, which for several years has supported the development of civil society in Georgia, also took active part in monitoring the 1995 presidential (and parliamentary) elections in Georgia. A delegation from the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, consisting of Helge Blakkisrud and Tomasz Wacko, observed the elections as part of the OSCE/ODIHR Observer Mission. The two observers visited a total of 16 polling stations during opening hours on election day and one polling station during the count.
    [Show full text]
  • Peter Nasmyth's Georgia
    PICTURE STORY Peter Nasmyth’s Georgia January 2009 Peter Nasmyth’s Georgia Today's Georgia can only be understood if it is seen in the light of the events of the past two decades. The very difficult transformation the country went through after it declared its independence in 1991, and the conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia which plagued the country since then, still largely shape its present day policies. And nowhere is this better described than in Nasmyth's "Georgia" which is a collection of personal stories of the author and author's friends in Georgia over the years. In his words: I collected stories of people, very specific ones, through which I tell the bigger story of Georgia over time… I never wanted to write about the political forces here, rather the forces that make the politics. This will always give a book a longer life. [Interview with Peter Nasmyth, Tbilisi, October 2008] In the next few pages you will get a guided tour of this excellent book. It is written and it reads like a novel, yet it is full of facts that give a complete account of Georgia's modern day history. The descriptions are so colourful that reading this book is the next best thing to visiting Georgia yourself. What makes the book special is also that the author has updated the book and added new chapters two times after it was first published in 1998. Here we discuss the 2006 edition which covers the modern history of Georgia up to the events of the Rose Revolution.
    [Show full text]
  • Georgian Country and Culture Guide
    Georgian Country and Culture Guide მშვიდობის კორპუსი საქართველოში Peace Corps Georgia 2017 Forward What you have in your hands right now is the collaborate effort of numerous Peace Corps Volunteers and staff, who researched, wrote and edited the entire book. The process began in the fall of 2011, when the Language and Cross-Culture component of Peace Corps Georgia launched a Georgian Country and Culture Guide project and PCVs from different regions volunteered to do research and gather information on their specific areas. After the initial information was gathered, the arduous process of merging the researched information began. Extensive editing followed and this is the end result. The book is accompanied by a CD with Georgian music and dance audio and video files. We hope that this book is both informative and useful for you during your service. Sincerely, The Culture Book Team Initial Researchers/Writers Culture Sara Bushman (Director Programming and Training, PC Staff, 2010-11) History Jack Brands (G11), Samantha Oliver (G10) Adjara Jen Geerlings (G10), Emily New (G10) Guria Michelle Anderl (G11), Goodloe Harman (G11), Conor Hartnett (G11), Kaitlin Schaefer (G10) Imereti Caitlin Lowery (G11) Kakheti Jack Brands (G11), Jana Price (G11), Danielle Roe (G10) Kvemo Kartli Anastasia Skoybedo (G11), Chase Johnson (G11) Samstkhe-Javakheti Sam Harris (G10) Tbilisi Keti Chikovani (Language and Cross-Culture Coordinator, PC Staff) Workplace Culture Kimberly Tramel (G11), Shannon Knudsen (G11), Tami Timmer (G11), Connie Ross (G11) Compilers/Final Editors Jack Brands (G11) Caitlin Lowery (G11) Conor Hartnett (G11) Emily New (G10) Keti Chikovani (Language and Cross-Culture Coordinator, PC Staff) Compilers of Audio and Video Files Keti Chikovani (Language and Cross-Culture Coordinator, PC Staff) Irakli Elizbarashvili (IT Specialist, PC Staff) Revised and updated by Tea Sakvarelidze (Language and Cross-Culture Coordinator) and Kakha Gordadze (Training Manager).
    [Show full text]
  • Political Prisoners in Post- Revolutionary Georgia
    After the rose, the thorns: political prisoners in post- revolutionary Georgia Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the the right to life, liberty and security of person.
    [Show full text]
  • Colour Protest in Post-War Georgia – Chronology of Rose Revolution
    ACTA UNIVERSITATIS DANUBIUS Vol. 11, no. 2/2018 Colour Protest in Post-War Georgia – Chronology of Rose Revolution Nino Machurishvili1 Abstract: The aim of this paper is to review political and material deprivation as a basis for social protest during the pre – revolution period in Georgia, within the framework of Relative Deprivation theory. The linkage between relative deprivation and the Gini coefficient, as well type of existing political regime and Soviet past is considered. The originality of this paper is conditioned by the new approach to Colour Revolutions, forgotten concept of Relative Deprivation is revisited and applied to the Rose Revolution in order to explain, why individuals decided to join demonstrations, as previous studies are considered a precondition for comprehending social protest against rigged elections, either the lack of democracy. This research is based on a qualitative research methodology, the basic methodological approach being the method of the case study. Among with in – depth interviews based on projective techniques with respondents grouped according to their attitudes towards Rose Revolution, quantitative data of World Bank and Freedom House coefficients are also reviewed. Empirical analysis of interviews proves the existence of political and material deprivation between social groups for the research period. This research shows the methodological value of Relative Deprivation to explain social movement motivation for the Rose Revolution in Georgia. Keywords: Colour Revolutions; Relative Deprivation; Social Inequality; Hybrid Regime Introduction 1.1. Relative Deprivation and Individual Decision to Protest This paper contributes to better understanding of causes Colour Revolutions in Post – Soviet space. It specifically deals with the case of Rose Revolution – peaceful change of Government in Georgia in 2003.
    [Show full text]
  • Adlib Express Watermark
    IHS Global Insight Report: Georgia (Country Intelligence) Report printed on 14 January 2009 CONTENTS Country Reports AdlibCopyright ©2008 Express Global Insight Inc. All rights reserved. WatermarkPage 1 of 36 Nature of Risk Rating Summary Political: Risks 2.75 The situation in Georgia is uncertain in the aftermath of the military conflict with Russia, but it is clear that the state will remain functioning, even if the separatist republics claim chunks of its territory (highly unlikely). The economy will pay the price of military damage, although most importantly, crucial elements of the country's infrastructure such as bridges and mountain tunnels have remained intact. President Mikhail Saakashvili, who essentially triggered the hostilities by ordering a Georgian offensive on South Ossetia, will have to fight to retain his seat, which he only won for the second term in January 2008. Given the popular consensus in the face of the Russian offensive, however, Saakashvili may well rely on his charismatic turns to actually elevate and strengthen his domestic position. The government will also remain committed to its economic reform policy, although most of the legislation and regulation is already in place. Economic: Risks 3.50 Georgia is a poor country with weak external financial and trade links outside Russia and the Commonwealth of Independent States. The collapse in growth associated with post-Soviet economic management during the early 1990s was heightened in Georgia's case by a brief civil war on its borders. The economy finally began to recover strongly from its collapsed base in the second half of the 1990s. Although Georgian GDP rose steadily in 1995-2006, growth rates have been highly variable, from lows of about 2% to highs of arou nd 11%.
    [Show full text]
  • Representation of Political Forces in the Legislative Body of Georgia in the Period Between 1990 and 2016
    Representation of Political Forces in the Legislative Body of Georgia in the period between 1990 and 2016 Since 1990, parliamentary elections have taken place nine times in Georgia. The ones held in 2016 resulted in election of the Parliament of the 9th convocation by ​ the population of Georgia. 2016 parliamentary elections brought along concerns whether concentration of the constitutional majority in a single party in the legislative body is well justified or vice versa, whether diversity of political parties can lead to positive outcomes for the country. According to the Election Code of Georgia, a subject which represents a registered party, an election bloc, an initiative group of voters or independent candidate to majoritarian membership is entitled to run for elections. Transparency International – Georgia explored representation of political forces in the legislative body of Georgia in the period between 1990 and 2016 as well as number of elected members and election threshold stipulated by the law. ● The 2nd convocation of Parliament (1992-1995), with 24 parties overcoming ​ the election threshold, was the one with the greatest number of political ​ subjects. ​ ● In terms of the number of MPs, the Supreme Council with 247 members was the most numerous. ​ ● 2% represented the lowest election threshold, whereas 7% - the highest. ​ ​ ● The parliament of the 8th convocation (2012-2016) included just two ​ ​ election subjects, though the bloc “Georgian Dream” was comprised of six parties. th ● Since 1990, including the parliament of the 8 c​ onvocation, the legislative ​ body has had 1216 members ​ ● The following members were most frequently represented in different convocations of the Parliament: Akaki Bobokhidze (member of six convocations) and Giorgi Baramidze (member of five convocations) Number of MPs in the legislative body and the election threshold Number of elected MPs as well as the election threshold have experienced a number of changes over time along with amendments to the law.
    [Show full text]
  • C R E E E S the Spring Semester Has Quickly Filled with Activities and and Slavic Events
    T h e U n i v e r s i t y o f T e x a s a t Au s t i n Center forR ussian East European E& urasian Studies Separatist Confl icts Challenge New Georgian President by Julie George NEWSMarch/ April 2005 When Mikheil Saakashvili became president of Georgia after Vol. 20 No.2 the Rose Revolution of 2003, one of his fi rst promises was to restore the territory of Georgia, reclaiming the separatist territories of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Current UN recognition understands both Abkhazia and South Ossetia as Georgian territory, but both operate independently Separatist Conflicts Challenge of Georgian law and influence. Of the many bold promises by the New Georgian President 1-2 young leader, the assurance of territorial unity is his most ambitious. The politics CREEES Calendar 3 of Soviet dissolution created opportunities Georgia: History, Legends, for separatism in the Myths and Stories 4-6 successor states. In Georgia, several From the Library 6 factors helped spur the secessionist Explore UT Schedule 7 movements by Abkhazia and South Outreach News 8 Ossetia. First, the i n d e p e n d e n c e CREEES News 9 movements of the Union Republics CREEES Travel 10 (such as Georgia) created a precedent Area Opportunities 11 for the Soviet ethnic autonomies to make similar claims for Map used with permission, GlobalSecurity.orgGlobalSecurity.org independence and http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/georgia.htm sovereignty, as they did in Chechnya, and Nagorno-Karabakh. Second, the The CREEES Newsletter is pub lished regularly during the academic year using politics of nationalism that helped drive Union Republic independence affected no state funds.
    [Show full text]