PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION in GEORGIA 27Th October 2013
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Georgia's October 2013 Presidential Election: Outcome and Implications
Georgia’s October 2013 Presidential Election: Outcome and Implications Jim Nichol Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs November 4, 2013 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43299 Georgia’s October 2013 Presidential Election: Outcome and Implications Summary This report discusses Georgia’s October 27, 2013, presidential election and its implications for U.S. interests. The election took place one year after a legislative election that witnessed the mostly peaceful shift of legislative and ministerial power from the ruling party, the United National Movement (UNM), to the Georgia Dream (GD) coalition bloc. The newly elected president, Giorgi Margvelashvili of the GD, will have fewer powers under recently approved constitutional changes. Most observers have viewed the 2013 presidential election as marking Georgia’s further progress in democratization, including a peaceful shift of presidential power from UNM head Mikheil Saakashvili to GD official Margvelashvili. Some analysts, however, have raised concerns over ongoing tensions between the UNM and GD, as well as Prime Minister and GD head Bidzini Ivanishvili’s announcement on November 2, 2013, that he will step down as the premier. In his victory speech on October 28, Margvelashvili reaffirmed Georgia’s Euro-Atlantic foreign policy orientation, including the pursuit of Georgia’s future membership in NATO and the EU. At the same time, he reiterated that GD would continue to pursue the normalization of ties with Russia. On October 28, 2013, the U.S. State Department praised the Georgian presidential election as generally democratic and expressing the will of the people, and as demonstrating Georgia’s continuing commitment to Euro-Atlantic integration. -
Georgia: an Emerging Governance: Problems and Prospects
Chapter 12 Georgia: An Emerging Governance: Problems and Prospects Dov Lynch Introduction Even if the Republic of Georgia has existed independently since 1992, it remains logical to discuss security sector governance as an emerging question. For much of the early 1990s, applying the notion of ‘security sector governance’ to a state at war and barely on its feet stretched the concept too far. The Georgian state embarked on a process of consolidation from 1995 onwards, initiated with the approval of a Constitution, and Georgia experienced thereafter several years of growth and relative political stability. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, the main lines of security sector reform were formulated on paper, and limited changes were effected in the Ministry of Defence and the armed forces. However, as a whole, security sector reform remains an emerging concern in so far as most of the work remains ahead for the new Georgian leadership in terms of addressing a distorted legacy, clarifying the scope of problems and prioritising amongst them, sketching out a coherent programme and implementing it. Two points should be noted from the outset. The first concerns the security sector in Georgia, the number of the agents involved and the nature of their interaction. Many have argued that the notion of ‘security sector reform’ is useful in drawing attention away from more limited understandings of military reform. Traditional discussions of civil- military relations tended to focus on the dyadic relationship between civilian political structures and a professional military agency. By contrast, reforming the security sector entails a more complex 249 understanding of these two poles and adds new actors to the picture1. -
News Digest on Georgia
NEWS DIGEST ON GEORGIA July 13-16 Compiled by: Aleksandre Davitashvili Date: July 17, 2018 Occupied Regions Abkhazia Region 1. Saakashvili, Akhalaia, Kezerashvili, Okruashvili included in black list of occupied Abkhazia The "Organization of War Veterans" of occupied Abkhazia has presented “Khishba-Sigua List” to the de-facto parliament of Abkhazia. The following persons are included in the list set up in response to Georgian central government’s so-called “Otkhozoria-Tatunashvili List” : Ex-president Mikheil Saakashvili, former defence ministers – Bacho Akhalaia, Davit Kezerashvili, Irakli Okruashvili, Tengiz Kitovani and Gia Karkarashvili, former secretary of the National Security Council Irakli Batiashvili, former internal affairs minister Vano Merabishvili, Former head of the Joint Staff of the Georgian Armed Forces Zaza Gogava, former Defense Ministry senior official Megis Kardava, Brigadier General Mamuka Kurashvili, leader of "Forest Brothers" Davit Shengelia, former employee of the MIA Roman Shamatava and other persons are included in the list (IPN.GE, July 15, 2018). 2. Sergi Kapanadze says “Khishba-Sigua List” by de-facto Abkhazia is part of internal game and means nothing for Georgia There is no need to make a serious comment about “Khishba-Sigua List” as this list cannot have any effect on the public life of Georgia, Sergi Kapanadze, member of the “European Georgia” party, told reporters. The lawmaker believes that the list will not have legal or political consequences. (IPN.GE, July 15, 2018). Foreign Affairs 3. Jens Stoltenberg – We agreed to continue working together to prepare Georgia for NATO membership “We also met with the Presidents of Georgia and Ukraine. Together we discussed shared concerns. -
Georgia's 2008 Presidential Election
Election Observation Report: Georgia’s 2008 Presidential Elections Election Observation Report: Georgia’s saarCevno sadamkvirveblo misiis saboloo angariSi angariSi saboloo misiis sadamkvirveblo saarCevno THE IN T ERN at ION A L REPUBLIC A N INS T I T U T E 2008 wlis 5 ianvari 5 wlis 2008 saqarTvelos saprezidento arCevnebi saprezidento saqarTvelos ADV A NCING DEMOCR A CY WORLD W IDE demokratiis ganviTarebisTvis mTel msoflioSi mTel ganviTarebisTvis demokratiis GEORGI A PRESIDEN T I A L ELEC T ION JA NU A RY 5, 2008 International Republican Institute saerTaSoriso respublikuri instituti respublikuri saerTaSoriso ELEC T ION OBSERV at ION MISSION FIN A L REPOR T Georgia Presidential Election January 5, 2008 Election Observation Mission Final Report The International Republican Institute 1225 Eye Street, NW, Suite 700 Washington, DC 20005 www.iri.org TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction 3 II. Pre-Election Period 5 A. Political Situation November 2007 – January 2008 B. Presidential Candidates in the January 5, 2008 Presidential Election C. Campaign Period III. Election Period 11 A. Pre-Election Meetings B. Election Day IV. Findings and Recommendations 15 V. Appendix 19 A. IRI Preliminary Statement on the Georgian Presidential Election B. Election Observation Delegation Members C. IRI in Georgia 2008 Georgia Presidential Election 3 I. Introduction The January 2008 election cycle marked the second presidential election conducted in Georgia since the Rose Revolution. This snap election was called by President Mikheil Saakashvili who made a decision to resign after a violent crackdown on opposition street protests in November 2007. Pursuant to the Georgian Constitution, he relinquished power to Speaker of Parliament Nino Burjanadze who became Acting President. -
Georgia: What Now?
GEORGIA: WHAT NOW? 3 December 2003 Europe Report N°151 Tbilisi/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. BACKGROUND ............................................................................................................. 2 A. HISTORY ...............................................................................................................................2 B. GEOPOLITICS ........................................................................................................................3 1. External Players .........................................................................................................4 2. Why Georgia Matters.................................................................................................5 III. WHAT LED TO THE REVOLUTION........................................................................ 6 A. ELECTIONS – FREE AND FAIR? ..............................................................................................8 B. ELECTION DAY AND AFTER ..................................................................................................9 IV. ENSURING STATE CONTINUITY .......................................................................... 12 A. STABILITY IN THE TRANSITION PERIOD ...............................................................................12 B. THE PRO-SHEVARDNADZE -
Georgia: Background and U.S
Georgia: Background and U.S. Policy Updated September 5, 2018 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45307 SUMMARY R45307 Georgia: Background and U.S. Policy September 5, 2018 Georgia is one of the United States’ closest non-NATO partners among the post-Soviet states. With a history of strong economic aid and security cooperation, the United States Cory Welt has deepened its strategic partnership with Georgia since Russia’s 2008 invasion of Analyst in European Affairs Georgia and 2014 invasion of Ukraine. U.S. policy expressly supports Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders, and Georgia is a leading recipient of U.S. aid in Europe and Eurasia. Many observers consider Georgia to be one of the most democratic states in the post-Soviet region, even as the country faces ongoing governance challenges. The center-left Georgian Dream party has more than a three-fourths supermajority in parliament, allowing it to rule with only limited checks and balances. Although Georgia faces high rates of poverty and underemployment, its economy in 2017 appeared to enter a period of stronger growth than the previous four years. The Georgian Dream won elections in 2012 amid growing dissatisfaction with the former ruling party, Georgia: Basic Facts Mikheil Saakashvili’s center-right United National Population: 3.73 million (2018 est.) Movement, which came to power as a result of Comparative Area: slightly larger than West Virginia Georgia’s 2003 Rose Revolution. In August 2008, Capital: Tbilisi Russia went to war with Georgia to prevent Ethnic Composition: 87% Georgian, 6% Azerbaijani, 5% Saakashvili’s government from reestablishing control Armenian (2014 census) over Georgia’s regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, Religion: 83% Georgian Orthodox, 11% Muslim, 3% Armenian which broke away from Georgia in the early 1990s to Apostolic (2014 census) become informal Russian protectorates. -
Georgia Between Dominant-Power Politics, Feckless Pluralism, and Democracy Christofer Berglund Uppsala University
GEORGIA BETWEEN DOMINANT-POWER POLITICS, FECKLESS PLURALISM, AND DEMOCRACY CHRISTOFER BERGLUND UPPSALA UNIVERSITY Abstract: This article charts the last decade of Georgian politics (2003-2013) through theories of semi- authoritarianism and democratization. It first dissects Saakashvili’s system of dominant-power politics, which enabled state-building reforms, yet atrophied political competition. It then analyzes the nested two-level game between incumbents and opposition in the run-up to the 2012 parliamentary elections. After detailing the verdict of Election Day, the article turns to the tense cohabitation that next pushed Georgia in the direction of feckless pluralism. The last section examines if the new ruling party is taking Georgia in the direction of democratic reforms or authoritarian closure. nder what conditions do elections in semi-authoritarian states spur Udemocratic breakthroughs?1 This is a conundrum relevant to many hybrid regimes in the region of the former Soviet Union. It is also a ques- tion of particular importance for the citizens of Georgia, who surprisingly voted out the United National Movement (UNM) and instead backed the Georgian Dream (GD), both in the October 2012 parliamentary elections and in the October 2013 presidential elections. This article aims to shed light on the dramatic, but not necessarily democratic, political changes unleashed by these events. It is, however, beneficial to first consult some of the concepts and insights that have been generated by earlier research on 1 The author is grateful to Sten Berglund, Ketevan Bolkvadze, Selt Hasön, and participants at the 5th East Asian Conference on Slavic-Eurasian Studies, as well as the anonymous re- viewers, for their useful feedback. -
Survey on Political Attitudes August 2020 Demographics 1. There Are A
Survey on Political Attitudes August 2020 Demographics 1. There are a number of ethnic groups living in Georgia. Which ethnic group do you consider yourself a part of? [Interviewer! Do not read. One answer only.] Armenian 1 Azerbaijani 2 Georgian 3 Other Caucasian ethnicity (Abkhazian, Lezgin, Ossetian, etc.) 4 Russian 5 Kurd or Yezidi 6 Other ethnicity 7 (Don’t know) -1 (Refuse to answer) -2 2. What is the highest level of education you have achieved to date? [Interviewer! Do not read. Correspond.] 1 Did not obtain a nine year diploma 2 Nine year diploma 3 High school diploma (11 or 12 years) 4 Vocational/technical degree 5 Bachelor’s degree/5 years diploma 6 Any degree above bachelor’s (Don’t know) -1 (Refuse to answer) -2 3. Which of the following best describes your situation? Please tell me about the activity that you consider to be primary. [Interviewer! Read out. Only one answer that corresponds with the respondent’s main activity.] I am retired and do not work 1 I am a student and do not work 2 I am a housewife and do not work 3 I am unemployed 4 I work full or part-time, including seasonal 5 jobs I am self-employed, including seasonal jobs 6 I am disabled and cannot work 7 Other 8 (Don’t know) -1 (Refuse to answer) -2 4. How often do you use the Internet? Do you use the Internet … [READ OUT] Every day, 1 At least once a week, 2 At least once a month, 3 Less often, 4 or Never? 5 [DO NOT READ] I don’t know what the Internet is. -
The Year in Elections, 2013: the World's Flawed and Failed Contests
The Year in Elections, 2013: The World's Flawed and Failed Contests The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Norris, Pippa, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martinez i Coma. 2014. The Year in Elections 2013: The World's Flawed and Failed Contests. The Electoral Integrity Project. Published Version http://www.electoralintegrityproject.com/ Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:11744445 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA THE YEAR IN ELECTIONS, 2013 THE WORLD’S FLAWED AND FAILED CONTESTS Pippa Norris, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martínez i Coma February 2014 THE YEAR IN ELECTIONS, 2013 WWW. ELECTORALINTEGRITYPROJECT.COM The Electoral Integrity Project Department of Government and International Relations Merewether Building, HO4 University of Sydney, NSW 2006 Phone: +61(2) 9351 6041 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.electoralintegrityproject.com Copyright © Pippa Norris, Ferran Martínez i Coma, and Richard W. Frank 2014. All rights reserved. Photo credits Cover photo: ‘Ballot for national election.’ by Daniel Littlewood, http://www.flickr.com/photos/daniellittlewood/413339945. Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. Page 6 and 18: ‘Ballot sections are separated for counting.’ by Brittany Danisch, http://www.flickr.com/photos/bdanisch/6084970163/ Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. Page 8: ‘Women in Pakistan wait to vote’ by DFID - UK Department for International Development, http://www.flickr.com/photos/dfid/8735821208/ Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. -
Sexism and Stereotypes in Social Media Gender
election monitoring report: Sexism and gender stereotypes in social media Sexism and gender stereotypes in social media 1 election monitoring report: Sexism and gender stereotypes in social media Author: KETI MSKHILADZE Monitors: MEDEA SULAMANIDZE, MARIAM TALAKHADZE Editor: TAMAR KINTSURASHVILI Design: BESIK DANELIA, IBDesign Cover photo: Shutterstock, Nubefy The report has been prepared by Media Development Foundation (MDF) with support of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) component within the framework of the United Nations Joint Programme for Gender Equality financed by the Government of Sweden. The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the international organisations listed above. INTRIDUCTION “Gender Barometer – Monitoring sexist speech during pre-election period” is implemented with sup- port of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). The project is implemented by Media Development Foundation (MDF) in partnership with the Union Sapari. The aim of the project is to ex- pose sexist hate speech and gender stereotypes as well as gender-based campaigns against women politician and representatives of various public institutions. Within the framework of the project, Sapari has conducted focus groups involving media experts, politicians and gender specialists and formulated sexist hate speech indicators adjusted to interna- tional experience and Georgian political reality. Based on these indicators and using a Facebook tool, Crowdtangle, the MDF developed a social media monitoring methodology. Findings of the monitoring is provided in this report. A mid-term report1 which was published on 26 November, covers the results of a three-month mon- itoring – from 4 August through 4 November. -
Pre-Election Monitoring of October 8, 2016 Parliamentary Elections Second Interim Report July 17 - August 8
International Society for Fair Elections and Democracy Pre-Election Monitoring of October 8, 2016 Parliamentary Elections Second Interim Report July 17 - August 8 Publishing this report is made possible by the generous support of the American people, through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). The views expressed in this report belong solely to ISFED and may not necessarily reflect the views of the USAID, the United States Government and the NED. 1. Introduction The International Society for Fair Elections and Democracy (ISFED) has been monitoring October 8, 2016 elections of the Parliament of Georgia and Ajara Supreme Council since July 1, with support from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). The present report covers the period from July 18 to August 8, 2016. 2. Key Findings Compared to the previous reporting period, campaigning by political parties and candidates has become more intense. ISFED long-term observers (LTOs) monitored a total of 114 meetings of electoral subjects with voters throughout Georgia, from July 18 through August 7. As the election campaigning moved into a more active phase, the number of election violations grew considerably. Failure of relevant authorities to take adequate actions in response to these violations may pose a threat to free and fair electoral environment. During the reporting period ISFED found 4 instances of intimidation/harassment based on political affiliation, 2 cases of physical violence, 3 cases of possible vote buying, 4 cases of campaigning by unauthorized persons, 8 cases of misuse of administrative resources, 4 cases of interference with pre- election campaigning, 4 cases of use of hate speech, 7 cases of local self-governments making changes in budgets for social and infrastructure projects; 3 cases of misconduct by election commission members. -
The Issue of Contemporary Separatism in Caucasus and Its Outcome on Georgia /Abkhazia/: New Approaches to Conflict Peaceful R
Giorgi Merabishvili, Ph.D. Sokhumi State University ”The issue of contemporary separatism in Caucasus and its outcome on Georgia, Abkhazia; new approaches to conflict peaceful resolution”. Already 20 years have passed since the start of the Georgian-Abkhazian war in 1992. The conflict has persisted to this day and brings with it insecurity, deep mistrust, long-term displacement and serious constraints on growth and development. Georgian-Abkhazian conflict refers to the ethnic conflict between Georgians and Abkhazians and in a broader sense can be considered as a part of the geopolitical conflict in the Caucasus region remaining unresolved. Such persisting “frozenness” restricts sustainable economic and social development as well as the establishment of free democratic civil societies. As the Georgian historians note, the fact of Russian permanent imperial aspirations to tear off the North-West part of Georgia has become “the reason of history politisation and falsification of the historical past of Abkhazia and along to it of the whole Georgia. Namely, at the beginning of the 20th century, under the motto “Abkhazia is not Georgia” Apsua-Abkhazian political separatism as one of Russian imperialism varieties and its stronghold in Georgia was formed”. (1) During last twenty years several works in Russian and English languages have been published by Abkhazian historians: S. Lakoba, O. Bgazhba. V. Chirikba, M. Gunba, E. Ajinjal, D. Dbar, etc. “Unfortunately the authors, with the aim of “restoration of historic” rights pursued and served the illusory and rather dangerous political aims and not the scientific/research ones”. The historiography is under a special attention and “protection” of the separatist regime as well as of the Russian political leadership.