WEAK NOUN PHRASES: SEMANTICS AND SYNTAX Barbara H. Partee UMASS, Amherst mailto:
[email protected] В работе рассматриваются современные Typical case: S семантические анализы слабых ИГ (a unicorn, more / \ than one unicorn, no unicorn). Главным свойством NP VP этого типа ИГ является возможность обозначать / \ walks свойства, т.е. интенсиализированные множества DET CN индивидов. every student 1. NPs as Generalized Quantifiers. CN: type e → t Classic formal semantics adopted Montague’s VP: type e → t proposal (Montague 1973) for the semantics of Noun DET: interpreted as a function which applies to Phrases (NPs). Every NP was interpreted as denoting a set of sets (strictly, a set of properties; we return to the CN meaning to give a generalized quantifier, a function distinction later.) In Montague’s type theory, the which applies to VP meaning to give truth value), type: (e → t) → ((e → t) → t) semantic type corresponding to NPs is (e → t) → t: characteristic functions for sets of sets of entities. NP: type (e → t) → t Sometimes it is simpler to think about DET Some NP interpretations: meanings in relational terms: John λP[P(j)] (the set of all of John’s properties) Every: as a relation between sets A and B (“Every A B”): A ⊆ B John walks λP[P(j)] (walk) ≡ walk (j) So ‘Every man walks’ means: || man || ⊆ || walk || (function-argument application) Some, a: A ∩ B ≠ ∅ . every student λP∀x[student(x) → P(x)] (the set of all of properties that every student has) No: A B = . ∩ ∅ every student walks Most (not first-order expressible): λP∀x[student(x) → P(x)] (walk) ≡ | A ∩ B | > |A - B|.