A Shameful Relationship Uk Complicity in Saudi State Violence
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28 May 2011 1 the UK Arms Trade Complex and Freedom
28th May 2011 The UK Arms Trade Complex and Freedom of Information A case for an enhanced presumption of transparency in the case of corruption in arms deals Barnaby Pace 28th May 2011 Abstract The trade in arms is thought of by many states as a key factor in the maintenance of their national security. This is true in either selling arms abroad or procuring weapons and equipment for use by national forces. Sadly however, the arms trade is one of the most corrupt businesses on earth, accounting for forty percent of all corruption worldwide according to one estimate. The purpose of the arms trade is to create weapons with the power to kill and maim, and with this the consequences of corruption are especially destructive. The prevalence and extreme danger of corruption in the arms trade justifies a greater level of transparency and accountability. However governments have long considered the arms trade to be essential to national security and too often regard anti-corruption efforts as a threat not only to their arms production capacity but also their security and international relations. This threat to international relations is itself premised on the perception of national security being dependent on military or intelligence co-operation with other countries founded, which in turn is founded on arms deals. Arms deals have become seen as a legitimate and unquestionable diplomatic tool whether the arms are sold corruptly or not. This paper examines three disputed cases around the British governmental involvement in the sale of arms and associated services to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. -
A Deal Worth Defending? the Uk's Arms Trade and the War in Yemen 01 Executive Summary
A DEAL WORTH DEFENDING? THE UK'S ARMS TRADE AND THE WAR IN YEMEN 01 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Research conducted by War Child UK has revealed that UK arms companies are reaping double the revenues previously estimated1 from arms sales to Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia is leading a coalition of countries fighting a brutal war in Yemen, and waging a bombing campaign that has killed and maimed thousands of children. This has contributed to a humanitarian crisis that has left millions more on the brink of starvation. The Saudi-led coalition is emboldened to carry out these attacks by the military and diplomatic support it receives from countries like the UK. Yet despite this crisis, and evidence that British weapons are being used to violate international humanitarian law in Yemen,2 the UK Government continues to grant export licences for arms sales to Saudi Arabia. The only winners from this immoral trade are the big arms companies and their shareholders, reaping huge profits while children are killed, disfigured and starved to death. This must stop. Two years of civil war in Yemen has seen an estimated 1,300 children killed and 2,000 more injured, 212 schools attacked3 and medical facilities destroyed. A crippling physical and economic blockade has been imposed on the country by the Saudi-led coalition: this has destroyed the economy, stopped vital food imports, and created a humanitarian crisis that has left the country on the verge of famine and in the grip of a cholera epidemic.4 Whilst atrocities have been committed by both sides, a large majority -
The United Kingdom's Arms Export Licensing Process
The Economics of Peace and Security Journal, ISSN 1749-852X Stavrianakis, Arms export licensing p. 32 © www.epsjournal.org.uk – Vol. 3, No. 1 (2008) Licensed to kill: the United Kingdom’s arms overarching argument is that the government’s export control guidelines do not restrict the arms trade in any meaningful way but, rather, serve predominantly a export licensing process legitimating function. Overview of the arms export licensing process Anna Stavrianakis The Consolidated EU and National Arms Export Licensing Criteria (hereafter, he United Kingdom is one of the more significant actors in the international Consolidated Criteria) form the main regulatory mechanism for U.K. arms exports, arms trade. Between 2001 and 2005 it was the world’s fifth largest supplier of setting out the government’s commitment to be guided in its arms export activity by Tmajor conventional weapons, behind Russia, the United States, France, and concerns regarding the state’s international commitments, human rights, the internal Germany, and the world’s fifth largest recipient of arms, behind China, India, Greece, situation in the recipient country, regional stability, U.K. national security, the 1 and the United Arab Emirates. The U.K. government supports arms exports because recipient state’s attitude to terrorism and international law, the risk of diversion, and of the economic, strategic, and political benefits they ostensibly bring. It also claims sustainable development.4 The licensing process is administered and controlled by the to operate a very strict control regime based on the 2002 Export Control Act and a set Export Control Organization (ECO), which sits within the Department for Business, of guidelines known as the Consolidated Criteria. -
BDOHP Biographical Details and Interview Index PLUMBLY, Sir Derek
BDOHP Biographical Details and Interview Index PLUMBLY, Sir Derek (born 15 May 1948) KCMG 2001 (CMG 1991) Career (with, on right, relevant pages in interview) VSO, Pakistan, 1970-71 p 1 Third Secretary, Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 1972-73 pp 1-3 MECAS, 1973 -75 pp 3-4 Second Secretary, Jeddah, 1975-77 pp 5-7 First Secretary, Cairo, 1977-80 pp 7-9 Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 1980-84 pp 9-10 First Secretary, Washington, 1984-88 pp 10-11 Deputy Head of Mission, Riyadh, 1988-92 pp 11-14 Head of Chancery, UK Mission to United Nations, New York, 1992–96 pp 14-19 International Drugs Co-ordinator, and Director, Drugs and pp 19-21 International Crime, FCO, 1996–97 Director, Middle East and North Africa, FCO, 1997–2000 pp 21-27 Ambassador to Saudi Arabia, 2000–03 pp 27-33 Ambassador to Egypt, 2003–07 pp 33-38 Chairman, Assessment and Evaluation Commission, Comprehensive pp 39-49 Peace Agreement, Sudan, 2008–11 Under Secretary General and Special Coordinator for Lebanon, - United Nations, 2012–15 1 BRITISH DIPLOMATIC ORAL HISTORY PROGRAMME RECOLLECTIONS OF SIR DEREK PLUMBLY KCMG, RECORDED AND TRANSCRIBED BY SUZANNE RICKETTS (Copyright Sir Derek Plumbly) SR: Good morning, this is Suzanne Ricketts. It’s 1 October 2018 and I’m recording Derek Plumbly. Now Derek, tell me, why did you join the Foreign Office? DP: My childhood had been spent entirely in the UK. We never went on foreign holidays. Thanks to my parents and Hampshire County Council I did go on a school cruise to the Eastern Mediterranean, that was my first taste of foreign parts. -
The Use of UK-Manufactured Arms in Yemen
House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee The use of UK-manufactured arms in Yemen Fourth Report of Session 2016–17 HC 688 House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee The use of UK-manufactured arms in Yemen Fourth Report of Session 2016–17 Report, together with formal minutes relating to the report Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 14 September 2016 HC 688 Published on 15 September 2016 by authority of the House of Commons The Foreign Affairs Committee The Foreign Affairs Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the expenditure, administration, and policy of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and its associated public bodies. Current membership Crispin Blunt MP (Conservative, Reigate) (Chair) Mr John Baron MP (Conservative, Basildon and Billericay) Ann Clwyd MP (Labour, Cynon Valley) Mike Gapes MP (Labour (Co-op), Ilford South) Stephen Gethins MP (Scottish National Party, North East Fife) Mr Mark Hendrick MP (Labour (Co-op), Preston) Adam Holloway MP (Conservative, Gravesham) Daniel Kawczynski MP (Conservative, Shrewsbury and Atcham) Yasmin Qureshi MP (Labour, Bolton South East) Andrew Rosindell MP (Conservative, Romford) Nadhim Zahawi MP (Conservative, Stratford-on-Avon) Powers The Committee is one of the departmental select committees, the powers of which are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No 152. These are available on the internet via www.parliament.uk. Publication Committee reports are published on the Committee’s website at www.parliament.uk/facom and in print by Order of the House. Evidence relating to this report is published on the inquiry page of the Committee’s website. -
Summary of Key Recommendations
UKA0009 Written evidence submitted by Control Arms UK Summary of Key Recommendations Mandate and scope of CAEC. Control Arms UK recommends that: . The CAEC in future explicitly references issues of major topical concern, includes as a standing item in its inquiries ‘licences/destinations of concern’, and takes full advantage of the UK’s system of quarterly reporting in the scope of its inquiries . The CAEC considers establishing itself as a separate, standalone select committee Arms exports to Saudi Arabia and the war in Yemen . The CAEC should seek detailed evidence from the government on: the scale and nature of arms delivered under open licences to Saudi Arabia since March 2015 their legal interpretation of a “serious violation of IHL”, key to risk assessment under criterion 2c their basis for requiring a “pattern” of serious violations of IHL to be necessary to create a risk of a single violation in future how they interpret the word “pattern”, including in light of the UN determination that such a pattern exists in Yemen the new risk assessment methodology used in arms licensing (as no detailed explanation has, to date, been forthcoming from the government) exactly how many incidents recorded in the MOD ‘Tracker’ are regarded as likely cases of violations of international law Examples of other problematic destinations . The CAEC should seek from the government: detailed evidence on the scale and nature of arms delivered to Egypt, Turkey and UAE, and on the grounds for determining that none of these approved transfers were problematic under the Consolidated Criteria clarity about whether and how the new risk assessment methodology was applied to these destinations Countries subject to trade restrictions The CAEC should ask the government to provide: . -
The Use of UK‑Manufactured Arms in Yemen
House of Commons Business, Innovation and Skills and International Development Committees The use of UK‑manufactured arms in Yemen First Joint Report of the Business, Innovation and Skills and International Development Committees of Session 2016–17 Fifth Report of the Business, Innovation and Skills Committee of Session 2016–17 Third Report of the International Development Committee of Session 2016–17 Report, together with formal minutes relating to the report Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 14 September 2016 HC 679 Published on 15 September 2016 by authority of the House of Commons Business, Innovation and Skills Committee The Business, Innovation and Skills Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the expenditure, administration, and policy of the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills. Current membership Mr Iain Wright MP (Labour, Hartlepool) (Chair) Paul Blomfield MP (Labour, Sheffield Central) Richard Fuller MP (Conservative, Bedford) Peter Kyle MP (Labour, Hove) Amanda Milling MP (Conservative, Cannock Chase) Jonathan Reynolds MP (Labour (Co-op), Stalybridge and Hyde) Amanda Solloway MP (Conservative, Derby North) Michelle Thomson MP (Independent, Edinburgh West) Kelly Tolhurst MP (Conservative, Rochester and Strood) Craig Tracey MP (Conservative, North Warwickshire) Chris White MP (Conservative, Warwick and Leamington) International Development Committee The International Development Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the expenditure, administration and policy of the -
Here the Policymaking Value of Fresh Thinking and Cognitive Diversity Combined with Seasoned Expertise and Accumulated Wisdom Has Long Been Recognised
GLOBAL STRATEGY FORUM Lecture Series 2018 - 2019 www.globalstrategyforum.org Lord Lothian, Mr. Radek Sikorski and Sir Malcolm Rifkind Sir John Chilcot and Lord Lothian Mr. James Barr and Lord Lothian Professor Charles Garraway and Lord Lothian Lord Lothian and Mr. Ben Macintyre Dr. Kori Schake and Lord Lothian Mr. Matthew Rycroft and Lord Lothian Lord Lothian and Mr. Gordon Corera www.globalstrategyforum.org GLOBAL STRATEGY FORUM Lecture Series 2018 - 2019 3 www.globalstrategyforum.org NOTES 4 www.globalstrategyforum.org PRESIDENT’S FOREWORD It gives me great pleasure to introduce this, the thirteenth edition of GSF’s annual lecture publication. In these pages you will once again find a full record of the extensive events programme which we delivered during the course of our 2018-2019 series. Topics and regions predictably included Brexit, China, Russia, the Middle East and the US, as well the big global issues of the day: climate change, terrorism, globalisation, cybersecurity. But the breadth and range of countries, region and topics covered was striking, from Brazil to Yemen, and from international development and the Commonwealth to the return of great power rivalry, attracting record audiences along the way. Unsurprisingly, much focus and political capital has continued to lie with the Brexit process, which has dominated the public discourse. But in GSF debates throughout the year on the UK’s role in the world, I observed a clear desire – demand, even - for substance to be given to the concept of ‘Global Britain’ and a firm eschewal of any reduction in our engagement in world events. During this period of change and uncertainty in the UK and beyond, the answers to the many complicated questions of policy and strategy facing us remain elusive, but GSF’s mandate requires us to continue to strive to seek them. -
The Committees on Arms Export Controls by Both Secretaries of State
Second Joint Report of tthe Busineess, Innovvation and Skills, Defence, Fooreign Affairs and International Development CCommittees of Session 2014--15 Scrutiny oof Arms Exports and Arms Controls (2015): Scrutiny of the Government’s Strategicc Export Controls Annual Report for 2013, Quarterly Reports from October 2013 to June 2014, and the Government’s policies on arrms exporrts and intternationaal arms control issues Response of the Secretaries of State for Business, Innovation and Skills, Defence, Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs and International Development Presented to Parrliament by the Secretaries of State for Business, Innovation and Skills, Defence, Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs and Interrnational Development by Command of Her Majesty 31 July 2015 Cm 9089 © Crown copyright 2015 This publication is licensed under the terms of the Open Government Licence v3.0 except where otherwise stated. To view this licence, visit nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3 or write tto the Information Policy Team, The National Archives, Kew, London TW9 4DU, or email: [email protected]. Where we have identified any third party copyright information you will need to obtain permission from the copyright holders concerned. This publication is available at www.gov.uk/government/publications Any enquiries regarding this publication should be sent to us at [email protected] Print ISBN 9781474121958 Web ISBN 9781474121965 ID P002737072 07/15 50914 19585 Printed on paper containing 75% recycled fibre -
Section 15.1 Civilian Personnel
SECTION 15.1 CIVILIAN PERSONNEL Contents Introduction .................................................................................................................. 245 Civilian outreach event .......................................................................................... 245 Pre‑invasion planning and preparation ........................................................................ 246 ORHA ..................................................................................................................... 247 DFID humanitarian advisers .................................................................................. 249 The British Embassy Baghdad .............................................................................. 250 MOD civilian support to Op TELIC ......................................................................... 252 UK civilian presence during the Coalition Occupation of Iraq ...................................... 255 UK civilian deployments to ORHA ......................................................................... 255 The CPA and the return to a “war footing” ............................................................. 263 The impact of deteriorating security ....................................................................... 272 The British Offices in Baghdad and Basra ............................................................. 291 Preparations for the transfer of sovereignty ........................................................... 294 The post‑CPA UK civilian presence in Iraq -
The New British Imperialism in the Persian Gulf
The new British imperialism in the Persian Gulf War on Want fights against the root causes of poverty and human rights violation, as part of the worldwide movement for global justice. We do this by: • working in partnership with grassroots social movements, trade unions and workers’ organisations to empower people to fight for their rights • running hard-hitting popular campaigns against the root causes of poverty and human rights violation • mobilising support and building alliances for political action in support of human rights, especially workers’ rights • raising public awareness of the root causes of poverty, inequality and injustice, and empowering people to take action for change Join us! The success of our work relies on inspiring people to join the fight against poverty and human rights abuse. Get involved with our work: Visit waronwant.org/donate Email [email protected] Call 020 7324 5040 Write to War on Want 44-48 Shepherdess Walk London N1 7JP facebook.org/waronwant @waronwant Preface 01 British governments have long connected network of British state and regarded the Gulf states as ‘vital corporate actors operating in the Gulf region, partners’ in securing the UK’s energy focused on ensuring ‘stabilisation’ and ‘internal security and military interests. Yet the security’ through the export of materiel and strategic importance of the Persian training which is used for the purposes of Gulf is taking on a new significance, internal repression. with the UK government in the process of building a permanent presence in the From the training of sniper units to the sale region and establishing a dedicated of CS gas, and from the delivery of covert British Defence Staff to oversee it. -
Useful Idiots' in the West: an Overview of RT's Editorial Strategy and Evidence of Impact
Kremlin Watch Report 10.09.2017 The Kremlin's Platform for 'Useful Idiots' in the West: An Overview of RT's Editorial Strategy and Evidence of Impact Kremlin Watch is a strategic program which Monika L. Richter Kremlin Watch is a strategic program, which aims aimsto expose to expose and confrontand confront instruments instruments of Russian of Kremlin Watch Program Analyst Russianinfluence andinfluence disinformation and operationsdisinformation focused operations focusedagainst Westernagainst democracies.Western democracies. The Kremlin's Platform for 'Useful Idiots' in the West: An Overview of RT's Editorial Strategy and Evidence of Impact Table of Contents 1. Executive summary ........................................................................................................................................................... 2 Key points ......................................................................................................................................................................... 3 2. Introduction ........................................................................................................................................................................ 6 3. Russia Today: Background and strategic objectives ......................................................................................................... 8 I. 2005 – 2008: A public diplomacy mandate .................................................................................................................... 8 II. 2008 – 2009: Reaction