DOCSLIB.ORG

Download Strategeast Westernization Report 2019

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Download Strategeast Westernization Report 2019 ABOUT STRATEGEAST StrategEast is a strategic center whose goal is to create closer working ties between political and business leaders in the former Soviet countries outside of Russia and their peers in the U.S. And Western Europe. StrategEast believes nations from the former Soviet Union share a heritage that has resulted in common obstacles to the formation of stable, effi cient, market-oriented democracies. We hope to appeal to political, business, and academic leaders in post-Soviet countries and the West, helping them better understand one another, communicate across borders, and collaborate to support real change. Our work is focused on the 14 former Soviet states outside of Russia. This post-Soviet, non-Russia (PSNR) region includes: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Estonia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Ukraine, and Uzbekistan. StrategEast focuses on six key issue areas that are especially infl uential to the transition to Western political and economic systems: fi ghting corruption, implementing a Western code of business conduct within a post-Soviet business environment, modernizing infrastructure, promoting independent LEARN MORE press and civil society, energy transparency, and leadership impact. AT OUR WEBSITE: www.StrategEast.org StrategEast is a registered 501c3 based in the United States. THIS REPORT Ravshan Abdullaev Salome Minesashvili Maili Vilson WAS WRITTEN BY: Ilvija Bruģe Parviz Mullojanov Andrei Yahorau Tamerlan Ibraimov Boris Navasardian Yuliy Yusupov Gubad Ibadoghlu Sergiy Solodkyy Zharmukhamed Zardykhan Leonid Litra Dovilė Šukytė © 2019 StrategEast. All rights reserved. ISBN: 978-0-578-46255-4 “StrategEast Westernization Report 2019” is available on our website: www.StrategEast.org StrategEast 1900 K Street, NW Suite 100 Washington, D. C. 20006 Concept: Michael Sheitelman Project coordinator: Tatiana Slynko [email protected] Design: Vitaly Tchirkov www.StrategEast.org Page proof: Constantin Leites TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 6 Armenia: Post-revolutionary Westernization – an Equation with Four 8 Unknowns Azerbaijan: Has the Country Made Signifi cant Progress Improving 13 Its Business Climate? Belarus: Can the ICT Sector Drive Economic Development? 18 Estonia: The E-State Has Overcome Its Biggest Challenge to Date 22 Georgia: Where Does Constitutional Reform Lead? 26 Kazakhstan: The Latinization of the Kazakh Alphabet – 31 Two Steps Forward, One Step Back Kyrgyzstan: Starting the Fight against Corruption 35 as a Consequence of Democratic Processes Latvia: Legal Westernization and Westernization of the Mindset 40 Lithuania: At the Center of Fintech and Blockchain Innovations 44 Moldova: Is Moldova playing with democracy? 49 Tajikistan: Westernization and the Problem of Religious Radicalism 54 Turkmenistan: Restricting Young People’s Ability 58 to Travel Abroad Widens Distance from Westernization Ukraine: “Yes” to the Existence of the High Anti-Corruption Court! 61 Uzbekistan: Tax Reform – An Important Step Towards Civilized Rules 66 of Business Greater Economic Development Bibliography 71 Authors’ Biographies 82 INTRODUCTION Exactly one year has passed since publication of the StrategEast Westernization Index 2018 – a research project which, for the fi rst time ever, compared the degree of adherence to Western values in post-Soviet non-Russia (PSNR) countries. Today it is my pleasure to present the Westernization Report – a document in which our experts from the fourteen PSNR countries describe events which will most likely affect the degree of westernization in their respective countries. Our experts selected a wide variety of events – from the transition to the Latin alphabet in Kazakhstan to blockchain innovations in Lithuania, and from tax reform in Uzbekistan to the peaceful revolution in Armenia. It is not easy to discern clearly defi ned tendencies in the PSNR region’s development from this vibrant variety; however, I would like to draw two critically important conclusions. First, the region as a whole is demonstrating positive trends. In nine of the fourteen countries studied, events selected by our experts will undoubtedly facilitate further progression towards Western values. In two cases – the constitutional reform review in Georgia and measures to battle corruption in Kyrgyzstan – it would be premature to make any inferences about potential outcomes. In the process of implementing those legislative measures, much will depend not just on the authorities, but in equal measure on the activeness of the civil society which will need to “protect” the results of those reforms. 6 STRATEGEAST WESTERNIZATION REPORT 2019 The Westernization Report allows StrategEast and other adherents of Western values to view the future of the entire PSNR region with cautious optimism. The second important tendency is that, in the Overall, the Westernization Report allows StrategEast majority of countries, events which had a positive and other adherents of Western values to view the effect on the degree of Westernization were initiated future of the entire PSNR region with cautious optimism. by the government. While it was logical to expect that The Baltic states have achieved the most progress, and from the obvious leaders of our rating – Estonia and in a number of areas of state structure have themselves Latvia, and to some degree from Ukraine – the actions become models for the West. Government agencies of the governments of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, in the countries of Eastern Europe and Transcaucasia Azerbaijan, and Belarus once again proved that “top- are slowly but consistently bringing their legislatures down westernization” was possible in countries with into conformity with the principles of the rule of law a wide variety of political systems. and protecting private property rights. In Central Asia, I dare hope that this past year StrategEast also the processes of Westernization have intensifi ed in the contributed to the Westernization of post-Soviet “big” countries – Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan – which countries. We had the opportunity to present can lay the foundation for analogous processes in the our position and our values to representatives more conservative Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. of governments, civil societies, and the business Will these outlined trends be confi rmed or disproven? community at numerous conferences, panels, and The StrategEast Westernization Index 2020, to be personal meetings in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, published next year, will examine that issue quantitatively. Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Ukraine, Belarus, Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Latvia. The number of those presentations is in the hundreds. Anatoly Motkin I trust that we were able to convey to many of Founder and President those with whom we met the advantages gained StrategEast by following the principles of the rule of law and protecting private property rights in building a state and a society in any given post-Soviet country. We also made an effort to explain those advantages, including the economic benefi ts of following the listed principles, to the participants of our Young Leadership Program – young deputy ministers from PSNR countries who completed an internship organized by our Center in the U.S. STRATEGEAST WESTERNIZATION REPORT 2019 7 ARMENIA Post-revolutionary Westernization - an Equation with Four Unknowns by Boris Navasardyan a polar opposite to the preceding two-three years, which were filled with numerous events tied into the 2018 was a year of deep core changes in Armenia’s development of relationships with various partners. internal politics. There is a high degree of likelihood that these changes will lead to the rapprochement of On one hand, in July 2017, the parties completed the its state and society systems with Western models. process of ratifying the “Agreement on the creation Conversion of these changes into institutional transitions of a joint force of the Russia and Armenian military.”1 must have an effect on the political component of the On the other hand, on April 24, the European Union StrategEast Westernization Index and translate into a (EU) and the Republic of Armenia (RA) signed “The broad distribution of Western lifestyle characteristics. Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement” Armenia’s “Velvet Revolution” relegated to the (CEPA).2 In doing so, the country’s leadership partially background many foreign policy and international satisfied the expectations of those who supported relations issues. In this sense, 2018 ended up being and encouraged European integration of Armenia and Armenian “Velvet Revolution.” Yerevan, Armenia. August 17, 2018. Image source: Parzzival / Shutterstock.com 8 STRATEGEAST WESTERNIZATION REPORT 2019 | ARMENIA Armenia-EU cooperation is also about What obstacles still remain in the way the political will to implement our mutual of active implementation of the EU- commitments. It is essential for both sides to Armenia framework agreement in 2019? bring palpable results for our citizens, boost people-to-people contacts, as well as provide The Armenia-EU Comprehensive and increased opportunities for safe and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) is legal migration. at the core of the smooth implementation of Armenia’s reform agenda. This landmark In that context, Armenia looks forward to document, which has not only laid the launching the Visa Liberalization Dialogue, new groundwork for our bilateral relations, an important mutual commitment, which is but also become an important instrument clearly
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Download Economic Monitor Armenia
    ECONOMIC MONITOR ARMENIA Issue 1 | October 2019 [updated] Overview • Economic growth in Q1-19 (7.2%) and Q2-19 (6.5%) significantly higher than expected • Budget surplus in 7M2019 due to high revenues & under-execution of capital expenditures • Inflation forecast for 2019 at 2.1%; low inflation key ingredient of macroeconomic stability ➢ Stable macroeconomic situation • Significant jump of current account deficit in 2018 to 9.4% of GDP; quite high • FDI only at 2.1% in 2018, not sufficient for financing the current account deficit • Imports (+21.4%) increased much stronger than exports (+7.8%) in 2018 ➢ Export promotion and FDI attraction key for external stability • Mid-term fiscal consolidation: budget deficit ≈ 2% and central gov debt < 50% of GDP • At the same time: lower tax rates and higher expenditures on social & investment planned ➢ Ambitious mid-term fiscal plans Special topics • Recent political events • Fight against corruption • Energy: challenges and government plans • FDI attraction: focus on most promising target groups and institutional framework Basic indicators Armenia Azerbaijan Georgia Belarus Ukraine Russia GDP, USD bn 13.1 45.2 17.2 61.0 134.9 1,610.4 GDP/capita, USD 4,381 4,498 4,661 6,477 3,221 11,191 Population, m 3.0 10.0 3.7 9.4 41.9 143.9 Source: IMF WEO from April 2019; Forecast 2019 Trade structure Exports Imports EU 28% | Russia 28% | Switzerland 14% | Others 30% EU 23% | Russia 25% | China 13% | Others 39% Others Copper ores Others Machinery/ 19% 22% 24% Electrical Vegetable and 19% animal products Mineral 6% Motor vehicles Metals products 6% Textiles 12% 14% 10% Textiles Gold 6% 7% Metals Animal and Spirits 7% vegetable 8% Mineral products Tobacco Chemicals products (excl.
    [Show full text]
  • 5195E05d4.Pdf
    ILGA-Europe in brief ILGA-Europe is the European Region of the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans & Intersex Association. ILGA-Europe works for equality and human rights for lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans & intersex (LGBTI) people at European level. ILGA-Europe is an international non-governmental umbrella organisation bringing together 408 organisations from 45 out of 49 European countries. ILGA-Europe was established as a separate region of ILGA and an independent legal entity in 1996. ILGA was established in 1978. ILGA-Europe advocates for human rights and equality for LGBTI people at European level organisations such as the European Union (EU), the Council of Europe (CoE) and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). ILGA-Europe strengthens the European LGBTI movement by providing trainings and support to its member organisations and other LGBTI groups on advocacy, fundraising, organisational development and communications. ILGA-Europe has its office in Brussels and employs 12 people. Since 1997 ILGA-Europe enjoys participative status at the Council of Europe. Since 2001 ILGA-Europe receives its largest funding from the European Commission. Since 2006 ILGA-Europe enjoys consultative status at the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations (ECOSOC) and advocates for equality and human rights of LGBTI people also at the UN level. ILGA-Europe Annual Review of the Human Rights Situation of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex People in Europe 2013 This Review covers the period of January
    [Show full text]
  • Evaluation of the April 2, 2017 Parliamentary Elections In
    04.03.2017-10.04.2017 • No: 110 EVALUATION OF THE APRIL 2, 2017 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN ARMENIA The 6th parliamentary elections were held in context, the period of socio-economic tension in Under these conditions, 1,500 deputy candidates Armenia on April 2, 2017. According to the the country, where alliance ties with Russia participated in the recent elections. According to unofficial results announced by the Armenian (especially military field) have been strength- the results of 2009 polling stations operated in 13 Central Election Commission, 60.86% (namely ened. As known, it is expected that the Constitu- electoral districts nationwide, the distribution of 1,575,382) of the 2,588,590 registered voters tional reform, with its first four chapters entered votes is as follows: the Republican Party of participated in the elections and the Republican into force on December 22, 2015, will be com- Armenia 49.17% (771,247); the Tsarukyan Alli- Party of Armenia won with 49.17% (771,247) of pleted by April 2018. The Constitutional Reform, ance 27.35% (428,965); the Way Out Alliance total votes. which was launched by the initiative of the Pres- 7.78% (122,049); the Armenian Revolutionary According to the Article 89 of the Constitution of ident Serzh Sargsyan, was supported by the Federation “Dashnaksutyun” Party 6.58% the Republic of Armenia with the amendments, Armenian Republican Party, the Prosperous (103,173); the Armenian Renaissance Party which were introduced by the referendum on Armenia Party and the Armenian Revolutionary 3.72% (58,277); the Ohanyan-Raffi-Oskanian December 6, 2015, Armenia has a single legisla- Federation “Dashnaksutyun” Party.
    [Show full text]
  • The Velvet Revolution in Armenia: How to Lose Power in Two Weeks Alexander Iskandaryan
    The Velvet Revolution in Armenia: How to Lose Power in Two Weeks Alexander Iskandaryan Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, Volume 26, Number 4, Fall 2018, pp. 465-482 (Article) Published by Institute for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies, The George Washington University For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/707882 No institutional affiliation (20 Jan 2019 19:09 GMT) Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization 26: 4 (Fall 2018): pp. 465-482. THE VELVET REVOLUTION IN ARMENIA: HOW TO LOSE POWER IN TWO WEEKS ALEXANDER ISKANDARYAN CAUCASUS INSTITUTE, YEREVAN Abstract: The 2018 power transition in Armenia, known as the Velvet Revolution, took place roughly a year after the 2017 parliamentary election, in which the only opposition bloc of three parties—including the Civil Contract Party, led by Nikol Pashinyan, the future revolutionary leader— won just over 7% of the vote. The newly elected opposition MPs did not dispute the results of the election, but just a year later, mass protests toppled the regime in two weeks and Pashinyan became the new head of state. This article argues that the 2017 success and the 2018 demise of Armenia’s regime had the same cause: the absence of a developed political party system in Armenia. It also argues that the revolution was triggered by a lack of alternative modes of mass political engagement and made possible by the weakness of the regime—its “multiple sovereignty.” As a result, new elites were formed ad hoc from the pool of people who rose to power as a result of civil strife and who often adhere to a Manichaean worldview.
    [Show full text]
  • OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights Election Observation Mission Republic of Armenia Early Parliamentary Elections, 9 December 2018
    OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights Election Observation Mission Republic of Armenia Early Parliamentary Elections, 9 December 2018 INTERIM REPORT 12-25 November 2018 28 November 2018 I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY On 1 November, the President announced early parliamentary elections to be held on 9 December. These elections are a result of a tactical resignation by the Prime Minister on 16 October, aimed at dissolving the parliament, following a political agreement to hold early elections. The legal framework for parliamentary elections was last amended in May 2018. Amendments to the electoral code and pertinent legislation enhanced measures to prevent abuse of state resources, lifted restrictions on representatives of the media and set greater sanctions and penalties for electoral offenses. On 17 October, the government submitted draft amendments aimed at changing the electoral system to a purely proportional one and other significant adjustments but ultimately did not receive a required three-fifths’ majority in the parliament. A minimum of 101 MPs are elected through a two-tier proportional system, with candidates elected from a closed, ordered national list and 13 open district lists. In case no majority can be formed within six days of official results, a second round is held between the top two candidate lists 28 days after election day. Four seats are reserved for candidates coming from the largest national minorities. Elections are administered by the Central Election Commission (CEC), 38 Territorial Election Commissions (TECs) and 2,010 Precinct Election Commissions (PECs). The CEC is holding regular sessions and reaching decisions collegially and unanimously. No concerns were raised so far about the confidence in the CEC and TECs.
    [Show full text]
  • Armenia Investment Map 2018 1 GENERAL INFORMATION
    October 2018 Yerevan, Armenia 1 General Information 1 1.1. Geography and natural resources 2 1.2. Population 2 1.3. Education and Science 4 1.4. Political system 5 1.5. Geopolitical environment 6 1.6. Visitor information 7 2 Economy 8 2.1 Macroeconomic environment and trends 8 2.2 Business environment 12 3 Key investment and value creation themes by sector 17 3.1 Agriculture 17 3.2 Food processing and beverages 20 3.3 Tourism 22 3.4 Mining and Quarrying 24 3.5 Construction and Real Estate 26 3.6 Financial Services 28 3.7 Energy 30 3.8 IT and Engineering 32 3.9 Health Care and pharmaceutical 34 3.10 Retail and Trade 36 3.11 Textile and Leather products 38 4 Entry points, opportunities and risks 40 5 Exit options 41 6 EV Consulting 42 Armenia Investment Map 2018 1 GENERAL INFORMATION Fast facts Full name: The Republic of Armenia Population: 2 .9 mln (as of April 1,2018) Capital: Yerevan Area1: 29.743 sq. km (11.5 sq. miles) Major languages: Armenian (native), Russian, fast spreading English Major religion: Christianity Life expectancy: 71.6 years (men), 78.3 years (women) Monetary unit: Armenian dram (AMD) Exchange rate Average for 2017: 482.7 AMD/USD As of June 1, 2018: 482.86 AMD/USD Main exports: Copper ore, cigarette produce, brandy, precious and non- precious metals, diamonds, textile produce, electricity, foodstuff System of law Continental. Foreign court decisions can be enforced based on the principle of reciprocity, and foreign arbitral award can be enforced based on the New York Convention on Recognition and Enforcement of Arbitral Awards.
    [Show full text]
  • Unique Or Modular? Armenian Velvet Revolution in Comparative Approach, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 18(2020), Z
    B. Krzysztan, Unique or modular? Armenian Velvet Revolution in comparative approach, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 18(2020), z. 3, s. 143-171, DOI: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2020.3.7. Bartłomiej Krzysztan* Unique or modular? Armenian Velvet Revolution in comparative approach Wyjątkowa czy modułowa? Armeńska aksamitna rewolucja w perspektywie porównawczej Abstract: Most of the previous revolutions in the post-Soviet sphere were concentrated around two dimensions: reluctance to challenge abuses of power and the will to redirect the external trajectory. The Armenian Velvet Revolution marked the change of the axiology of revolution. Civil disobedi- ence was only focused on the corrupt political system based on clientelism and patronage. It was not addressing any issues related to the international situation. In statements, activists avoided references to foreign policy and change of geopolitical direction. The purpose of the paper is to identify con- vergent and separate features characterizing the Velvet Revolution in com- parison with breakthroughs classified as revolutions in the post-Soviet space after 1989. The research question is how the Armenian Velvet Revolution’s fea- tures stand out from previous revolutionary changes of power in the post-So- viet space, and to what extent they are convergent. The theoretical framework is based on multi-dimensional academic reflection on the factors character- izing particular revolutionary waves in post-Soviet space. Using comparatively the rich achievements of study on the Autumn of Nations, Color Revolutions, and Ukrainian Revolution of Dignity, this essay aims to inscribe the unique and modular factors characterizing the Armenian Velvet Revolution into a broader spectrum of theoretical and practical considerations on political breakthroughs in post-Soviet space.
    [Show full text]
  • English Version of This Report Is the Only Official Document
    Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights REPUBLIC OF ARMENIA EARLY PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 9 December 2018 ODIHR Election Observation Mission Final Report Warsaw 7 March 2019 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ................................................................................................................ 1 II. INTRODUCTION AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ....................................................................... 3 III. BACKGROUND AND POLITICAL CONTEXT ........................................................................... 4 IV. LEGAL FRAMEWORK ................................................................................................................... 5 V. ELECTORAL SYSTEM ................................................................................................................... 6 VI. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION ................................................................................................... 6 A. CENTRAL ELECTION COMMISSION .............................................................................................. 6 B. LOWER-LEVEL COMMISSIONS ..................................................................................................... 7 VII. VOTER REGISTRATION ................................................................................................................ 8 VIII. CANDIDATE REGISTRATION ...................................................................................................... 9 IX. ELECTORAL CAMPAIGN ..........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Civic Culture and Stability of Grey Zone Regimes
    SUSANNE BRUNNBAUER GEORGIA AND ARMENIA BETWEEN APATHY AND REVOLUTION: CIVIC CULTURE AND STABILITY OF GREY ZONE REGIMES YEREVAN YEREVAN STATE UNIVERSITY PRESS 2021 1 UDC 32:94 Is published by the decision of the Scientific Council of the Centre for European Studies of Yerevan State University Brunnbauer Susanne Georgia and Armenia between apathy and revolution: civic culture and stability of grey zone regimes, Yerevan: YSU press, 2021, 130 p. The declaration of the ‘end of the transition paradigm’ at the dawn of the new millenni- um provoked a rethinking in transformation theory, as it challenged the dichotomy of democratic and authoritarian systems and the ‘finality’ of transformation. This study contributes to the debate on hybrid political systems, critically assessing established theoretical models of political cul-ture and stability with a view to their applicability in the post-Soviet environment. On the basis of comprehensive field research, the study compares Georgia and Armenia as most similar cases, which inherited similar legacies from their common Soviet past but showed different developments of regime persis- tence, instability and democratization processes since gaining independence and sover- eignty. While Georgia experienced ups and downs of its democratization efforts, Arme- nia was considered a stable semi-consolidated authoritarian system until the Velvet Revolution, which can be regarded as an important ‘reset’ in Armenia’s recent history. In a comparative approach this study analyses critical hues of stability in the political ‘grey zone’ while concentrating on the intermediary structure of both countries. Given its me- diating function within the political system, the intermediary sphere of civil society ac- tors and political elites instructively reflects the (dis)connect between citizens and the state.
    [Show full text]
  • Revolution in Armenia? the Power and Prospects of the Protest Movement
    115th CONGRESS Printed for the use of the 2nd Session Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe Revolution in Armenia? The Power and Prospects of the Protest Movement APRIL 26, 2018 Briefing of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe Washington: 2018 VerDate 0ct 09 2002 15:29 Oct 17, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 3191 Sfmt 3191 X:\_HS\WORK\30030.TXT NINA CSCESeal.EPS Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe 234 Ford House Office Building Washington, DC 20515 202–225–1901 [email protected] http://www.csce.gov @HelsinkiComm Legislative Branch Commissioners HOUSE SENATE CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, NEW JERSEY ROGER WICKER, MISSISSIPPI, Co-Chairman Chairman ALCEE L. HASTINGS, FLORIDA BENJAMIN L. CARDIN. MARYLAND ROBERT B. ADERHOLT, ALABAMA JOHN BOOZMAN, ARKANSAS MICHAEL C. BURGESS, TEXAS CORY GARDNER, COLORADO STEVE COHEN, TENNESSEE MARCO RUBIO, FLORIDA RICHARD HUDSON, NORTH CAROLINA JEANNE SHAHEEN, NEW HAMPSHIRE RANDY HULTGREN, ILLINOIS THOM TILLIS, NORTH CAROLINA SHEILA JACKSON LEE, TEXAS TOM UDALL, NEW MEXICO GWEN MOORE, WISCONSIN SHELDON WHITEHOUSE, RHODE ISLAND Executive Branch Commissioners DEPARTMENT OF STATE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE [II] (2) VerDate 0ct 09 2002 15:29 Oct 17, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 3193 Sfmt 3193 X:\_HS\WORK\30030.TXT NINA ABOUT THE ORGANIZATION FOR SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE The Helsinki process, formally titled the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, traces its origin to the signing of the Helsinki Final Act in Finland on August 1, 1975, by the leaders of 33 European countries, the United States and Canada.
    [Show full text]
  • Armenia the Inedited Pages of Recent D O R I N C I M P O E Ş U History (2002–2018)
    Armenia The Inedited Pages of Recent D o r i n C i m p o e ş u History (2002–2018) MODERN ARMENIA became an independent state on 28 May 1918, following the changes triggered by World War I and the Bolshevik Rus- sian Revolution. After only two years of independent existence, Armenia was “rescued” by the Red Army from the Turkish danger and incorporated into the Soviet totalitarian empire. Following more than 70 years of “So- The Armenian “Velvet Revolution.” viet captivity,” Armenia got separated SourCe: https://www.iarmenia.org/armenian- velvet-revolution/. de jure from the Metropolis by de- claring its independence on 21 Sep- tember 1991. However, it remained de facto within the Russian sphere of influence, becoming the only Russian foothold in the South Caucasus after Georgia “failed” by signing the Asso- ciation Agreement with the EU on 27 June 2014. The Russian military presence on the Dorin Cimpoeşu Armenian territory ever since the So- Associate professor at the Faculty of Ar- viet age, the Armenian-Russian “stra - chivistics, Alexandru Ioan Cuza Academy tegic partnership,” the association with of Bucharest. Author, among others, of the CIS, Russia’s role in regulating the the book Armenia dupã atacul terorist Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, the coun- din parlament: Misiune diplomaticã la Erevan (2002–2005) (Armenia after the try’s dependence on Russian energy terrorist attack on the Parliament: Dip- resources and the Russian labor and lomatic mission to Yerevan, 2002–2005) economic market—these are all factors (2014). that determined Armenia to more or TANGENCIES • 115 less tacitly accept a vassal status to Moscow, contrary to its national interests.
    [Show full text]
  • Observation of the Parliamentary Elections in Armenia (2 April 2017)
    http://assembly.coe.int Doc. 14325 29 May 2017 Observation of the parliamentary elections in Armenia (2 April 2017) Election observation report Rapporteur: Ms Liliane MAURY PASQUIER, Switzerland, Socialist Group Contents Page 1. Introduction............................................................................................................................................... 1 2. Political background..................................................................................................................................2 3. Legal framework........................................................................................................................................2 4. Electoral administration, voters lists and registration of candidates.......................................................... 3 5. Election campaign and finance and media environment........................................................................... 5 6. Complaints and appeals............................................................................................................................6 7. Citizen and international observers........................................................................................................... 7 8. Polling day................................................................................................................................................ 7 9. Conclusions.............................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]