339 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXVIII N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2011 340

early pantheon is repeatedly given in KBo 4. 13: II 9-11’, III 28-30’, IV 14-16; on this text cf. M. Forlanini, “The Offering List of KBo 4. 13….”, SMEA 49, 2007, 259-280). But in this we do not find with them the Storm God of , as assumed by the author; this shrine never appears in old Hittite historical texts, nor in the Offering List of KBo 4. 13. Among the sanctuaries that, according to Popko, should have been added later on, Kummanni was probably already an important religious centre at the beginning of Hittite his- tory, since it is mentioned in CTH 3, B Obv. 17’ (cf. H. Otten, Eine althethitische Erzählung um die Stadt Zalpa, StBoT 17, Wiesbaden 1973, 10-11). In an overview on the economical aspects of the holy cities the author mentions king’s religious foundations, and distributions of goods from palaces or even from private individuals; we may remember that also the Hittite dynasts of Tumanna and were sending part of the spoils coming from their military activity on the empire’s borders to several religious institutions all HETTITOLOGIE through the kingdom. Only for the sanctuary of Karahna we possess a complete inventory text, listing deities, festivals POPKO, M. — Arinna. Eine heilige Stadt der Hethiter. (Stu- and religious personal (perhaps more than five hundred peo- dien zu den Bogazköy-Texten, 50). Verlag Otto Harras- ple: see Darga, Karahna ≥ehri kült-envanteri, 1973), sowitz, Wiesbaden, 2009. (24 cm, XIV, 125). ISBN whose content recalls the words of Strabo about the Pontic 978-3-447-05867-4. ISSN 0585-5853. / 38,-. holy city of Carana (/) at the end of the first century BC. For all the other main Hittite sanctuaries we The author of the book under review, Maciej Popko, is the lack such specific information and the evidence must be col- dean of Polish Hittitology (on his scientific achievements cf.: lected from many different texts and fragments; this research P. Taracha, “Hittitology in Warshaw: Past, Present and has been performed so far for Nerik (Haas, Future”, 62, 2009, 216-218), his main research field Der Kult von RO , Roma 1970), Samuha (Lebrun, being Hittite religion (we owe to him a synthesis of this com- Nerik Samuha, foyer reli- , Louvain-la-Neuve 1976) and Zip- plex matter: , Warsaw 1995). In the gieux de l’empire Hittite Religions of Asia Minor palanda (Popko, .). Unlike these books, Popko does not last years he devoted himself to the study of the main sanc- o.c want to treat here all the topics connected with Arinna, but tuaries of central Hatti, beginning with Zippalanda ( Zippa- restricts himself to the definition of the pantheon and to the , THeth 21, landa, ein Kultzentrum im hethitischen Kleinasien evidence on the cults and the religious topography of the city. Heidelberg, 1994); like that on Zippalanda, his book on In the second chapter the author studies the journey of the Arinna was also preceded by several articles developing spe- king from to Arinna, through Kulella and Matella and cific details. three or four cult installations called GIS - (“Wald, The aim of M. Popko is expressed in the Introduction and, warhuizna Hein”). This journey, during less than one day, is known at the end, in the “Rück und Ausblick”: he wants to collect from different fragments providing interesting details on the all the fragments pertaining to Arinna’s cult in order to create cult places in the two localities and on the road. Popko cur- a corpus. He defines the criteria used to select these frag- sorily mentions the one day’s journey of the king from ments among others, and the limits of his book, which is Tahurpa to Arinna in the fifth day of the -festi- intended to be a preliminary work and a database for further nuntarriyasha val, but does not consider the journeys from Arinna to Hat- studies. A list of the texts and fragments taken into account tusa and from Hattusa to Matilla and to Arinna mentioned in is given in chapter 13. Anyway all the passages that may be VBoT 68. At this point, it is worthwhile remembering that we useful for his purpose are given in transliteration and transla- know of a land or a district ( ∑ ) of Arinna, mentioned tion (a commentary on some specific points may be found HAL U in the land donation to Sahurunuwa (CTH 225 I 32-34); a in: P. Taracha, 4, 2009, 167-180). Palamedes village of this land, Zitakapisa, may be also found in the first The first chapter is devoted to the holy cities ( ) hieropoleis list of the above mentioned VBoT 68 together with Matilla existing in ancient from the to the clas- and Hallapiya, both connected with the cult of Arinna; hence sical period, and notably to their status in the Hittite empire. the inference that this list may include (the) villages belong- He mentions the three main shrines of Hattusa, Arinna and ing to the province of Arinna (cf. M. Forlanini, “La prima Zippalanda and notes that, according to the Bronze Tablet, lista di VBoT 68 e la provincia di Arinna”, 22, 1980, the religious life of these three shrines followed the same spe- SMEA 71-80). Arinna was located at less than one day’s journey cial rules (4-5, n.7; cf. also G. Torri, “A ‘New’ Prayer from from Hattusa, but not in the immediate outskirts of the capital, the ‘House of the Slope’”, in: Pax Hethitica. Studies on the since she was the centre of a district. We know that Tahurpa , and Their Neighbours in Honour of Itamar Singer could be reached from Hattusa, like Arinna from Tahurpa, in Wiesbaden 2010, 367). As a matter of fact the Storm God of one day; since Tahurpa was located to the east of Hattusa, Zippalanda, the Sun Goddess of Arinna (together with Mez- Arinna should be sought 20 to 25 km. north or south of Hat- zulla), and the Protective Deity (Inar) of Hattusa were at the tusa, and a southern position may be preferable because head of the local pantheon of Hattusa since the beginning of Arinna, so far we know, was never exposed to attacks by the the Hittite state, when the city became the residence of the Kaskean tribes (cf. M. Forlanini, “The Central Provinces of kings (in my view an example of the role of this triad in the Hatti, an Updating”, in: New Perspectives on the Historical

994700_Bior_2011_3-4_01.indd4700_Bior_2011_3-4_01.indd 286286 221/10/111/10/11 09:1809:18 341 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — HETTITOLOGIE 342

Geography and Topography of Anatolia in the II and I Mil- Chapter 9 deals with the temple personnel of Arinna, from lennium B.C., Eothen 16, Florence 2008, 161-163). the various kinds of priests and priestesses to the kitchen In the third chapter, dealing with the basic information personnel. According to Popko the king had the function of about Arinna, the author studies the name of the city, whose great priest. Among the priestesses, the zintuhi women, bear- meaning is inferred from the logographic writing PÚ-na (PÚ, ing the name of the third goddess of Arinna, deserve particu- previous reading TÚL, “source”) commonly used for lar consideration, because of the text CTH 736 — “words of Arinna; he takes into consideration both a Hattian and a Hur- the Zintuhi-priestess(es) in the temple of the Sun God(dess) rian etymology; but the former is quite uncertain, since the in front of the king” —, containing recitations with Hattic Hattian word for “source” is uri and not ari (cf. Soysal, wishes for Labarna and Tawananna (cf. G. Torri, Die heth- Hattischer Wortschatz in hethitischer Textüberlieferung, itische Tontafelkataloge aus Îattusa (CTH 276-282), StBoT HdO, Leiden 2004, 318-319 ). A Hittite word arinna- is not 47, Wiesbaden 2007, 36-37). attested, but this place-name and a derivative form are also In the following chapter the author treats the presence of known in contemporary western Anatolia (Arinna in , other kinds of inhabitants of Arinna: dignitaries, palace func- according to the Annals of Tuthaliya I (II), KUB 23. 11 II tionaries and artisans. The men of Hallapiya, taking part in a 7’, and mount Arinnanda on the coast, according to Mursili’s ritual wrestling with the ALAM.ZU-men, are correctly clas- II Annals, third year). Popko avoids here to outline a history sified by Popko as “Leute aus den Nachbardörfern” (Hal- of Arinna or of her goddess (for which one may refer to the lapiya occurs in the above mentioned list of VBoT 68). The concise treatment of D. Yoshida, Untersuchungen zu den presence in Arinna of acrobats and sword eaters reminds us, Sonnengottheiten bei den Hethitern, THeth 22, Heidelberg as Popko notes, of the reliefs of the sphinx gate at Alaca 1996, 54-61). Höyük, an evidence favouring — but not proving — the Chapter 4 is devoted to the topography of the city, not a identification of this archaeological site with Arinna, whereas large settlement indeed, with only one main gate (KÁ.GAL). Popko still prefers to identify it with Zippalanda. The author here is mainly concerned with the presence and As for the festivals performed in Arinna (chapter 11) the relative position of different buildings, among them: the author remarks that, during the great AN.TAH.SUM and king’s palace (halentu-) and the queen’s residence, the tem- nuntarriyashas festivals (taking place respectively in the ples of Mezzulla and Hulla, the storehouses of Arinna rep- spring and the autumn of each year) the king visited Arinna resenting other towns of the empire (p. 23) — like Ankuwa alone; the Great Festival of Arinna instead (CTH 634) was in central Hatti, Zallara and Purushanda in the south-west, celebrated by the king and the queen together. Therefore Sukziya, in the east —, a “Gasthaus” (Éarzana), and a fragments mentioning Arinna and the queen may assigned to building Étastuppa for the purification of the king outside CTH 634. the city gate. Chapter 12 treats various aspects of the cult, like lists of Chapter 5 deals with the city pantheon. Among the deities gods and offerings (breads, drinks and meats). Popko remarks of Arinna, the Sun Goddess, her daughter Mezzulla, and here some enjoyable aspects of the festivals, like meals and granddaughter Zintuhi show a Hattian origin. Mount Hulla entertainment, and notes that Arinna was called therefore and a Storm God (“of the Wood”) complete the pantheon. tuskarattas URU-as, “Stadt der Freude”. When these deities are worshipped outside Arinna, we found Chapter 13 contains a long list of all the fragments taken their cult in neighbouring towns, like the Sun Goddess and into consideration, belonging mainly to CTH 634 (Great Fes- Mezzulla in Hattusa and Tahurpa (at a one day’s journey tival of Arinna) and CTH 666 (fragments concerning Arinna), from Arinna) or in other towns of Hatti, like Mezzulla in a short commentary is given on each of them with reference Sulupassi (in the Zuliya basin), Turmitta (on the middle to previous literature; at the end several unpublished frag- Halys) and Urauna. A Storm God “of the wood” (p. 34-35) ments, mainly Bo numbers, are given in transliteration. One was worshipped in Taurisa (not far from mount Taha) and may complete and update this list through the online updated Taskuriya; the latter was not a town of the province Katapa, database Konkordanz of the Hethitologie Portal Mainz. as asserted by Popko, but probably a village directly depend- Some fragments that may be attributed to CTH 634 and 666 ing from Arinna (see below). I may add that also mount according to the Konkordanz database are not taken into con- Hulla might be connected with Hattic cults, if it is mentioned sideration by Popko (KBo 49. 43; 53. 126; KUB 10. 37 + in a Hattic text, KUB 28. 59: I 19’, 22’ (alternative readings: Montserrat 1; KUB 25. 3; 46. 6; 59. 8). Some fragments, DHulla or anhulla), together with a town, Tawana (KUB 28. mentioned in the book as still unpublished, or later recog- 59: I 2’, IV 6 and KBo 37. 49: vo 8’); this toponym may be nized by Popko, have been recently published (KBo 58. 189; the Hattian name of Tawiniya (O. Soysal, Hattischer Wort- 60. 155; 166; 179; 197; KUB 58. 42). Some other newly schatz, 772) or even of Arinna (Forlanini, SMEA 22, 74). published fragments were still unknown to him (KBo 56. 78; Popko then applies himself to the study of the temples of 79; 97; 58. 105; 124; 208; 60. 195; 197). Arinna (chapters 6-8); each deity of the city had his own I share the opinion of G. Beckman (JAOS 129.2, 2009, shrine there. From the texts he collects evidence about the 377) and consider this book very useful for Hittitologists loci sacri in the area of each temple, like the “Postament”/ who are investigating Hittite cults, gods, buildings and cer- altar (ZAG.GAR.RA/istanana-), the hearth (GUNNI/hassa-), emonies, in spite of the author’s choice of avoiding the dis- the “door bolt” (hattalwas GIS-ru-), and also (a statue of?) cussion of historical and geographical problems. Telepinu (only in the temple of Mezzulla), and about parts of buildings occurring in the description of the rituals, such as Milano, February 2011 Massimo FORLANINI the “gate” (KÀ), the “lateral door” (lustani-), the “staircase” (GIS -, pl.); among them, the term GIS -, a wooden ilana karla * part of buildings, is mentioned only in relation with the tem- * * ple of Mezzulla in Arinna and the palace of Zippalanda.

994700_Bior_2011_3-4_01.indd4700_Bior_2011_3-4_01.indd 287287 221/10/111/10/11 09:1809:18 343 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXVIII N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2011 344

GRODDEK, D., und M. ZORMAN (Hrsg.) — Tabularia the town’s borders, relevant for taxes and/or land donations. Hethaeorum. Hethitologische Beiträge Silvin Kosak The text is in any case very different from the Old Babylonian zum 65. Geburtstag. (Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie itineraries known to us.1) MILLER (521-534) treats a new join- 25). Verlag Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 2007. (24,5 ing (KUB 14.17 and KBo 50.30, with photographs) of CTH cm, XLVIII, 810). ISBN 978-3-447-05530-7. ISSN 61, the annals of Mursili, casting more light on the run-up to 1619-0874. / 98,-. Mursili’s war with the Nuhasse, which may have to be con- nected with the refusal of the Nuhassean kings to extradite No less than 69 colleagues have contributed to the Fest- prisoners. MOUTON (551-555) gives an edition of the small dedicated to Silvin Kosak at the occasion of his 65th schrift oracle report KBo 18.142. She draws attention to the fact that birthday, which may be seen as a reflection of the general the hand writing on the obverse (containing the question) and and wide appreciation of his work. Contributions are in Eng- reverse (containing the result) are very different which she lish, French, German, Italian and Turkish, covering a wide explains by assuming two scribes. We may add here that the range of subjects. It is impossible to do justice to the sheer reverse was written at a later moment in time, when the clay number and variety of topics covered and I will therefore was already drying up and the stylus could not be pressed as limit myself with a brief general overview of the contents, deeply into the clay as on the obverse, which may also (partly) only occasionally giving a slightly more elaborate comment. account for the difference in handwriting. NAKAMURA (557- The book sets out with a preface by the editors and the 559) presents an edition of the unpublished fragment TCH- bibliography of Silvin Kosak composed by Perdih, of course 4F05h from the Takahashi-collection, which contains a small including his indispensable work on the online Konkordanz. piece of a Hurrian version of the Gilgames-epic. Further, DE A substantial number of articles consist of text editions and/ ROOS (593-597) offers a transliteration and translation of two or joins of published as well as unpublished texts and frag- thus far unpublished votive texts (CTH 584); SAKUMA (599- ments. First, AKDOGAN (1-12) gives an edition of the thus far 606) presents two joins of oracular texts and TRÉMOUILLE unpublished fragment 9251 (CTH 764) including hand AnAr (681-692) treats the historical fragment KUB 31.45 including copy and photographs. BECKMAN (69-81) edits the ritual CTH a discussion about the town Kammama mentioned herein. 432, which he identifies as a ritual against depression. Consid- Almost a third of the book consists of ering the fact that the Akkadian of the Babylonian recitals — linguistic contribu- Well-represented are the comparative linguistics; of which close parallels are attested in texts from Mesopota- tions. BOLEY (83-89) comments on the verbs and , in which mia — is of a much higher standard than the general Akkadian da- pai- she sees support for the theory that Anatolian has already language material at Hattusa, as well as the fact that the Hittite departed from PIE at a very early stage. DARDANO (221-246) text parts do not reveal any sign of translation and the ductus discusses some primary Anatolian adjectives in *-. , whereas is purely Hittite as well, he concludes that this text represents nt FURLAN (293-298) comments on Palaic - ‘curse’. a collaboration of a Hittite student and his Babylonian teacher. tarta KLOEKHORST (455-457) treats the Hittite syllabification of CORTI (163-174) sheds light on days 12-14 of the nuntarria- * w arguing that the PIE sequences -festival based on a new join. A new joining is also at the CuR and *K R, sha w and w syllabify as and base of the new translation and transcription of the treaty *CuRV/*K RV *CuRCV/*K RCV CuRV respectively, whereas the sequence * w between Talmi-Tessub of Karkemis and Suppiluliuma (CTH CuRCV CuRCC/*K RCC syllabifies as CuwaRCC in Hittite. MARQUARDT (503-506) 122) given by D’ALFONSO (203-220). GRODDEK (313-339) elaborates on Hittite vashar; MELCHERT (513-519) discusses treats various small mythological fragments, whereas HEIN- the stem huwapp-, huppa(i) and huppiya, in which we should HOLD-KRAMER (367-383) discusses three little fragments of distinguish four separate verbs. OETTINGER (561-568) treats historical nature (KUB 26.73, KBo 19.52 and KBo 22.48), the Hittite imperative in - ; PUHVEL (583-586) dismisses the which, as she argues, may be connected to the Deeds of Sup- i word URUDU/GIStekan- ‘hoe, pick(axe)’ as a ghostword, show- piluliuma. VAN DEN HOUT (401-409) gives a translation and ing that all its attestations are better explained as belonging transliteration of five thus far unedited fragments of prayers to ‘earth’. RIKOV & MIHAÏLOVA (587-592) comment on stemming from the Altogether, only six tekan Haus am Hang. the etymology of Hittite -, -, , and prayers have been found on this location, which can all be allaniia sunna dawani Luwian - and -. Further, SCHMALSTIEG (607-612) related to the Sungoddess (of Arinna). This circumstance leads halli zalma treats the possible evolution of Indo-European from a lan- Van den Hout to suggest that this small group of prayer frag- guage with split ergativity to a nominative-accusative lan- ments are either to be interpreted as retroacta, temporarily guage. SNOJ (643-652) explores the etymology of the name retrieved from other collections to compose a new prayer, or Kosak; TISCHLER (665-669) links Hittite suhmili- to Lycian as part of this new composition. HUTTER & HUTTER-BRAUNSAR -, whereas VANSÉVEREN (703-717) gives a morpho- (411-421) give a preliminary edition of Bo 2002/1 (with pho- humeli logical analysis of Hittite - ‘winter’ and YOSHIDA tographs), a thus far unpublished fragment of a prayer found gimmant (719-724) discusses the formation of the 3rd medio-passive near Sarıkale. The fragment seems to be part of an arkuwar, parhattari. possibly to be attributed to Hattusili III and Puduhepa. KAS- With respect to Hittite syntaxis, HOFFNER (387-399) treats SIAN &YAKUBOVICH (423-454) give a detailed edition of CTH asyndeton in Hittite, and SIDELTSEV (613-629) the syntactic 377, Mursili’s prayer to Telipinu, which shows striking paral- structure finite verb finite verb within one clause. GOEDEGE- lels with his prayer to the Sun-goddess of Arinna. LORENZ & BUURE (305-312) gives some philological notes on a few Old RIEKEN (467-487) present the remarkable unpublished tablet Hittite compositions, including the Anitta-text (KBo 3.22, Bo 2004/1, found west of Sarıkale. This unique little MS tab- obv. 24-26) and, lastly, ZINKO & ZINKO (732-752) apply let gives a topographical description of the road of the town semantic theories to Hittite - ‘rain’. Sassuna. No other examples of this kind of text have been heu found and one can only speculate regarding its function. The authors hypothesize that the descriptions may serve to mark 1) See, e.g., Goetze JCS 7 (1953): 51-74 and Hallo, JCS 18 (1964): 57-88.

994700_Bior_2011_3-4_02.indd4700_Bior_2011_3-4_02.indd 288288 221/10/111/10/11 09:2009:20 345 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — HETTITOLOGIE 346

Articles regarding Hittite religion include ARIKAN, who genre of Hittite royal edicts. MORA (535-550) explores the explores the functions and duties of the LÚtazzelli, (33-58), function of the sealed clay bullae found in the Westbuilding MAZOYER (507-512) on the relationship between Inara and of Ni≥antepe and Building D, suggesting that they may have Telipinu, and TORRI (671-680) who deals with subject shift- been — at least partly — attached to goods of the royal ing from third to second person in Hittite magical rituals. family and court officials. POPKO (575-581) addresses the A number of contributions deal with Hittite geography: complex matter of the dating of Hittite texts, arguing that the BÖRKER-KLÄHN (91-118) uses the account of Suppiluliuma’s beginning of writing in the must be dated conquests in the south-east to reconstruct the location of some around Telipinu and that before that period only Akkadian towns mentioned herein, including several maps (91-118), was used including for internal documents.2) ZEHNDER (725- FORLANINI (263-270) explores the continuity of some Anatolian 731) concludes that the munus/futati should be considered a place names throughout history and LEBRUN (459-466) dis- personal name and not a function. ZORMAN (753-769), cusses the toponym /. Here, we may also mention finally, attempts to explain the use of Glossenkeilen as indi- the contribution of SOYSAL (653-658) on the cities Hattusa, cating ‘taboo’ words, discussing the Glossenkeil words a to Arinna, Ziplanda and Nerik and their priests in Hattian texts. i. Useful indices conclude the volume. All in all, the book On Hittite history, BRYCE (119-129) discusses the fate of presents a rich, heterogeneous mixture, covering almost all Kurunta and Urhi-Tessub, hypothesising that the neo-Hittite aspects of Hittitology. kings of the Iron Age may be descendants from the family of Muwatalli. CARRUBA (131-142) treats the Hittite royal sac- Leiden University, April 2011 W.J.I. WAAL rifice lists; FREU (271-292) expands on the relations between Hatti and , whereas TARACHA (659-664) aims to * demonstrate the historical and geographical consciousness of * * the Hittites as reflected in their Res Gestae. Further dealing with historical matters are the contributions of Heinhold- GRODDEK, D. — Hethitische Texte in Transkription. KBo Krahmer, Miller and Trémouille discussed above. 54. (Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie 31). Verlag Otto Several articles deal with : GILAN literary compositions Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 2010. (24 cm, XIII, 203). (299-304) suggests that the Palace Chronicles (CTH 8) may ISBN 978-3-447-06144-5. ISSN 1619-0874. / 58,-. have served as amusing didactic anecdotes performed during a banquet of the king. HAAS (341-351) explores the intertex- The generous idea of providing access to the Hittite cunei- tuality of Hittite ritual texts. POLVANI (569-574) discusses the form archives to non-cuneiform-scholars is continued by the interesting mythological fragment KBo 43.3 in which a god- DBH series since 2002. The following volume of translitera- dess ‘dies’ (aki), linking this phenomenon to Mesopotamian tions contains 304 rather small fragments of tablets arranged literature. SINGER (631-642) examines the origins of the myth by the excavation numbers, found in the Great Temple of Eklunirsa and Asertu, arguing that its roots do not neces- mostly in the years 1962 and 1963. It encompasses different sarily lie in Canaan, but that the composition should be more kinds of texts, ranging from mythological fragments and broadly defined as Syrian. prayers to festivals and rituals. All texts were published in Two articles encompass biblical themes: CHRISTIANSEN their cuneiform version by D. Groddek in Keilschrifttexte aus (143-152) compares the motif of ‘looking out of the window’ Bogazköy 54 in 2006. in the story of Mariya in the treaty of Suppiluliuma with The Einleitung (p. XV) includes useful additional abbre- Hukkana of Hayasa to Genesis and Proverbia. The passages viations; it is, however, hard to find the much awaited tran- have in common that, by looking out of the window, the per- scription of ABoT 2, indicated as DBH 31. We consider this son is witness of a sexual crime, which leads her to consider to be an unintentional mistake, it should be DBH 32. the look from the window as a literary motive. COLLINS (153- The volume is completed with the glossaries of the names 161) discusses the Hittites in the Bible, arguing the term ‘Hit- of deities (p. 187-190), personal names (p. 190), geographical tites’ in the Bible may mostly be seen a rhetorical tool, rep- names (towns, mountains and rivers, p. 190-192), as well as resenting ‘the other’ and serving as a negative counter-identity a very useful contrary index (p. 193-203). However, refer- against which an Israelite identity could be reconstructed. ences sending to more than one text in one entry would be The volume further contains two contributions on Hur- more intelligible if they were separated by a comma or a rian: DE MARTINO & GIORGIERI (247-262) present a few lem- semicolon instead of a dot, which makes the searching of a mata as an introduction to the online project Literatur zum specific text a little troublesome. An index of CTH numbers hurritischen Lexikon (LHL) and BAWANYPECK & GÖRKE (59- would perhaps also be useful for such a great number of texts. 68) elaborate on the Hurrian incantations of the Gizziya-rit- Only a few short remarks can be added to some particular uals, of which an online text edition is available. texts: The remaining contributions cover various topics. Two No 2: 5’ more probable reading cf. E. Rieken et al. (eds.), articles deal with late Hitittologists; ALAURA (13-31) treats hethiter.net/: CTH 341.III.12 (2009sqq.): mU]R-SA-NA-BI-is the involvement of Otto Puchstein with Zincirli, whereas URBANIJA (693-702) gives a short biography and bibliogra- phy of Viktor Korosec. COTTICELLI-KURRAS (175-202) pre- 2) This topic has also been discussed by Theo van den Hout, who sents a useful overview of Hittite Fehlertypologie, discussing independently reached a very similar conclusion, see Van den Hout, Th.P.J, phenomena such as omission, dittography and metathesis of Reflections on the Origins and Development of the Hittite Tablet Collec- cuneiform signs. HAGENBUCHNER-DRESEL (353-365) dis- tions in Hattusa and Their Consequences for the Rise of Hittite Literacy, in: Pecchioli Daddi, F & Torri & Corti, C. (edd.) Central-North Anatolia cusses the systems the Hittites used to close and seal off their in the Hittite Period. New Perspectives in Light of Recent Research Acts goods, which are comparable to methods used elsewhere in of the International Conference held at the University of Florence (7-9 the . MARAZZI (487-502) elaborates on the February) (Studia Asiana 5), Roma: 71-96.

994700_Bior_2011_3-4_02.indd4700_Bior_2011_3-4_02.indd 289289 221/10/111/10/11 09:2009:20 347 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXVIII N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2011 348

x[…]. No 3: At the end after l. 45’ there is a double line. No We hope that the author will continue his project of the 12: S. Kosak, hethiter.net/: hetkonk (v. 1.8) joined it to CTH edition of the Hittite texts in transcription, which is a pre- 42.B, where it fills the gap in the middle of the tablet KBo cious complement to any branch of Hittitological studies. 19 44+ on the rev. No 13: Cf. now also A. Mouton, JCS 62, 2010, 106 with n. 6 and 7. No 14: At the end of rev. iii, after Warsaw, January 2011 Magdalena KAPE™US 11’ the double line at the bottom of the tablet is clearly vis- ible. In l. 10’ the << >> are not needed, the signs are -te-en * clearly visible on the photo. : KUB 7.56 is omitted in No 54 * * “Duplikate”. No 70: S. Kosak, hethiter.net/: hetkonk (v. 1.8) joined it now also to KBo 52.209 and E 367. : The text No 75 ZEHNDER, T. — Die hethitischen Frauennamen. Katalog parallel or duplicate to KBo 21.33++ (CTH 701), as indi- und Interpretation. (Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie, cated in S. Kosak, hethiter.net/: hetkonk (v. 1.8), seems to 29). Verlag Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 2010. (24,5 be the description of the same ritual but without Hurrian cita- cm, XXIX, 345). ISBN 978-3-447-06139-1. ISSN 1619- tions. The fragment KBo 54.75 may be also a duplicate or 0874 parallel to KBo 21.33++ obv. ii 71-rev. iii 10, cf. M. Salvini/I. Wegner, ChS I/2, 54-55. No 87: 8’ should read e-wa-an Die Namenkunde ist eine der am besten erforschten Berei- instead of e-u-wa-an. No 94: Obv.: one paragraph-line che der Altanatolistik, wobei aber die Frauennamen als solche between 3’’ and 4’’ seems to be visible on the photo in S. monographisch noch nicht dargestellt wurden. Dies wird jetzt Kosak, hethiter.net/: hetkonk (v. 1.8) as well as a double, not von dem Züricher Indogermanisten, Thomas Zehnder, in dem triple, line at the bottom of the tablet. No 106: Now pub- vorliegenden Band geboten, der eigentlich die Grundlage des lished by Y. Sakuma, AoF 36, 2009, 294-310. No 108: 4’ anatolischen Kapitels des Projekts „Indogermanische Frauen- should read: ]x-a. No 111: Now published by Y. Sakuma, namen“ (Stüber - Zehnder - Remmer 2009) bildet. AoF 36, 2009, 293, 311-315, 318. No 113: In KUB 18.32, Dem Titel entsprechend teilt sich das Buch nach dem Vor- LÌ indirectly joined to this fragment, two É.NA4 DINGIR are wort und Abkürzungsverzeichnis in zwei Hauptteile, eine mentioned, of Arnuwanda and of Tuthaliya. Cf. also KUB Einleitung (S. 1-103) und einen Katalog (S. 104-333). Das 16.39+, partially edited by Otten, HTR 106-111. Buch schließt mit den Indizes der erwähnten Männer-, bzw. No 119: Cf. also P. Taracha, Palamedes 4, 2009, p. 180. alphabetisch überlieferten Namen. No 130: In r. col. 6’ it would be clearer to transcribe the Die Einleitung beschreibt die Quellen (S. 1-31, wobei 1 sign MAS as ⁄2. No 132a: In S. Kosak, hethiter.net/: het- auch das Problem des Erkennens der Frauennamen diskutiert konk (v. 1.8) joined also to E 553. No 138: Cf. also KBo wird), bietet eine allgemeine Charakterisierung der Namen 45.28 and KBo 45.85 from CTH 653 where the god aus morphologischer und semantischer Sicht (S. 32-67), führt Zithariya appears. No 139: 7’ the restoration [LÚ.MESSÌR die fremden (hattischen und hurritischen) Anthroponyme auf SÌRR]U is not necessarily correct. Cf. KUB 51.10 lk. Kol. (S. 68-71, für die letzteren s. jetzt De Martino 2011) und 8’(!) from CTH 653 where Ú-UL SÌRRU is restored. No schließt mit einer besonders wertvollen und nützlichen 148: Add to “Bearbeitung”: D. Schwemer, AOAT 318, p. Zusammenstellung der mehrfach vorkommenden Namenele- 407-408. No 149: obv. 2’ [MUNUSpal-wa-a-tal-la-as p]al- mente (S. 72-103, zum etymologisch ungedeuteten -wiya s. wa-a-iz-zi, cf. P. Taracha, Palamedes 4, 2009, p. 179-180. jetzt auch Isebaert - Lebrun 2010). No 150: 9’ should read G]A.KIN.AG 1 hu-ul-li-ti-in [ (the Verf. benutzt den Begriff ‘hethitisch’ nicht im sprachwis- number 1 was omitted). No 151: Cf. also P. Taracha, - senschaftlichen, sondern im kulturellen Sinn, d.h. er bezieht medes 4, 2009, p. 179-180. No 162: In S. Kosak, hethiter. alle anatolische Namen der Kültepe-Texten, der keilschrift- net/: hetkonk (v. 1.8) CTH 666. No 177 perhaps belongs to lichen Texte der Hethiter und der hieroglyphischen Quellen texts concerning Zalpa, because of Hammani deity. No 188: (sowohl der Inschriften als auch der Siegel) mit der Neben- In 3’, the isgaruh-vessel can supposedly be restored. No überlieferung (v.a. mit der aus Ugarit, Alalah und Emar) ein. 198: With regard to the form irhandus, cf. KUB 25.37 iv Alle veröffentlichte (und wenige unveröffentlichte) Texte 15. The restoration hiss[alandus does not necessarily need wurden in Betracht gezogen (wobei das Ni≥antepe-Korpus to be correct. Other endings of the word hissalla(i)- are also unter den hieroglyphischen Quellen nicht erwähnt (S. 26), to be taken in consideration, cf. now HWb2. H. 18, 613-614. allerdings aber benutzt wird). If nevertheless it is correct, cf. KBo 45.25+, Gregory Die morphologische Analyse geschieht nach in der Indo- McMahon, AS 25, 200, so it may somehow be related to the germanistik üblichen Terminologie: ein- und zweistämmige CTH 684 or to the 29 day of AN.TAH.SUM-festival (CTH Vollnamen (mit Untertypen), Kurznamen, Hypokoristika, 616). No 213: l. x+1 III NINDAhar-za-zu-t[a. No 224: ergänzt mit den in dem anatolischen Bereich wichtigen Another related text is 138/u, cf. C. Corti, JANER 10, 2010, Begriff der Lallnamen und schließlich Satznamen. Verf. steht 100. No 240 and 260: In S. Kosak, hethiter.net/: hetkonk den Erklärungen als Satznamen skeptisch gegenüber, vor (v. 1.8) both fragments are indirectly joined sub CTH 824, allem weil es solche in den älteren Stufen der indogermani- also with three unpublished texts: 795/z, 806/z, 811/z. No schen Sprachen kaum bekannt sind (wobei seine kritischen 242: Between 3’ and 4’ an unmarked double line probably Bemerkungen zur Interpretation der asdu-Namen als 3. Sg. divides two different rituals or parts of a ritual. No 243: The Ipv. (S. 51-52, 79) bemerkenswert sind). source of the restoration is undocumented for line 5’. In S. Was die semantische Seite betrifft, wurden die Kategorien Kosak, hethiter.net/: hetkonk (v. 1.8) reordered to CTH 385 von erfülltem Kinderwunsch, Verwandtschaftswörtern, theo- as a duplicate to KUB 57.60 ii 20’-23’ and KUB 57.63 ii phoren Namen, Herkunftsbezeichnungen (von Toponymen) 29-34. No 246: In “Bearbeitung” the reference to J.L. Mill- und Familienbindung unterschieden. er’s KBo 53, p. VIII, the closer indication should be (sub Angefügt seien einige Einzelbemerkungen, teils Verbesse- Nr 205) instead of (sub Nr 133). rungen, teils Ergänzungen:

994700_Bior_2011_3-4_02.indd4700_Bior_2011_3-4_02.indd 290290 221/10/111/10/11 09:2009:20 349 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — HETTITOLOGIE 350

S. 5-8. Obwohl der Vorschlag, dass der Hinterglied -kuni Auffassung tatsächlich unterschieden wurden. Dem Rez. war einiger Kültepe-Namen zum Hattischen gehört nicht auszu- es übrigens nicht klar, warum Belege aus dieser, vorhethiti- schließen ist, kann derzeit von der hattischen Seite nicht schen Schicht von Alalah einem anatolischen Namenkatalog bestätigt werden, weil ein solches hattisches Lexem nicht anzuschließen sind. belegt ist (vgl. Soysal 2004). S. 176-177. Den ungedeuteten heth. Namen fIstapariya- S. 61. Hattusa wurde nicht zerstört, sondern verlassen könnte man als Istapar-iya- analysieren und den Stamm ista- (Seeher 2001). par- mit dem luw. Stamm tapar- ‘herrschen’ unbekannter S. 66 Für eine neue Analyse der hethitischen Papponymie Herkunft (vgl. Kloekhorst 2008: 829-831) gleichsetzen, was s. jetzt Marizza 2010. lautlich unanfechtbar ist und Namen mit der Semantik ‘Herr- S. 68. Anm. 98. Unter den Handbüchern zum Hattischen schaft’ sind weit verbreitet. Dieser Vorschlag öffnet neue darf Soysal 2004 nicht außer Acht gelassen werden. Möglichkeiten zu der Erklärung der Herkunft dieses Stam- S. 78. Im Falle des luwischen Formans -(a)nza/i- bleibt die mes, die aber hier nicht erörtert werden können. Grundform -nt- unerklärt. M.E. kann dieses Element mit dem S. 177. (vgl. 38): Der kapp. Name (f)Ewanika wird als -nt-Suffix (Oettinger 2001) gleichgesetzt werden. Komposition aus kapp. -nika (vgl. heth. nega- ‘Schwester) S. 93. Dass Santa aus den Quellen nur „wenig profiliert“ und heth. ewa- ‘eine Feldfrucht, Gerste?’ erklärt, wobei ein hervortritt, schein dem Rez. übertrieben (vgl. Hutter 2003: guter Gesamtsinn sich nicht ergebe. Aber die Tatsache, dass 228-229, Haider 2006: 42-47, beide mit Lit.). Feldfrüchte auch in anderen Kulturen als Personnennamen S. 102. Aus kapp. (f)Waza (~ hluw. waza- ‘Wunsch’) und erscheinen (vgl. ung. Árpád aus árpa ‘Gerste’, Buzád aus ved. Vása- (vása- ‘ds.’) auf einen idg. Namen *Wóko- zu búza ‘Weizen’), unterstützt diese Analyse. schließen ist formal gesehen unanfechtbar. Da aber diese S. 189. Zur ungedeuteten hier. (f)Kisulali vgl. das Suffix Namengebung trivial und deshalb typologisch gesehen weit -alli-. verbreitet ist (erwähnt auch von dem Verf. selbst), bleibt die S. 193 (vgl. 43). Verf. zitiert die allgemein verbreitete Frage, wie man beweisen kann, dass diese Namen genetisch Sicht, dass Kukkuni lyk. Xuxune entspricht. Zinko 2002 (bes. zusammenhängen und nicht voneinander unabhängig 230-232, vgl. noch Kloekhorst 2006b: 96-103) hat aber zustande gekommen sind? gezeigt, dass lyk. x heth.-luw. h-, bzw. -hh- entspricht, d.h. die S. 118. Anm. 133. Zitiert man den Aufsatz von Jahukyan keilschriftliche Entsprechung von Xuxune wäre *Huhhun°. 1961 über die angenommenen Verbindungen der Sprache S. 199. Kupapiya, Ehefrau von Taita, König von W/Pala/ von Hayasa mit dem Armenischen, ist es nötig, auf den spe- istin(i) wird zwischen 900 und 700 datiert, der im Licht der kulativen und aus indogermanistischer Sicht sehr problema- neueren Funde überholten Datierung von Hawkins 2000: 416 tischen Charakter dieser Annahme hinzuweisen. folgend. Taita erscheint auch in ALEPPO 6, die aus einem S. 132-133 (vgl. S. 98). Zehnder erklärt das Vorderglied Tempel stammt, das durch kalibrierte Radiokarbondaten zwi- von fAssuiwasha aus hier.-luw. asuwa/i- ‘Pferd’ (mit einer in schen 1130-970 (95,4%) zu datieren ist (Kohlmeyer 2008: die Komposition eingedrungenen i-mutierten Form), und fügt 122 Anm. 12), mit dem die paläographische und historische hinzu, dass diese Identifizierung eine weitere Stütze für die Datierung von Hawkins 2009: 172 (11. Jh.) weitgehend Lesung des hier.-luwischen Zeichens L.448 als sù (statt zú) übereinstimmt (für eine mögliche, noch präzisere Chronolo- bietet. Er läßt aber außer Acht, dass das hier.-luw. Wort in gie s. jetzt Hawkins 2010: 8-9). der Tat einen u-Stamm (ásu-/ázu-, je nach Transkription) S. 221. Im Fall von kapp. (f)Mawashi scheint die Annahme darstellt (Kloekhorst 2008: 237-239), was diese Erklärung einer dreimaligen Fehlschreibung statt Matawashi und der (und so die angenommene Stütze) ausschließt. Trotz seiner „Kapitulation“ des Schreibers vor der Wiedergabe des luwi- Auffassung ist die Lesung von L.448 wahrscheinlich als zú/ schen d > r im allgemeinen und bes. in einem juristischen zax zu bestimmen (für eine übergreifende Diskussion s. den Text (CCT 5.48) nicht wahrscheinlich zu sein. vom Verf. nicht zitierten Aufsatz von Simon 2008, wo [S. S. 240. Die ad hoc Annahme, Namen mit Vorderglied 23-24] auch die alte, und vom Verf. wiederholte Annahme Pana- mit Namen mit Vorderglied Puna- gleichzusetzen eines Lautgesetzes *k > hier.-luw. s/_u, w ausführlich disku- durch einen unregelmäßigen puna- > pana- „Übergang“ tiert und widerlegt wird). Die auch vom Verf. überlegene scheint dem Rez. nicht einleuchtend. Da beide Elemente in Annahme eines indoiranischen Lehnworts ist sicherlich aus- allen Perioden parallel erscheinen und beide mit beliebigen zuschließen, s. Kloekhorst loc. cit. Hintergliedern kombiniert werden können (vgl. auch Adiego S. 140. Kapp. (f)Hamanani kann statt einer Verschreibung 2007: 337-338), ist diese Gleichsetzung morphologisch für (f)Hamana-nika oder einer hypokoristischen Verkürzung unmotiviert und lautlich unbegründet. davon oder eines Kompositums mit luw. nana/i- ‘Bruder’ als S. 245. Im Fall des Namens des Schreibers des hier. Sie- eine hypokoristische Bildung mit -(n)na/i aus Hamana- gels aus Troia (sù??+ra/i?-tà?-nu) ist auch die von Alp 2001 erklärt werden. vorgeschlagene Lesung (TONITRUS-tà-nu) zu erwähnen. S. 147. Der auch vom Verf. zitierte etymologische Ein- S. 282. Im Fall von kapp. (f?)Tamnasar wurde die traditi- wand des geminierten [rr] von Melchert gegen die Gleichset- onelle und auch von dem Verf. vertretene Auffassung der zung von heth. haran- ‘Adler’ mit kluw. (i)- ‘ein Ora- dDamnassares als tiergestaltige Götterstatuen (Analyse: kelvogel’ wurde von Kloekhorst 2006a widerlegt. *damna-ssar-) von Melchert 2001 in Zweifel gezogen, der S. 158 (vgl. 38). fHepatubara aus Alalah wird als Kombi- ihre Bedeutung neu bestimmt hat (‘domestic, of the nation zweier Götternamen (Hebat-ubara, vgl. heth. Uppara-, house(hold)’, Analyse *damn(a)-assara/i-). Melcherts Deu- Alalah mUpra-, heth. GN Upra-) erklärt. Gegen eine solche tung hat aber jetzt durch ein Join die Grundlage verloren, Auffassung spricht jetzt die Untersuchung von Kloekhorst vgl. Groddek 2009: 51-52. 2010, bes. 231-238, der gezeigt hat, dass die stimmlosen und S. 312-313. Verf. versucht fUruwanda anhand der Ergän- stimmhaften Konsonanten in der Schrift von Alalah Schicht zung von KBo 32.197, 5 als *Uruwandapiya als luw. Götter- VII, aus der dieser Beleg stammt (AT 178), trotz der früheren name *Ruwanta in einer den verbotenen r-Anlaut umgehende

994700_Bior_2011_3-4_02.indd4700_Bior_2011_3-4_02.indd 291291 221/10/111/10/11 09:2009:20 351 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXVIII N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2011 352

heth. Graphie zu interpretieren (als weitere Stütze zitiert er Marizza, Marco (2010): La papponimia nel mondo ittita. Casi Hilaruada, König von [8. Jh.], König Ruwata accertati e casi presunti. Kaskal 7: 85-97. (TOPADA §4), Ruwati (KULULU-Bleistreifen 1.40)), den er Melchert, H. Craig (2001): Hittite damnassara- ‘domestic’/dDam- mit dem üblichen luwischen uwa > u-Wechsel mit Runta < nassares ‘household deities’. JANER 1: 150-157. Oettinger, Norbert (2001): Neue Gedanken über das -nt-Suffix. In: Kurunta vereinigen möchte. Dieser Vorschlag nimmt an, dass Onofrio Carruba - Wolfgang Meid (Hg.): Anatolisch und der Wechsel Kurunta > Runta sich schon während der Groß- Indogermanisch. Anatolico e Indoeuropeo. Akten des Kollo- reichszeit vollzogen hat, was, obwohl nicht auszuschließen ist, quiums der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Pavia 22.-25. derzeit nicht bewiesen werden kann, sogar, wegen der konse- September 1998. IBS 100. Innsbruck, 301-316. quenten und mit Uruwanda gleichzeitigen (akkadographischen) Seeher, Jürgen (2001): Die Zerstörung der Stadt Hattusa. In: Wil- Schreibung Kurunta eher unwahrscheinlich ist. Hila-ruada und helm 2001: 623-634. Ruwata / Ruwati sind eher als -nt-Ableitungen zu Ruwa Simon Zsolt (2008): Towards an interpretation of the Hieroglyphic (KULULU 4 §1, KULULU 1 §1) zu betrachten und Uruwanda Luwian pair of signs *109.*285 and the phonetic value of ist als einen von ihnen unabhängigen Namen, Uru-(w)anda-. *448. Kadmos 47: 20-30. Soysal, Oguz (2004): Hattischer Wortschatz in hethitischer Text- Obwohl die zentrale Frage, warum die Frauennamen eine überlieferung. HdO 74. Leiden - Köln eigene Darstellung brauchen, wenn die Regel und die meis- Stüber, Karin - Zehnder, Thomas - Remmer, Ulla (2009): Indoger- ten Elemente der weiblichen Namengebung mit denen der manische Frauennamen. Heidelberg Männernamen identisch sind, in dem ganzen Buch leider Wilhelm, Gernot (Hg.) (2001): Akten des IV. Internationalen Kon- unbeantwortet bleibt, gebührt dem Verfasser der Dank der gresses für Hethitologie, Würzburg, 4.-8. Oktober 1999. Hethitologen für diese zeitgemäße Beschreibung der anatoli- StBoT 45. Wiesbaden schen Frauennamen, die einen ausgezeichneten Ausgangs- Zinko, Michaela (2002): Laryngalvertretungen im Lykischen. HS punkt für die weitere Forschung bietet. 115: 218-238. Istanbul, Mai 2011 Zsolt Simon Hinweise

Adiego, Ignacio J. (2007): The Carian Language. HdO 86. Leiden * - Boston * * Alp, Sedat (2001): Das Hieroglyphensiegel von Troja und seine Bedeutung für Westanatolien. In: Wilhelm 2001: 27-31. FISCHER, R. — Die Ahhijawa-Frage. Mit einer kommenti- De Martino, Stefano (2011): Hurrian Personal Names in the King- erten Bibliographie. (Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitolo- dom of Hatti. Eothen 18. Firenze gie, 26). Verlag Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 2010. Groddek, Detlev (2009): Joins und Lexikographie. HS 122: 48-56. (24,5 cm, VII, 125). ISBN 978-3-447-05749-3. ISSN Haider, Peter W. (2006): Der Himmel über Tarsos. Tradition und 1619-0874. / 39,80. Metamorphose in der Vorstellung vom Götterhimmel in Tar- sos vom Ende der Spätbronzezeit bis ins 4. Jahrhundert v. Chr. In a series of articles published in the 1920s and 1930s, In: Manfred Hutter - Sylvia Hutter-Braunsar (Hg.): Pluralis- the Swiss scholar Emil Forrer claimed that he had identified mus und Wandel in den Religionen im vorhellenistischen Ana- Greeks in the archives unearthed from the Hittite capital Hat- tolien. Akten des religionsgeschichtlichen Symposiums in tusa (Bogazköy/Bogazkale). The Greeks, he argued, were Bonn (19.-20. Mai 2005). AOAT 337. Münster, 41-54. Hawkins, J. David (2000): Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscrip- attested in a small number of references to a land called tions I. Inscriptions of the Iron Age. Berlin - New York Ahhiyawa in Hittite texts, and in an occasional reference to Hawkins, J. David (2009): Cilicia, the Amuq, and Aleppo. New a king of Ahhiyawa. He proposed that Ahhiyawa was the Light in a Dark Age. NEA 72: 164-173. Hittite way of writing *Achaiwia, an (unattested) early form Hawkins, J. David (2010): The Usage of the Hieroglyphic Luwian of Achaia, noting that Achaioi () is one of the three Sign “Crampon” (L.386). Kadmos 49: 1-10. names by which the Greeks are known in the epics of Homer. Hutter, Manfred (2003): Aspects of Luwian Religion. In: H. Craig (Homer otherwise calls them Argeioi (Argives) and Danaoi Melchert (Hg.): The . HdO 85. Leiden - Boston, 211- (Danaans)). Forrer’s conclusions generated considerable 280. debate among scholars. Those who opposed his views Isebaert, Lambert - Lebrun, René (2010): L’origine de l’élément °wiya- ‘femme’ dans l’anthroponymie louvite. Hethitica 16: stressed that his equation had no hard evidence to support it, 73-78 (= R. Lebrun (Hg.): Studia Anatolica in memoriam and argued that the name-similarity was purely coincidental. Erich Neu dicata) Notable among Forrer’s critics was the German scholar Fer- Jahukyan, G. B. (1961): The Hayasa Language and Its Relation to dinand Sommer, who published in 1932 Die Ahhijava- the Indo-European Languages. ArOr 29: 353-405. Urkunden, a comprehensive edition of all Hittite texts known Kohlmeyer, Kay (2008): Zur Datierung der Skulpturen von cAin to that time which referred to Ahhiyawa. More tablets and . In: Dominik Bonatz - Rainer M. Czichon - F. Janoscha fragments containing the name Ahhiyawa have been discov- Kreppner (Hg.): Fundstellen. Gesammelte Schriften zur ered since then, increasing the size of the Ahhiyawa corpus Archäologie und Geschichte Altvorderasiens ad honorem from the sixteen or so texts edited and translated by Sommer Hartmut Kühne. Wiesbaden, 119-130. Kloekhorst, Alwin (2006a): Cop’s Law in Luwian Revisited. Die to ca. thirty. None the less, Die Ahhijava-Urkunden still Sprache 46: 131-136. remains the most important primary source on Ahhiyawa, Kloekhorst, Alwin (2006b): Initial Laryngeals in Anatolian. HS and will remain so until a new comprehensive edition of all 119: 77-108. the known texts is published. Kloekhorst, Alwin (2008): Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite The debate over the identity of the land called Ahhiyawa Inherited Lexicon. Leiden - Boston in Hittite texts has continued sporadically, and inconclu- Kloekhorst, Alwin (2010): Initial stops in Hittite (with an excursus on sively, since Forrer’s and Sommer’s time. But despite the the spelling of the stops in Alalah Akkadian). ZA 100: 197-241. lack of hard evidence, most scholars seem now to be in

994700_Bior_2011_3-4_02.indd4700_Bior_2011_3-4_02.indd 292292 221/10/111/10/11 09:2009:20 353 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — HETTITOLOGIE 354

agreement that the equation between the world of Homer’s In Chapter 4, F. provides an historical context for the Greeks — the Late Bronze Age Mycenaean world — and the Ahhiyawa question, using information provided by Hittite Hittite-attested land of Ahhiyawa is a valid one. The equa- texts to construct an overall time-frame for the references to tion has important historical implications. For if it is correct, Ahhiyawa. (On p. 22, read in place of Hattusili then it provides us with our only source of contemporary III.) As part of his consideration of Mycenaean/Ahhiyawan written historical information — fragmentary though this contacts with Anatolia, F. briefly assesses the possible sig- information is — about the Mycenaean world and the politi- nificance of Mycenaean pottery finds in western Anatolia, cal and military activities in which it became involved in the and the question of whether these reflect actual Mycenaean broader international scene, with particular reference to its settlement in the region or merely trading activity there. contacts and conflicts with the Hittites. Alongside the Ahhi- Chapter 5 is devoted to a discussion of what the names yawa-Achaean identification, there is the related question of Achaioi and Achaia actually refer to. They are in fact terms whether the Hittite texts contain references to a , of variable extension which could designate different peoples as also proposed by Forrer, on the basis of an identification and places in different periods. While Homer may have of and Taruisa in these texts with Homeric (W)ilios adopted ‘Achaioi’ as a general designation for all the Greeks and Troia. On this question too, scholarly opinion has long at , the fact that the name appears in the Iliad as an been divided. alternative to Argeioi and Danaoi, suggests that at least in the So how far has research progressed on the Ahhiyawa texts Homeric view the Achaioi were but one of a number of and related matters since Forrer first linked these texts to the Greek tribal groups, albeit one of the most powerful and Greeks eighty-five years ago? Is the case for the link now populous of the groups, whose name was used on occasions any more compelling than it was in Forrer’s and Sommer’s of the entire Greek allied force. We cannot, however, assume time? There is clearly a need for a fresh review and and as a matter of course that the name Achaioi first attested in evaluation of the large mass of scholarship that has accumu- Homer, and from which a hypothetical *Achai(w)iya has lated on the Ahhiyawa question over the last eight and a half been constructed, was also current in the Mycenaean period decades — as a basis for a critical reassessment of the equa- among the Greeks themselves. As F. points out, there is no tion between Ahhiyawa and the pre-Homeric Greek world, proof that Mycenaean Greeks ever referred to themselves as what precisely Ahhiyawa means in the different contexts in Achaioi, or a Bronze Age form of the name. Indeed, there is which it occurs, and in what ways the equation if valid adds no attestation of a name resembling Achaia or Achaioi in any to our knowledge of interactions between the Greek and Near Bronze Age texts outside the Hittite archives, unless one Eastern worlds during the Late Bronze Age. admits a possible connection with the Aqaiwasha/Ekwesh This brings us to Fischer’s book Die Ahhijawa-Frage. In (thus commonly vocalized) who were among the Sea Peoples his Introduction, the author (henceforth F.) provides a list of who attacked the coast of Egypt in the reign of the pharaoh questions which are treated at greater or lesser length in the Merneptah (referred to by F. p. 32). In Ch. 6, F. discusses the chapters that follow. The list includes: What is the Ahhiyawa question of whether Hittite ‘Ahhiyawa’ and Homer’s question and how did it arise? What was controversial about ‘Achaioi’ can be linked linguistically. The demonstration of it? Who were the participants in the controversy? What was such a link would obviously give strong support to the view Ahhiyawa? What was Achaiwa? Who were the Achaioi? that the latter term is of Bronze Age origin. But debate on Where is Ahhiyawa mentioned? Where Achaioi? Does the matter remains inconclusive. Ahhiyawa = Achaioi? Do the names have a common deriva- Chapter 7 purportedly deals with questions relating to tion? In which historical contexts does the Ahhiyawa ques- Ahhiyawa and its role within the Anatolian world (‘Ahhi- tion occur? What are the relationships between the Greek jawa im Wirkungsumfeld Kleinasiens’), though more than mainland, Anatolia, and the Mediterranean world? Does half the chapter is devoted to a discussion of the Taruisa- archaeological information contribute to the investigation? Troia and Wilusa-(W)ilios equations, only tangentially rele- F. then proceeds in Chs. 1 and 2 to a brief outline of the his- vant to Ahhiyawa, and the (long discredited) identification tory of research on the Ahhiyawa question, with particular between the Hittite vassal ruler of Wilusa and reference to Forrer’s much debated equation of it with the Alexander of the Iliad. F. then proceeds to give a brief Greek world, and the identification of a number of personal account of the relations and contacts between Ahhiyawa and names in the Hittite texts with names known from Homeric Arzawa, and Ahhiyawa and Millawanda (Miletos). Given the and other Greek sources. Chapter 3 raises the question of importance of both Arzawa’s and Millawanda’s role in Ahhi- where Ahhiyawa actually lay. F. notes two main possibili- yawa’s activities in western Anatolia, this topic merits a ties: a location on the Greek mainland or the Aegaean much more detailed treatment, particularly within the context islands; a location in various other regions of the Greek-Asia of what the Chapter is supposedly about. It does, however, Minor world, such as the islands of Rhodes or Cyprus, or the provide a lead-in to Chapter 8, in which F. rounds off his western Asia Minor/Anatolian coastal lands. It should be discussion of the ‘Ahhiyawa question’ with a survey of the emphasized that the name’s precise connotations differ from more important references to Ahhiyawa in the Hittite sources. one passage to another; in one context it clearly refers to a But the cursory and somewhat disjointed nature of the chap- specific kingdom, with perhaps Mycenae or as its ter is disappointing, given that it provides, in effect, the rai- centre, in another context, it appears to be used as a broad son d’être of the whole book. It might have been improved ethno-geographical designation encompassing all areas of by integrating into it the material in the previous chapter, Mycenaean settlement — the Greek mainland, the islands of thus avoiding the current split-up of treatments of Arzawa, the Aegean and eastern Mediterranean, and one or more Wilusa, Millawanda etc, and allowing for a more systematic coastal regions of western Anatolia. All this of course and comprehensive presentation of the Ahhiyawa texts, and depends on the basic assumption that the Ahhiyawa-Achaia/ for the buildup of a more coherent picture of the role and equation is valid. status of Ahhiyawa and its rulers within the Near Eastern

994700_Bior_2011_3-4_02.indd4700_Bior_2011_3-4_02.indd 293293 221/10/111/10/11 09:2009:20 355 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXVIII N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2011 356

world. In short, Chapters 7 and 8 should be combined and Sommer’s 1932 publication, is currently in preparation (ed. the material within them substantially reworked, restruc- E. H. Cline) and is to be published in the Society of Biblical tured, and in a number of cases fleshed out. In its present Literature’s Writings from the Ancient World Series, Atlanta. form, F.’s book leaves us with no clear overall picture of the Its publication would be an opportune time for a fresh assess- current state of knowledge of the role Ahhiyawa played ment of the material contained in the Ahhiyawa corpus, per- throughout the Late Bronze Age in the world encompassed haps by the author of the present volume in a more compre- by the Hittite tablets. It is reasonable to expect a book which hensive and more critical new edition of his book. purports to deal with a wide range of questions associated with Ahhiyawa to make some attempt at providing such a University of Queensland, Trevor Bryce picture. F.’s cursory Zusammenfassung which follows Chap- 8 January, 2011 ter 8 falls well short of this. Die Ahhijawa-Frage is very largely a compilation of scholarly responses, extending over a period of eighty-five years or so, to the series of questions which its author has raised in his Introduction. If that in fact is the book’s primary intention, then on this level it has succeeded relatively well. Though it contains little if anything that will be new to stu- dents and scholars currently working in the field of Late Bronze Age Anatolian studies, it will serve as a useful bib- liographical reference work for more general readers. I won- der, however, whether the book is of sufficient substance to justify its publication as a stand-alone volume. An up-to-date treatment of the Ahhiyawa question needs to go beyond a catalogue of what a succession of scholars have written over the years about Ahhiyawa. The author of such a book can be expected to play a more active role in sifting and critically analysing the material he has collected, and in assessing what has actually been achieved after eighty-five years of research on Ahhiyawa and associated matters. To end with some comments on bibliographical matters: F’s Annotated Bibliography which concludes his book pro- vides a reasonably comprehensive coverage of the literature relating to Ahhiyawa, from the time of Forrer onwards. Information provided about the contents of the publications listed will be particularly useful to the non-specialist. There are, however, a number of significant omissions from the Bibliography. The most notable of these is an article by J. D. Hawkins, ‘Tarkasnawa King of Mira’ (Anatolian Studies, 48, 1998, 1-31), which has an important bearing on the political geography of western Anatolia in the Late Bronze Age and the location of Ahhiyawa. Other publications of direct rele- vance to the material in this book include H. A. Hoffner, ‘The Milawata Letter Augmented and Reinterpreted’, Archiv für Orientforschung Beiheft 19, 1982, 130-7, and I. Singer, ‘Western Anatolia in the 13th Century according to the Hit- tite Sources’ (Anatolian Studies 33, 1983, 205-17) (with respect to the Tawagalawa letter). Note that a new translation of the Tawagalawa letter has been provided by Hoffner in his book Letters from the Hittite Kingdom, Atlanta, 2009, 296- 313. The 1998 edition of T. R. Bryce The Kingdom of the Hittites (1998) cited by F. has been superseded by a new edition published in 2005. To the list of primary source refer- ences to Ahhiyawa should be added an important Iron Age text, the Luwian-Phoenician Çineköy bilingual in which Hiyawa (the aphaeresized form of Ahhiyawa) appears in the Luwian version as the name of the kingdom otherwise known as Adanawa and Que (part of the region called Cilicia by the Greeks). The subject of the inscription, a Neo-Hittite king called Awarikus, refers to himself as a member of the line of Muk(a)sas, corresponding to Greek Mopsus. This augments the material provided by F. on p. 12 under 2.1 no. 3. A new edition of the Ahhiyawa texts, with translations and commentaries, and including all texts published in and since

994700_Bior_2011_3-4_02.indd4700_Bior_2011_3-4_02.indd 294294 221/10/111/10/11 09:2009:20