Speeltuin Der Kami

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Speeltuin Der Kami VAN RENTERGEM Stephanie Master Oosterse talen en culturen UGent: Academiejaar 2016-2017 Speeltuin der kami Volksgeloof in Yamato Verhandeling voor de lectuuropdracht in het kader van het vak “Masterproef: Japanologie” (Professor Christian Uhl) 0 Inhoudsopgave 1. Inleiding 3 2. De weg van de kami begint: het vroegste shintoïsme 6 2.1. Verklaring van termen 6 2.1.1. Shintoïsme 6 2.1.2. Kami 7 2.2. De oorsprong van het shintoïsme 13 2.3. Yamato: shintō wordt een systeem 16 3. Bloed, moeders en geesten: kenmerken van animisme 22 3.1. Inleiding 22 3.2. Spreken met geesten 24 3.2.1. Inleiding 24 3.2.2. Aard en benadering van de allervroegste "goden" (en kami) 24 3.2.3. Ouders van de Japanse eilanden 29 3.2.4. Rituele onzuiverheid in Yamato 31 3.3. Spelen met geesten 36 3.3.1. Inleiding 36 3.3.2.1. Bezetenheid in Yamato: menselijk subject 38 3.3.2.1.1. Bezetenheid van buitenuit 39 3.3.2.1.2. Bezetenheid van binnenuit 40 3.3.2.1.3. Bezetenheid van alle kanten 41 3.3.2.1.4. Bezetenheid als macht 43 3.3.2.1.5. Bezetenheid als de allerindividueelste expressie 47 3.3.2.2. Bezetenheid in Yamato: bovenmenselijk subject 47 3.3.3. Conclusie 51 3.4. "Moedermacht" 53 3.4.1. Inleiding 53 3.4.2. Matriarchaat in Yamato 55 3.5. Do ut des 62 3.5.1. Inleiding 62 3.5.2. Offers in Yamato: de vier variëteiten 63 3.5.2.1. Ikenie et alia 64 1 3.5.2.2. Zoenoffers 65 3.5.2.3. Leven voor dood 68 3.5.2.4. Leven voor leven 71 4. Geloofsbeleving 74 4.1. Gebed 74 4.2. Heilige reizen 81 4.3. Verhalen van kleine luiden 85 5. Slot 87 6. Bibliografie 89 Appendix: transcriptielijst 96 2 1. Inleiding Religie is een van de meest fundamentele elementen, zo niet het meest fundamentele, van het menselijk bestaan. Dit geldt zowel op persoonlijk als op maatschappelijk vlak: niet alleen zijn talloze mensen individueel min of meer diep begaan met religieuze aangelegenheden en hun eigen spirituele ontwikkeling, iets waarvoor, volgens recent onderzoek, onze hersenen voorgeprogrammeerd zijn, maar ook voor de maatschappelijke ordening is religie sinds de vroegste tijden enorm invloedrijk geweest. Binnen een gegeven samenleving trekt religie de grenzen tussen de leden van de binaire oppositie heilig : profaan, welke binaire oppositie volgens de structuralistische antropologie de mens helpt om zijn wereld vorm en betekenis te geven.1 Het belang van religie voor de mens gaat echter nog een stuk verder dan het aanreiken van een oppositie van het type koud : warm, licht : donker, man : vrouw. Ze mag gerust worden beschouwd als een van de voornaamste drijfveren van de menselijke geschiedenis. De meest spectaculaire en opvallende resultaten hiervan zijn natuurlijk de talloze oorlogen en andere vormen van bloedvergieten die op religieuze gronden gefundeerd zijn, soms gemeend, soms enkel als voorwendsel, al dan niet met gedwongen bekering tot gevolg. Denken we bijvoorbeeld aan de Kruistochten van de Europese Middeleeuwen, uitdrukkelijk voorgesteld als de strijd tussen de Katholieke Kerk en de islam (evenals de Europese Joden); de vele gevechten tussen moslims en niet-moslims tijdens de eerste eeuwen van de islam; en de aanslepende, soms bloedige strijd tussen katholieken en protestanten tijdens de Reformatie en de Contrareformatie. Dit zijn nu allemaal overbekende voorbeelden binnen de historiografie van premodern Europa en het Nabije Oosten, maar intermenselijke onenigheid op basis van (nogmaals, al dan niet voorgewende) religieuze redenen komt wereldwijd nog steeds overvloedig voor.2 Het ware echter fout door bovenstaande uitleg de indruk te krijgen dat aanleiding geven tot geweld het enige is waar religie op wereldlijk gebied goed voor is. Denken we bijvoorbeeld ook aan vreedzame missioneringsactiviteiten; het bieden van leefregels en, in vele gevallen, een moreel kader; het schrijven, bewerken en verklaren van heilige teksten; het inspireren tot prachtige kunstwerken, niet alleen schilderijen en sculpturen, maar ook tempels, poëzie en proza. Merk ook 1 Martin E. Marty, inleiding tot Religion and Belief Systems in World History, reds. William H. McNeill et al. (Great Barrington (MA): Berkshire Publishing Group, 2012): 1. Koen Stroeken, De ondeelbare mens: Antropologie ingeleid (Antwerpen: Garant, 2013): 13, 71. John C. Super en Briane K. Turley, Religion in World History (New York (NY): Routledge, 2006): 2-3. 2 Derek H. Davis, "Religious Freedom," in Religion and Belief Systems in World History, reds. William H. McNeill et al. (Great Barrington (MA): Berkshire Publishing Group, 2012): 190-191. Marty, inleiding, 1. Idem, "Protestantism," in Religion and Belief Systems in World History, reds. William H. McNeill et al. (Great Barrington (MA): Berkshire Publishing Group, 2012): 171-172. Timothy N. Renick, "Religion and War," in Religion and Belief Systems in World History, reds. William H. McNeill et al. (Great Barrington (MA): Berkshire Publishing Group, 2012): 185-186. 3 op dat de voorbeelden uit de vorige paragraaf telkens verwijzen naar de drie grote "Westerse" (in ruime zin, tegenover Azië voorbij het Midden-Oosten) wereldreligies jodendom, christendom en islam. Deze gaan alle drie uit van het basisprincipe dat men slechts van één religie tegelijk aanhanger kan zijn en dat alle verschillende geloofsovertuigingen dus per definitie vijandig tegenover elkaar staan en moeten staan, volledig voorbijgaand aan de vraag of een dergelijke religieuze ondoordringbaarheid al dan niet historisch gegrond is. In Oost- en Zuidoost-Azië ligt de kwestie helemaal anders: de coëxistentie van meerdere religies is daar zelden of nooit een ernstig probleem geweest. Het boeddhisme heeft zich door de eeuwen heen moeiteloos aangepast aan en ingepast in het religieuze klimaat van de gebieden waar het binnenkwam. Dit gold ook voor inheemse religies onderling: zo was er in het oude China soms wel eens onenigheid tussen aanhangers van de verschillende religieus-filosofische stromingen, zoals confucianisme, daoïsme, boeddhisme, mohisme enzovoorts, maar dit ging nooit voorbij het verbale: godsdienstoorlogen in de westerse betekenis kwamen gewoon niet voor.3 4 Deze relatieve tolerantie ten opzichte van elkaar moet betekenen dat de aanhangers van de verschillende zojuist genoemde stromingen voldoende raakpunten konden ontdekken opdat ernstige onenigheid onnodig bleek en, als verdere noodzakelijke voorwaarde, dat ze de openheid van geest hadden om die gelijkenissen te kunnen en willen inzien. Nu stel ik mij de vraag: als het zoeken naar overeenkomsten tussen denksystemen ontstaan in hetzelfde of gelijkaardige culturele en sociale milieus, met andere woorden in dezelfde wereldregio, aanvaardbaar en zelfs wenselijk is (om strijd te vermijden), waarom zou het dan niet mogelijk zijn om hetzelfde te doen met eigenschappen van religieuze systemen5 die historisch weinig of in vele gevallen zelfs niets met elkaar te maken hebben, met bijvoorbeeld het Oude Japan als uitgangspunt, om zo gelijkenissen aan te tonen die duidelijk maken hoe onzinnig culturele conflicten eigenlijk zijn? Dit is een volstrekt verantwoorde onderzoeksvraag. Ik ben er mij van bewust dat de comparatieve aanpak met betrekking tot religieus onderzoek binnen de academische wereld al geruime tijd met een scheef oog wordt bekeken, dit omdat dergelijk comparatief werk de neiging heeft om verschillen te minimaliseren en sociohistorische context te negeren, wat leidt tot ahistorische, acontextuele modellen van universele religieuze tradities. Als reactie op deze foutieve 3 Bart Dessein en Ann Heirman, Boeddha, zijn Leer en zijn Gemeenschap: Een inleiding tot geschiedenis, filosofie en kloosterleven (Gent: Academia Press, 2011): xi. Bart Dessein, Ann Heirman en Dominiek Delporte, China: Een maatschappelijke en filosofische geschiedenis van de vroegste tijden tot de twintigste eeuw (Gent: Academia Press, 2008): 241. 4 Voorgaande uitleg geldt helaas enkel voor de inheemse religies van Oost- en Zuidoost-Azie: in bijvoorbeeld India en Indonesië is er al veelvuldig gewapend conflict geweest tussen aanhangers van de islam en van inheemse religies zoals het hindoeïsme. Dit is in vele gevallen, zoals al eerder aangehaald, natuurlijk slechts een dekmantel voor etnisch en/of economisch conflict, maar dat religie de openlijke reden is, is al erg genoeg. 5 Voor een werkbare definitie van deze en andere termen, zie verder. 4 methodiek, is de nadruk komen te liggen op gebiedsstudies. Jonathan Z. Smith, een zeer invloedrijk vorser van religieuze studiën, is echter van mening dat de tegenwoordig zo vaak verguisde comparatieve vorm van wetenschappelijk onderzoek erg waardevol kan zijn. Smith ziet vergelijking als een proces van deconstructie en reconstitutie, waardoor een caleidoscoop van verschuivende eigenschappen ontstaat die voor de onderzoeker een brug kan vormen tussen zijn of haar theoretisch interessegebied en de data die als voorbeeld beschikbaar zijn. En dit is nu precies wat ik in deze paper ook wil bekomen.6 Bovendien, en dit is ook zeer belangrijk, past de visie van Smith ook in het plaatje van de wereldgeschiedenis, dat comparatief op alle gebied inzetbaar is in twee stappen. Ten eerste kan de wereldhistorische aanpak ingezet worden om na te gaan voor welke tijden en plaatsen een specifiek menselijk systeem, bijvoorbeeld een politiek systeem (clan, rijk, staat) of een religieus systeem (monotheïsme, polytheïsme) op wereldniveau toepasbaar is. Indien deze systemen dan consequent gelijkaardige eigenschappen laten zien, kunnen ze gebruikt worden om inzicht te krijgen in universele kenmerken van menselijk denken en handelen. Deze informatie kan dan, en dit is punt
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