LES FAICTZ DE JESUS CHRIST ET DU PAPE:
THE POLEMICS OF FRENCH REFORM BEFORE CALVIN
Octavian Lucian Jarnea
Faculty ofReligious Studies McGiII University, Montreal
August 2006
A thesis submitted to McGilI University In partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of
Master of Arts
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~, f \ Abstract iii
Acknowledgements iv
Introduction 1
Chapter 1: THE PUBLICATION HISTORY AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE TEXT OF LES FAICTZ DE JESUS CHRIST ET DU PAPE 7 Introduction 7 A. Passional Christi und Antichristi 8 1. The context of its creation 8 2. Composition process, structure and thematic of the Passional 9 3. Editions of the Passional and the local or abroad reactions 13 B. Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape 16 1. The date, place and printer's name 16 2. The structure of Les Faictz and its connections with the Passional 20 Conclusion 29
Chapter 2: A CRITICAL ANAL YSIS OF THE TEXT: THE CLASSICAL SOURCES USED
BY THE AUTHOR AND HIS HERMENEUTIC 32 Introduction 32 A. Macrobius 34 B. Lucian of Samosata 37 C. Apuleius 42 D. Aulus Gellius and Titus Livy 47 Conclusion 51
Chapter 3: EARLY REFORMATION EUCHARISTIC DEBATES REFLECTED IN
LES FAICTZ DE JESUS CHRIST ET DU PAPE 54 Introduction 54 A. An Overview of Luther and Zwingli's Eucharistie Theology 55 1. The Early Views on the Eucharist of the Two Reformers 56 2. The Debate between Zwingli and Luther over the Eucharist 62 3. The Marburg Colloquy (1529) 69 ii
B. The Controversy over the Eucharist as Viewed in Marcourt's Eucharistie Writings and in Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape . 71 1. Marcourt' s Attack against the Mass 73 2. The Anti-Mass Discourse in Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape 86 3. The Theo1ogica1 Sources of Les Faictz 93 Conclusion 95
Conclusion 98
Appendix 102
Bibliography 121 iii
Abstract
LES FAICTZ DE JESUS CHRIST ET DU PAPE:
THE POLEMICS OF FRENCH REFORM BEFORE CALVIN
This thesis addresses Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape, the frrst illustrated book of the French Reformation, printed by Pierre de Vingle in 1534, in Neuchâtel. Historical analysis, close reading of the text, interpretation and commentary revealed that, contrary to what had until recently been believed, Les Faictz was more than a mere translation of Passional Christi und Antichristi, an anti-papal Lutheran satire, issued in 1521, in Germany. The analysis of the classical sources employed by the anonymous writer(s) also exposed the virulent attack directed by the radical French reformers against the medieval institution of the papacy. Moreover, its new textual long addition offered enough evidence to place Les Faictz among the sacramentarian works published by Vingle between 1533-1535. Thus, likewise Marcourt's famous eucharistic writings, it refutes the sacrificial character of the mass, the doctrine of the real presence, and transubstantiation, aiming at no less than the abolition ofthe mass and the reestablishment of the Lord's Supper in its original purity.
LES FAICTZ DE JESUS CHRIST ET DU PAPE: L'ART DE LA POLÉMIQUE DANS LA RÉFORME EN FRANÇAIS AVANT CALVIN
Cette thèse porte sur Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape, le premier livre illustré de la Réforme en langue française, imprimé par Pierre de Vingle en 1534, à Neuchâtel. L'analyse historique, la lecture attentive du texte, l'interprétation et le commentaire ont montré que, contrairement à ce que l'on avait cru jusqu'à récemment, Les Faictz sont plus qu'une simple traduction du Passional Christi und Antichristi, une satire luthérienne contre le pape, parue en 1521, en Allemagne. L'analyse des sources classiques employées par l'auteur (ou les auteurs) anonyme(s) laisse également voir les attaques virulentes des réformateurs francophones contre l'institution médiévale de la papauté. De plus, un important ajout permet de classer Les Faictz parmi les écrits sacramentaires publiés par Ving1e entre 1533 et 1535. Ainsi, comme dans les célèbres écrits de Marcourt sur l'eucharistie, on réfute le caractère sacrificiel de la messe, la doctrine de la présence réelle et la transsubstantiation, et on ne veut rien de moins qu'abolir la messe et instituer de nouveau la sainte Cène dans sa pureté originelle. iv
Acknowledgements
Among those to whom 1 wish to express my deepest gratitude are the following:
Dr. Torrance Kirby, for serving as principal advisor throughout my studies and supervisor ofthis thesis. His unique expertise and thorough critique have guided my research and composition process at every step, and for this 1 am truly grateful.
Dr. William Kemp, for supplying me with copies of the first sixteenth-century editions of Passional Christi und Antichristi and Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape, and other indispensable resources. He also commented on parts of the manuscript, and offered valuable advice.
Dr. Diane Desrosiers-Bonin, for being a constant source of encouragement and motivation. She has offered me the opportunity to become part of the team involved in the research project regarding Pierre de Vingle's polemical tracts, and for this 1 owe her special thanks.
Dr. Isabelle Crevier Denommé, for her rigorous identification of the biblical citations found in Les Faictz, and for a careful translation of the abstract into French.
Dr. Reinhard Bodenmann, for his interest in this work, and for sharing some of the results of his own research in topics similar to mine.
My wife, Valentina Jarnea, for her invaluable support through the whole course of this work to completion, and for some precious editorial suggestions she has made.
f' .. 1
Introduction
Reformation historiography has recorded several attempts to explain the complex phenomenon of the spread of Protestantism in France in the first decades of the sixteenth century. Whereas the Luther-centered theory can be sustained by a series of solid evidences, l the assertion of a pre-existent indigenous movement that facilitated insertion first of the Lutheran ideas and then of a different provenance also rests on irrefutable historical facts. 2
Les evangéliques, the early French reformers, believed that the Church could be changed from within and that the Gospel should be preached in vemacular in order to be understood by as many people as possible.3 The Meaux group, which under the guidance of Guillaume Briçonnet gathered a coterie of humanists and reform-minded preachers
(Lefèvre d'Étaples, Guillaume Farel, Michel d'Arande, Gérard Roussel, etc.), symbolizes the early French évangélisme in its purest Erasmian form. Protected by Francis 1 and his sister, Marguerite of Navarre, the Meaux group promoted evangelical reform until 1525 when the Parliament and the Sorbonne, taking advantage of the king's absence from the capital, managed to put an end to their attempts of reforming the church from within.4
1 From 1519 to April 1521 (when Luther's works were banned in Paris), a significant number of the Wittenberg reformer's books were brought in France. Johannes Froben, a printer from Basle, wrote Luther in February 1519 that he sold no less than 600 ofhis books in France, and that more are needed. Cf Francis Higman, La diffusion de la Reforme en France. 1520-1565 (Geneva: Labor et Fides, 1992), p. 19. See also Lewis W. Spitz, The Protestant Reformation. 1517-1559 (New York: Harper & Row, 1985), p. 196.
2 David Nicholls, "France," in The Early Reformation in Europe, ed. Andrew Pettegree (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 123-124.
3 Frederic J. Baumgartner, France in the Sixteenth Century (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995), p. 135.
4 Lefèvre and Roussel fled to Strasbourg, but soon they went back to France as Francis 1 retumed from his captivity in Spain. However, their subsequent activity did not cross sorne conventional borders of the established orthodoxy. Cf Higman, La diffusion de la Reforme en France, p. 22-23. 2
However, the change that had been hesitantly initiated by the moderate Erasmian evangelicals was to be continued with more impetus by the radical reformers whose theological agenda, inspired by Zwingli's sacramental teaching, contrary to what they were expecting, made Francis 1 to join the conservative majority that sought to preserve the traditional orthodoxy. The king's growing fears were amply justified as the Affair of the Placards exploded in the moming of October 18, 1534, and proved that the French reformers had indeed gone far beyond Luther's ideas. In fact, Marcourt's fierce attack on the mass was interpreted as tantamount to a crime of lèse-majesté and was answered as such by the king. 5
Indeed, as James Farge has convincingly argued, the time between 1533-1534 "is generally acknowledged to be the most crucial period for the history of the Reformation in France".6 Accidentally or not, during this period, the French-Reformed theological battlefield was vigorously fueled by Pierre de Vingle's printing press, which at that time was located in Neuchâtel. Written in a small format well suited to propaganda literature, the polemical tracts printed by de Vingle quickly spread out across a wide geographical territory.
My dissertation addresses in particular the tract Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du
Pape, published by de Vingle in 1534. Although it belongs to a common genre of
5 Christopher Elwood, The Body Broken: the Calvinist Doctrine of the Eucharist and the Symbolization of Power in Sixteenth-Century France (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 30.
6 James K. Farge, Orthodoxy and Reform in Early Reformation France: the Faculty of Theology of Paris, 1500-1543 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1985), p. 200. 3 reformist propaganda, Les Faictz is quite different from the other pamphlets, and IS credited as the first illustrated book of the French Reformation. 7
Until recently Les Faictz had been considered a French translation of the
Passional Christi und Antichristi, an anti-papal Lutheran satire which was tirst published in 1521 and then in ten subsequent editions (5 in Wittenberg - including one in Latin, 3 in
Erfurt, and 2 in Strasbourg; an English adaptation also was printed in 1529).8 This assertion was based upon the fact that Les Faictz borrowed the woodcut illustrations from the Wittenberg and Strasbourg editions. The text of the French adaptation, and eventually of the whole work, however ended up as a completely different pamphlet when compared to the Passional Christi und Antichristi. The most important difference is the addition of a long twelve-page section which sets the Roman Mass in opposition to evangelical communion, thus placing Les Faictz among the sacramentarian9 writings used by the
French reformers to spread out the new Reformed (as distinct from Lutheran) teaching.
The whole Neuchâtel corpus of writings, especially Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape has received little critical scholarly attention, and for a very long time remained
7 Francis Higman, Piety and the People. Religious printing in French 1511-1551, in St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History (Ipswich: Ipswich Book Co. Ltd., 1996), p. 293.
8 Passional Christi und Antichristi (Wittenberg: Johann Rhau-Grunenberg, 1521), four editions. Passional Christi und Antichristi (StraBburg: Johann PrüB, 1521). Passional Christi und Antichristi (StraBburg: Johann Knobloch, 1521). Passional Christi und Antichristi (Erfurt: Matthes Maler, 1521), three editions. Antithesis figurate vitae Christi et Antichristi (Wittenberg: Johann Rhau-Grunenberg, 1521) Richarde Brightwell [John Frith], A pistle to the Christen reader: The revelation of Antichrist. Antithesis, wherin are compared to geder Christes actes and oure holye father the Popes (Malborow [Antwerp]: Johannes Hoochstraten, 1929).
9 According to Elwood, "the term 'sacramentarian' was coined probably by Martin Luther in his controversy with the Swiss over the manner of Christ's presence in the eucharist and the interpretation of Christ's words of institution as a derogatory description of the position of those who denied the bodily presence of Christ in the sacrament." Elwood, n. 25, p. 181. 4 completely unnoted. More recently a few scholars have undertaken research on this text. First,
Christopher Elwood in his book The Body Broken: the Calvinist Doctrine ofthe Eucharist and the Symbolization ofPower in sixteenth century France (1999) has made a valuableattempt to present a thorough picture of the theological context of the 16th century; yet, he has dealt with
Les Faictz only in passing, and referred to it briefly as a means of propaganda that employed visual images. lO W. G. Moore in his La Réforme allemande et la littérature française tried to make a connection be~een Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape and the Passional editions, but his final remarks are not especially helpful in illuminating the relation between the textS. 11 It was not wltil 1980 that the French edition was attributed by Gabrielle Herthoud to Pierre de
Vingle, the famous printer in Neuchâtel. l2 Francis Higman, who considers Les Faictz the first illustrated imprint of the French Reformation, cites the work under Luther. 13 However, the matter of authentication still remains unresolved. William Kemp argues that the work should not be ascribed particularly to any single author. 14 Despite the apparent scarcity of discoveries related to Les Faictz, progress is being made. Thus, the most recent findings concerning the
French adaptation were offered by Reinhard Bodenmann and William Kemp.15 Bodenmann is
10 Elwood, n. 23, p. 18l.
Il Will G Moore, La Réforme allemande et la littérature française. Recherches sur la notoriété de Luther en France (Strasbourg: Publications de la Faculté des Lettres, 1930), pp. 270-272. Cited by William Kemp, "Multi-Genre Narratives in the c. 1535 French Adaptation of the 1521 Passional Christi und Antichristi by Cranach et alit', presented at the meeting ofthe Early Book Society, Cork, Ireland, July 2001, p. 2.
12 Gabrielle Berthoud, "Les impressions genovoises de Jean Michel (1538-1544)", in Cinq siecles d'imprimerie genovoise, Actes du Colloque international sur l'histoire de l'imprimerie et du livre à Genève, 27-30 April 1978, ed. Jean-Daniel Candaux and Bernard Lescaze, Genève, 1980, vol. 1, pp. 64-67. Quoted by Kemp, 200 1, p. 2.
13 Higman, Piety and the People. Religious printing in French 1511-1551, p. 293.
14 Kemp, 2001, p. 8.
IS Reinhard Bodenmann and William Kemp, "Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape (fin 1533). Aux origines germaniques d'un traité illustré de langue française," in La Réforme dans l'espace germanique au XVIe siècle. Images, représentations, diffusion, ed. Berndt Schiifer (Montbéliard: Société d'Émulation de Montbéliard, 2004), pp. 181-204. This study offers an up to date analysis regarding the connections of Les Faictz with the German and Latin editions of the Passional Christi und Antichristi. 5 currently working on the subsequent editions of Les Faictz printed in Geneva by Jean Michel,
Vingle's successor.
Taking the recent scholarship ofBodenmann, Kemp, Higman, and Elwood as a point of departure, 1 aim to pursue at least five main objectives in the present dissertation:
1. To identify the specific theological milieu out ofwhich the text arises;
2. To trace the relations between the different editions of the Gennan/Lutheran
Passional Christi und Antichristi and the FrenchlZwinglian adaptation published in
1534 under the title Les Faictz deJesus Christ et du Pape;
3. To analyze the classica1 sources employed in the composition of Les Faictz with a
view!o identifying the polemical purpose of its author( s);
4. To identify the author's theological affiliation and to situate Les Faictz within the
larger context of the sacramentarian literature issued from de Vingle's printing press;
5. Finally, to find out who in particular is being addressed here in comparison with the
original Passional (Catholics? Lutherans? both?).
The appropriate methodology to achieve these proposed objectives consists ofhistorical· analysis, close reading of the text, interpretation and commentary, accompanied by examination of the external evidence and existing critica1 analysis. Employing the proposed methodology 1 will attempt also to answer a few related questions: 1) How does the author of the text see the
16th century institution of the papacy as compared to the governance of the early Christian church? 2) What is the relation between the authority of Scripture and the teaching authority
(magisterium) of the Church? 3) What is the henneneutic of the author? 4) How does the text employ Scripture? 5) How is the doctrine of the Eucharist defined in Les Faictz to be compared with both Luther's and Zwingli's sacramental theology? 6
The content of the thesis is divided into three chapters that develop the following line of argumentation: the fust part of chapter one constitutes a thorough analysis of the Passional
Christi und Antichristi, that is, of the context of its creation, the composition of the text and its structure; its thematic, and the multiple editions that were published in Gennany or abroad will also be scrutinized. SecondIy, using the same methodology, Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du
Pape will be assigned a specific date, place of publication and printer's name. The character of the connections with its Gennan counterpart will be explored after a systematic investigation of its structure.
Chapter two proposes a critical analysis of the text of Les Faictz beginning with the c1assical sources cited by its author. This textual scrutiny of Macrobius, Lucian of Samosata,
Apuleius, Aulus Gellius and Titus Livy aims to expose the author' s henneneutic and to find specific answers to the following questions: How accurately do the citations reproduce the sources? If they modify the text cited, what are the elements that have been adapted? The survey also will he made with the explicit aim of finding common but relevant elements shared by the c1assical texts and this product of the fust half of the sixteenth century, a factor that will help to illuminate the henneneutical purposes behind the use ofthis kind of such sources.
The third and last chapter deals with the most important characteristic of the text of Les
Faictz, namely, its sacramentarian discourse, which, among other features, sets the French adaptation dramatically apart from the Passional. The way in which the writer understands the sacrament of the altar is placed in the larger context of the debates over the eucharist that involved Luther and Zwingli, and also of Antoine Marcourt's eucharistic writings. The objective of this endeavor is to understand betler the theological foundation of the propaganda campaign set in motion by the French refonners whose works were published in Neuchâtel hetween 1533-1535 by Pierre de Vingle. 7
Chapter 1
THE PUBLICATION mSTORY AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE TEXT OF
LES FAICTZ DE JESUS CHRIST ET DU PAPE
Introduction
The first illustrated book of the French Reformation,16 Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape is, at least in part, a French translation of the Passional Christi und Antichristi, a violently anti-papal Lutheran satire which first appeared in German in 1521, and subsequently in ten further editions, as weIl as one in English in 1529. However, the most recent scholarship has demonstrated that there are significant differences between them.
Les Faictz, undoubtedly, is considerably more than a mere translation.
This chapter will attempt to depict briefly the context in which the Passional appeared; secondly, it will examine the process of composition, the structure and thematic of the pamphlet; and thirdly, the focus will be on the editions of the Passional and the reactions they generated in Germany and abroad. In the second part of the chapter Les
Faictz will be analyzed in order to reveal the connections with its exemplar: first, based on the existing scholarship and internaI evidence 1 will attempt to identify a few elementary characteristics of the printed text: the printer' s name, the place and date of its publication. Secondly, 1 will examine the main structural elements of the text such as the title page, woodcuts, running titles and the text itself aiming at clearly identify the similarities and differences between Passional Christi und Antichristi and Les Faictz de
Jesus Christ et du Pape.
16 Francis Higman, Piety and the People. Religious printing in French 1511-1551, p. 293. 8
A. Passional Christi und Antichristi
1. The context of its creation
The Passional was preceded by a series of significant events that accompanied the advancement of Reform in Germany. A few years after the first debates between the
Augustinian monk and the Catholic theologians had taken place, Luther exposed his ideas in a more elaborate shape in a few very influential publications. As Brecht has mentioned, in the second half of the year 1520, "Luther had been able to transform the new experience of justification by faith alone into a thoroughgoing alternative conception which extended across the entire breadth of religious and ecclesiasticallife". 17
An Open Letter to the Christian Nobility of the German Nation Concerning the
Reform of the Christian Estate,18 written in German, was the first in a series of tracts of
1520, and was addressed, not surprisingly, to the secular authorities and not to the ecclesiastical ones. Luther argued that the exploitation of the German Church by Rome could be brought to an end only by the German nobility, and an ecclesiastical reform, that would imply the demolition of the three walls 19 that protect the 'Romanists', also should not be expected to be initiated from within.
17 Martin Brecht, Martin Luther. His Road to Reformation 1483-1521, trans. James L. Schaaf(Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993), p. 387. Quoted by C. Scott Dixon, The Reformation in Germany, in Historical Association Studies (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ud., 2002), p. 26.
18 Martinus Luther, An den christlichen Adel deutscher Nation von des christlichen standes besserungi (Wittenberg: Melchior Lotter d. J., 1520).
19 "The Romanists, with great adroitness, have built three walls about them, behind which they have hitherto defended themselves in such wise that no one has been able to reform them; and this has been the cause of terrible corruption throughout aIl Christendom. First, when pressed by the temporal power, they have made decrees and said that the temporal power has no jurisdiction over them, but, on the other hand, that the spiritual is above the temporal power. Second, when the attempt is made to reprove them out of the Scriptures, they raise the objection that the interpretation of the Scriptures belongs to no one except the pope. Third, if threatened with a council, they answer with the fable that no one can calI a council but the pope." Works of Martin Luther: With Introductions and Notes, Volume II, Trans. C. M. Jacobs (Philadelphia: A. J. Holman Company, 1915) 9
The second publication from this series, A Prelude on the Babylonian Captivity of the Church,2o written in Latin, appeared few months later. Its tone is more aggressive;
Luther questions the long-established observance of the sacraments, and accuses the
'papists' ofkeeping the Church in bondage: "1 charge the pope and aU papists that, unless they lift their own laws and traditions and restore to the churches of Christ the liberty which is theirs, they are guilty of aU the souls which perish in this miserable captivity and the papacy is indeed nothing but the kingdom of Babylon and the true Antichrist".21
ln November of the same year, Luther addressed The Freedom of a Christian22 to
Pope Leo X, as an ultimate attempt at reconciliation, asking for a general council of the
Church. In fact, this tract has been considered a very modest effort toward finding the middle ground, its importance residing rather in the presentation of Luther' s theological ideas?3 On 10 December, Luther explicitly, so to speak, entrenched his position by burning the papal bull Exsurge Domine, which threatened him with excommunication.
2. Composition process, structure and thematic of the Passion al
On 27 December 1520 Luther published Why the Books of the Pope and His
Disciples Were Burned, a treatise that condemnsa series of articles from the Canon Law.
20 [Martin Luther], De captivitate babylonica ecclesiae, Praeludium Martini Lutheri (Wittenberg: Melchior Lotter d. J., 1520).
21 Dixon, p. XXV.
22 Martinus Luther, Von der Freyheyt eynifJ Christen menschen (Wittenberg: [Johann Rhau-Grunenberg], 1520).
23 Dixon, p. 26. 10
It was this book that inspired Lucas Cranach24 in selecting the themes for thirteen pairs of woodcuts made for the Passional Christi und Antichristi, in February 1521, exemplifying the difference between Christ and the pope.25 However, the idea of contrasting the life of
Christ and that of the pope goes back to the fourteenth century, when John Wycliffe wrote his De Christo et suo adversario Antichristo, in winter 1383, comprising 12 antitheses?6
There is not enough evidence to affirm that Cranach knew of Wycliffe's work, and consequently that his polemic had an impact on the Passional. Yet, it has been proved that Luther possessed sorne of Wycliffe's manuscripts?7 A more credited explanation regarding the indirect influence ofWycliffe's antitheses emphasizes the importance of the
Hussite pre-Reformation literature in preserving the anti-papal polemic during the fifteenth century. Thus, in a manuscript owned by Ulrich von Hutten (who died on 29
August 1523), and considered the first recorded iconographical representation of the contrast between Christ and the pope of a Bohemian provenance, the pontiff is portrayed in his sumptuous clothes riding on a white horse, while Christ, on entering Jerusalem, is shown to be riding on an ass?8 It is also known that Luther and Melanchthon were aware
24 Lucas Cranach the Eider (1472-1553) and his son, Lucas Cranach the Younger (1515-1586) were the main artists who sustained the Reformation at its dawn, especially its prominent leaders, Martin Luther and Philip Melanchthon. Cranach the Eider was among the firsts who expressed their adhesion to Luther's ideas, soon after 31 October 1517. See John Dillenberger, Images and Relies. Theological Perceptions and Visual Images in Sixteenth-Century Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 79.
25 Dixon, p. XXVI. Quoted by Reinhard Bodenmann and William Kemp, n. 5, p. 182. Gerald Fleming proposes another interpretation suggesting that Lucas Cranach was inspired for the Passina/'s woodcuts by Luther's An Open Letter to the Christian Nobility. See Gerald Fleming, "On the Origin of the Passional Christi and Antichristi and Lucas Cranach the Elder's Contribution to Reformation Polemics in the Iconography of the Passionaf', in Gutenberg-Jahrbuch 1973, ed. Begrundet von Aloys Ruppel (Mainz: Verlag der Gutenberg - Gesellschaft, 1973), p. 358.
26 Fleming, p. 355.
27 The Austrian National Library owns a Wycliffe-codex that bears the name of Martin Luther, written in a sixteenth-century style. Cf Fleming, pp. 356-357.
28 Fleming, p. 357. 11 of the Hussite pre-Reformation literature, which might have inspired them in choosing the topics for their polemics.29
The first edition of the Passional was printed in Wittenberg in May 1521. The pamphlet bore neither the name of its author, nor that of the printer, and was not dated. It is comprised of a simple title page,30 26 woodcuts organized in 13 opposing pairs, and a final page with 10 lines of text. The left-hand woodcuts, portraying Jesus, were accompanied by a few Hnes of text from the Bible, whereas the right-hand images, representing the pope, were foIlowed by passages from the Canon Law. Since this kind of polemical work had to be fini shed and printed at a rapid pace because of their illegal status, the assumption that Cranach did not do aIl the woodcuts himself is not without support. Moreover, there is sorne evidence that before the Passional was printed, there had been other artists who used sorne of the themes found in Cranach' s woodcuts? 1
Even from its publication, the text of the Passional was attributed to Luther32 who at that time was residing at the Wartburg Castle, in the custody of his protector, Frederic the Wise. Undoubtedly, Luther encouraged such a work and his observation in a letter to
Spalatin stands as a testimony ofhis support.33 It could not have been differently, since he considered that the iconographie representations are a powerful tool which can help the illiterate people better to understand the written or the spoken word.34 However, Luther's correspondence suggests that the Passional's text was written by Phillip Melanchthon,
29 Fleming, p. 358.
30 See fig. 1 in the Appendix.
31 For a detailed investigation ofthese resemblances, see Bodenmann and Kemp, n. 3, p. 181.
32 Bodenmann and Kemp, n. 4, p. 182.
33 In his letter, Luther says: "It is a good book for the laymen". Cf Fleming, p. 359.
34 Fleming, p. 352. 12
who at that time was teaching Greek at Wittenberg University, and the lawyer Johann
Schwertfeger, who helped the reformer with the texts from the Canon Law. 3S
The thematic structure of the Passional does not follow a chronological criterion
for its development, and it seems that the artist created the woodcuts as discrete stories without any evolution from one contrast to the next.36 Thus, the series of the antitheses
begins with the scene based on John 18:36 and Luke 22:26 where Jesus proves that his
kingdom does not belong to this world by rejecting the crown offered him by the Jews?7
By contrast, the opposite woodcut representing the pope shows him with the triple crown
surrounded by cardinals and soldiers in front of the emperor.38 Although the text from the
Canon Law insists on obedience to the secular ruler, the final biblical citation alludes to the idea of the pope's preeminence over the temporal power. 39 The next pair of images
shows Jesus being crowned with thorns whereas the pope receives the triple crown.40 It is
worthwhile to note that the text on the pope's side refers to the Donatio Constantim41
explaining that "such lies they have invented in order to maintain their tyranny". 42
35 Fleming, p. 353. See also Bodenmann and Kemp, p. 183.
36 Kemp, 200 1, p. 1.
37 See fig. 2a in the Appendix.
38 See fig. 2b in the Appendix. 39 2 Peter 2:1: "Arrogant bishops will come and they will despise temporal rule. This bishops are the false prophets and false teachers among the people, and many shaH foHow their pemicious way." Cited by Fleming, p. 363.
40 See fig. 3 in the Appendix.
41 According to J. Michael Gainor, "The Donation of Constantine, Donatio Constantini, is a weIl-known fraud used by the papacy for more than 10 centuries to strengthen its position and power. Though it claims to have been granted by Constantine to Sylvester, bishop of Rome (314 - 335) it is believed to have actuaIly been written between 750 and 800 A.D., at which time Stephen II (or III), bishop of Rome, sought the help of Frankish king Pepin III (the Short) against the Lombards, who were threatening to overtake aIl Italy. To enlist Pepin's help, Stephen crossed the Alps to Gaul, where he anointed Pepin and his sons, Charlemagne and Carloman, as kings. Pepin came to his aid and subdued the Lombards, taking from them what had previously been Byzantine territory. He then granted Stephen rule over this territory in a document known as the Donation of Pepin. This freed Rome from Byzantine control, and was the beginning of what became known as the Papal States. This rule was granted to Stephen by Pepin, and confmned by his son 13
The artist also could hardly have avoided the indulgences controversy, one of the most debated issues of the day: in the next to last pair of woodcuts Christ drives the vendors out of the temple while the pope signs indulgences and receives money in return. 43 Other scenes show Christ washing the feet of the apostles, heeling the sick, preaching to the people ~ aIl these images revealing his spotless character in contrast to the arrogance and corruption of the pope. It is likely that, owing to its striking iconographie message, the Passional exerted a powerful impact on those who read the text and saw the images, since as Fleming says, "its power, as far as the pictorial component is concemed, lies not in caricature, which is often found in Lutheran and anti-
Lutheran 'Kamptbilder', but rather in rigorously sober visual contrasts, strengthened by the explanatory tendentious texts. Indeed each composition of woodcut and text is an organic whole. ,,44
3. Editions of the Passion al and the local or abroad reactions
From a total of eleven editions of the Passional,45 six were printed in Wittenberg: five of them in 1521, counting one in Latin, titled Antithesis Figvrata Vitae Christi et
Anthichristi, and another in Low German, in 1526. As Benzig has mentioned, the
Wittenberg editions were reproduced in Erfurt and Strasbourg in the same year (1521) in
Charlemagne, on the basis ofthe forgery known as the Donation of Constantine. For centuries the Donation of Constantine was assumed by ail to be genuine, and was used by the bishops of Rome to support their papal claims. It was proven false in 1440 by Lorenzo Valla in his Declamatio."
42 Fleming, p. 364.
43 See fig. 4 in the Appendix.
44 Fleming, pp. 361-362.
45 Josef Benzing, Lutherbibliographie (Baden-Baden: Verlag Valentin Koemer, 1989), v. l, pp. l20-l2I. 14 three and two editions, respectively. It is important to note that the Strasbourg editions were augmented with two supplementary antitheses.46
In the existing religious context of that time, the Passional generated various reactions. According to Kemp, an anti-Passional response from the Catholic camp appeared in the form of an unillustrated work written in Latin by an anonymous author in
Deventer in 1524. At the same time, there were also positive reactions. An anonymous illustrated work appeared in 1521, and another, by Heinrich von Kettenbach, unillustrated, that contained 66 pairs of antitheses, was published in six editions in 1523.47
It is further noteworthy that Lutheran ideas made their way across the English Channel shortly after the indulgences affair had started. Lutheran tracts were brought to England by travelers and merchants, and as a result in 1519 such books could be found in universities.48
John Frith (1503-1533) was among the young scholars of Cambridge influenced by the Lutheran ideas who were called by cardinal Wolsey to Oxford as one of the canons at the new Cardinal College (later Christ Church). This appointment allowed him to meet other Reform-minded young scholars (Robert Barnes, John Clark) who lately were called
'White Horse' reformers, since according to Foxe, most of the time they met in that inn.
His very short life49 was entirely devoted to the advancement of the Reformation in
46 See fig. 5 in the Appendix.
47 Kemp, 2001, p. 3.
48 William Warham, the Archbishop of Canterbury and the chancellor of Oxford, in the spring of 1521, reported to Cardinal Wolsey about Protestant ideas spreading in the university: "1 am informed," he wrote, "that divers of the university be infected with heresies of Luther and others of that sort, having a great number of books of the said perverse doctrine." In response, Wolsey ordered that Lutheran books be burnt in public places in Cambridge and London. Cf Lewis W. Spitz, pp. 245-246.
49 He was burnt at the stake on 4 July 1533, at the age ofthirty, found "guilty of most detestable heresies" and so punished "for the salvation of thy soul". John Foxe (1516-1587) wrote about Frith's martyrdom: "Amongst an other chances lamentable, there had been none a long time which seemed to me more 15
England, contributing both by preaching and writing at that time on such crucial issues as (~
Purgatory, sacraments, the ministry of Christ, etc. He was also active on the continent,
joining Tyndale in Antwerp where he probably helped him on the translation of the Bible.
He also attended the debate between Luther and Zwingli in Marburg in 1529 conceming
the nature of the presence of Christ in the sacraments.
In the same year, Frith published50 his translation of Luther' s Revelation of
Antichrist which had at the end a little treatise, actually an unillustrated English
adaptation of Passional titled Antithesis, wherein are compared Christes actes and the
popes. He extended the number of the differences between Christ and the pope from 13
(in the Passional) to 78. Frith, as the exemplar he followed, based his adaptation on
biblical verses and excerpts from the Canon Law. To illustrate this, let us take the
antithesis 62. It simply says:
Christ alone is our mediator, which maketh unity betwixt his Father and us; a prime example of how the prayer of a just man is very good and profitable. (2 John 2; James 5)
The Pope saith, The greatest power and salvation next to Christ belongs to me. Dist. 60. ca. Si Papa. 1 marvel then why he is so curious to cause us to worship the saints that are asleep rather than himself, since he c1aims a greater power than did the saints when they were alive. 51
Frith's English adaptation and the others mentioned above were a further step
toward what were to become the famous in-folio French illustrated adaptation of the
grievous, than the lamentable death and cruel handling of John Frith, so learned and excellent young man." J. Pratt ed., The Acts and Monuments ofJohn Foxe. vol. V (London: R. Clay and Taylor, 1900), p. 2. so The name of the printer as it appears in the colophon is 'H. Luft of Marlborow in the lande of Hesse', and has been until recently considered as concealing J. Hoochstraten. However, Valkema Blouw has proven that, in fact, was Martin de Keyser, or Lempereur, the evangelical printer of French origin. In the well established tradition of concealing the actual authorship, Frith also published under the name of Richard Brigthwell. See Kemp, 200 l, p. 2.
51
Passional and have also proven that an original text can be transformed limitlessly in order to meet the specific needs of the milieu in which they would circulate.
B. Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape
1. The date, place and printer's name
The full title of the text is Les faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape par lesquelz chascun pourra facilement congnoistre la grande difference de entre eulx, nouuellement reueuz corrigez et augmentez selon la verite de la saincte Escripture et des droictz canons par le lecteur du sainct Palais.52 The uniqueness of this text is due not only to the fact that it was the first illustrated book of the French Reformation but also, as to the use of pictures, it was actually a significant exception among Reformed printings.53
As with its German exemplar, Les Faictz also does not offer much information to help link it to a certain place and time, to ascribe it to a specifie printing shop, or more importantly, to solve the problem of its authorship. However, there are a few elements that proved to be useful, at least as starting points, in this endeavor.
In keeping with the well-established practice among the early reformers of concealing the identity of the real printer and author, in the very title of the book the reader is told that the text was corrected and improved according to the Scriptures and to the Canon Law by the "lecteur du sainct Palais", namely by the papal secretary. As to the place and name of the printer, on the verso of the last page, in the colophon, one can read:
"Imprime a Rome par Clement de Medicis / au chasteau sainct Ange. Cum priuilegio
52 According to Bodenmann and Kemp (n. 8, p. 183), there is only one copy ofthis text at the Bibliothèque du Protestantisme français in Paris, caU number: A 1001.
53 Francis Higman, "Le domaine français, 1520-1526", in La Reforme et le livre: l'Europe de l'imprime (1527- vers 1570), ed. Jean-Francois Gilmont (Paris: Cerf, 1990), p. 121. Quoted by Bodenmann and Kemp, p. 186. 17
Apostolico".54 It is obvious that such an address was given with the clear intention to ridicule the papal authority. Who was then the real printer and where did he accomplish his work?
Only as recently as 1980 Gabrielle Berthoud assigned the first edition of Les
Faictz ta the printing shop of Pierre de Vingle.55 He started his activity as a printer in the printing shop of his father-in-Iaw, Claude Nourry, in 1525 at Lyon. Several undated editions of the New Testament translated into French by Lefèvre d'Étaples, the first two editions of Farel's Sommaire (without the author's name, but dated-1529 and 1531), as weIl as a Latin edition of Bodius's Unio dissidentium in sacris literis /ocorum were issued from his printing press at Lyon. Persuaded by Farel (who at that time was relying on solid financial support offered by the Waldensians 56) to sustain with his printing press the
Evangelical cause in the French-speaking territories outside Prance's borders, Pierre de
Vingle moved in March 1533 to Geneva, still a Catholic city at that time. Here, he was only permitted to reprint the New Testament in Lefèvre d'Étaples translation; but in spite of the negative response, in June 1533 he also printed Bodius's Unio using a faIse address. Looking for a more secure and welcoming place, between the end of June and the beginning of August 1533 Vingle moved to Neuchâtel, which by November 1530 had become a reformed city as a result of Farel's activity.57
54 Les Faictz, Fiv vo. Clement de Medicis was, in fact, Clement VII, pope from November 19, 1523 to September 26, 1534.
55 Gabrielle Berthoud, "Les impressions genovoises de Jean Michel (1538-1544)", pp. 62-67. Cf Bodenmann and Kemp, n. Il, p. 185.
56 Berthoud, "Le solde des livres imprimés par Pierre de Vingle et les Vaudois du Piémont", in Musée Neuchâtelois, 3rd series, v. 17, 1980, pp. 74-79. Quoted by Bodenmann and Kemp, n.l5, p. 185.
57 For a detailed attempt to accurately identify the time Vingle set his printing press in motion in Neuchâtel, see Bodenmann and Kemp, n. 17, p. 185. 18
In order precisely to identify the town where Pierre de Vingle printed Les Faictz,
Bodenmann and Kemp hold that the analysis of the paper used by the printer is of no avail, since this has no watermark. However, the evidence of the three adorned letters58 found in the text proves to be really helpful because these can be found only in the works printed by Vingle in Neuchâte1. 59 Indeed, the reformed town of Romandie was the last place where Vingle chose to setde in order to fuel the Reformed cause with his printings.
The attempt accurately of identify the date when Les Faictz was published is mainly based on the internaI evidence that the following paragraph provides:
Car nonobstant que la vie et le train du Pape soit trespaovre et fort meschant, beaucoup plus est sa doctrine et ses ordonnances paovre, meschante, horrible, damnable, et detestable. Affin donc qu'on congnoisse l'estat du Pape en soy, quel il est, quelles sont ses ordonnances, sans faire mention des vies des Papes, comme des fardemens, enchanterie, et toute puantise de Pape Paul, ne de Alexandre, qui entre aultres cas enormes couchoit avec sa fille propre, Lucresse, de laquelle avoit la compaignie son frere, le Duc de Valentinoys, filz dudict Alexandre, pourquoy l'Epitaphe de celle Lucresse contenoit qu'elle estoit fille, femme, et belle fille de Alexandre. Des meurtres et horribles effusions de sang de JulIe, avec son yvrongnerie et execrable paillardise, ne de la gourmandise et vie detestable de Leon, ne des enchanteries, empoisonnemens, trahisons parricides, et aultres choses plus que diabolicques de Clement, ne faisons mention.60
Research undertaken on the matter of chronology initially placed the first edition of Les
Faictz at the beginning of 1535, namely after the Affaire des placards, the text being considered as an ultimate response to the so violently debated issue of the Catholic
58 The capital "L" is found in Aii ra, the smaIl "E" in Ei va, and the smaIl "L" in Eiv ra. See fig. 6 in the Appendix.
59 The aIl three adorned letters are found for the frrst time in the New Testament printed in March 1534. The small "L" is also used in the Farel's Sommaire, published in December 1534, and the capital "L" can be found in Olivetan's Bible issued in June 1535. See Bodenmann and Kemp, n. 18 p. 186.
60 Les Faictz, Aii rO, 19
61 Mass. In addition, the phrase "Pape Paul, ne de Alexandre", from the ab ove paragraph was interpreted as "Pope Paul (III), bom from a so-called Alexander".62 As Clement
(VII), the last pope mentioned in the inventory of the author of Les Faictz, died on
September 25, 1534 and Paul III was enthroned as pontiff on October 12, 1534, the conclusion according to this logic was that Vingle must have published his book after the
Affair of the Placards.
However, further research has brought into consideration arguments that convincingly changed the previous interpretation.63 Thus, the phrase "Pape Paul, ne de
Alexandre" is considered as only a part of the longer list of the popes enumerated thereafter: "horribles effusions de sang de Julle [ ... ], ne de la gourmandise et vie detestable de Leon [ ... ], ne des enchanteries, empoisonnemens, trahisons parricides [ ... ] de Clement".64 An important twist in the interpretation was generated as the particle "ne" from the list of the popes was not translated with "bom", but simply considered a negative conjunction normally used after the subordinator "sans".65 Consequently, Paul, the first pope mentioned, is Paul II (1464-1471) and "Alexandre" reigned as Pope
Alexander VI between 1492 and 1503. According to this understanding, Julle becomes
Julius II (1503-1513); Leo is in fact Leo X (1513-1521), and Clement VII (1523-1534) is the one whom the author of Les Faictz has attributed "choses plus que diabolicques". It is obvious that, from a chronological point of view, the writer offered an accurate record of
th 6\ William Kemp, "Multi-Media Imprints in 16 -Century Neuchâtel: the October 1534 Placard against the Mass in Context", presented at the meeting of the XVIth Century Studies Conference, San Antonio, Texas, October 2002, p. 3.
62 Kemp, 2002, p. 3.
63 Bodenmann and Kemp, p. 185. Kemp, 2002, pp. 3-4.
64 Les Faictz, Aii ra.
65 Kemp, 2002, p. 4. 20 the popes, and the attempt to date the printing of Les Faictz correctly has to consider
Clement VII as the last pope known by the its author or authors.
There is another element that endorses this interpretation: Clement VII is aIso mentioned on the verso of the last page. In the colophon one can read: "Imprime a Rome par Clement de Medicisl au chasteau sainct Ange. Cum priuilegio Apostolico".66 It is not accidentai that Jean Michel, who continued the work of Pierre de Vingle, in the second edition of Les Faictz printed in Geneva between 1538 and 1544, removed the reference to
"Clement de Medicis" from the colophon. The only plausible reason for this omission is the fact that by that time Clement VII was dead. To sum up, a reasonable date for the printing of Les Faictz should be eonsidered between August 153367 and 25 September
1534 (the date of Clement VII's death).
2. The structure of Les Faictz and its connections with the Passion al
Undoubtedly a unique book, Les Faictz is a small in-folio printed in Gothie type, which was Vingle's style, on 24 leaves of large dimensions (272 x 172 mm). The general pattern of its structure can be presented in summary as follows: Les Faictz has a title page followed by a prologue and then by a page where Christ and the pope are presented briefly. The body of the work consists of sixteen pairs of antitheses, with Christ on the left-hand page and the pope on the right-hand page. Thus, each pair of antitheses oeeupies a single opening68 with a notable exception: the fifteenth antithesis, which exposes the contrast between the Evangelical communion and the Catholic Mass over no less than 12
66 Les Faictz, Fiv va.
67 The date Vingle started his activity in Neuchâtel. See Bodenmann and Kemp, n. 17, p. 185.
68 See fig. 7 in the Appendix. 21 pages. On the last page, the text ends with a letter addressed to the reader, where the writer depicts the evil posed by the pope to different countries, emphasizing also the centrality of faith in Christ. At the very bottom of the page, the colophon putatively instructs the reader about the place of the publishing.
A thorough comparison of Les Faictz with the Passional in its Wittenberg,
Strasbourg and Latin editions will reveal to what extent the former is an adaptation of the latter and where it c1aims to be original. Similarities and differences will be examined by paying particular attention to the title pages, the woodcuts, the running titles, and finally to the text itself.
It is interesting to note that as with the title page, the four editions can be analyzed in pairs. Thus, the Wittenberg and the Latin editions of the Passional have no images on their title pages, except a decorated background, offering a rather austere appearance with only the printed title on them.69 On the other hand, the Strasbourg edition and the
Neuchâtel adaptation have the same woodcut illustrating Peter, Christ and the pope.70
Naturally, there are a few differences between them: the German edition bears the title
Passional Christi und Antichristi and on the right side and at the bottom there are words of Peter, Jesus and the pope; the French version conversely displays its long title above the woodcut, and on both sides, boldly displayed, "Cum priuilegio Apostolico" stands as the "irrefutable" proof of the supposed patronage of the highest ecc1esiastical authority of the time. In addition, at the bottom of the woodcut there is a four-line Latin poem/l the
69 See fig. 1 and fig. 8 in the Appendix. The Latin edition though, has a four-line poem that can be found on the title page of the Neuchâtel edition.
70 See fig. 9 in the Appendix.
71 "Quam male conveniant cum Christi pectore Jesu / Pontificum mores, iste libellus habet. / Haec lege, qui verae pietatis amore teneris / Hoc pius, et lecto codice doctus eris." "This book shows how less the 22 same found on the title page of the Latin edition, and four lines of text in French addressed "Au lecteur Chrestien", in fact a preview of the conclusion of the whole work:
Lecteur, tu vois les faictz de Jesus Christ En ce livret, aussi les meurs du pape. Christ donne tout pour neant par son Esprit, Le Pape non, mais tout bien prent et happe. 72
The analysis of the title pages of the four editions can lead to the preliminary conclusion that the Neuchâtel edition was made by someone who had at hand copies of the Strasbourg editions and also of the Latin one, although it is obvious that the author of
Les Faictz adapted the work for his audience.
The pattern of similarities and differences found in the comparison of the title pages is applicable to the running titles' couplets as weil. The Wittenberg edition bears on each opening the whole title of the work ("Passional Christi und Il Antichristi,,73) whereas the Latin version has only the names of the two protagonists ("CHRISTVS Il
ANTICHRISTVS,,74). However, the Strasbourg and the Neuchâtel editions once more can be considered as a pair: they have a special type of running title, namely a rhymed one, and the French adaptation reproduces again, in translation, the German version.75 This adaptation of the original running titles is of particular interest since, as Kemp says: "In the Strasbourg and Neuchâtel editions, the running title becomes a secondary or princip les of the pontiffs resemble to those of Jesus. You, who are moved by the love of a real piety, read this. Ifyou read this book, you will be pious and learned." (My translation, according to the French version offered by Bodenmann and Kemp, n. 26, p. 192).
72 Les Faictz, Ai ra.
73 See fig. lOin the Appendix.
74 See fig. Il in the Appendix.
75 As an example, the flfst antithesis from the Strasbourg edition is introduced by the following running title: "Christus flog das irdisch reich Il Nunzeicht des Bapst mit gewalt an sich". In the French edition, this was translated as follows: "Jesus Christ fuyt le royaulme terrien. Il Mais le Pape par force le faiet sien". Cf Kemp, 2001, p. 4. For the entire list of the running titles in the Neuchâtel version, see Table 1 in the Appendix. 23 introductory story line to each opening, thus fumishing a new, verbal narrative. Each side rhymes with the other, initiating the back-and-forth comparison that each antithesis invites.,,76 The Neuchâtel version also reproduces from the Strasbourg edition, although not identically, the Latin phrases posted on the external edge of the woodcuts.77
The study of the blocks is another useful means in the attempt at establishing a relation between Les Faictz and the Passional's editions. However, from this perspective, the matter of their interrelation is much more complex, and simply grouping them in pairs would not help to clarify this issue. 78 Consequently, first 1 will take an account of the blocks found in each edition, and secondly, 1 will attempt to trace back the provenance of the woodcuts in the Neuchâtel edition.
Thus, the Wittenberg German and Latin editions have only 26 woodcuts and 13 pairs of antitheses, which means that their title pages are not taken into account since they bear no significant visual message.79 The Strasbourg edition improved its number of woodcuts to 31, assembled in 15 pairs of antitheses, its title page being considered an additional distinct block. Finally, the Vingle edition also increased the number of its blocks to 34, adding a new antithesis and repeating the title page woodcut for the single occasion when Christ and the pope are jointly presented on the page following the prolog.
The 16 pairs of antitheses in the Neuchâtel edition can be partly paralleled to the three other editions. Basically, the first twelve pairs of antitheses in Vingle's version correspond to the first twelve pairs in the Wittenberg German and Latin editions. In
76 Kemp, 2001, p. 3.
77 See fig. 12 in the Appendix.
78 For a thorough analysis of the woodcut blocks in the German, Latin and French editions, see Bodenmann and Kemp, pp. 186-200.
79 See fig. 1 and 8 in the Appendix. 24 addition, the last antithesis of the two Wittenberg editions, that is, the thirteenth, corresponds to the sixteenth pair from the French edition.80 At the same time, this is also applicable to the Strasbourg edition of the Passional, with the important observation that in this case the first fourteen pairs of antitheses are equivalent to the first fourteen from the Neuchâtel edition. Moreover, the fifteenth pair of the Strasbourg edition, which is the last one, in fact matches with the sixteenth ofVingle's version.8I Thus, the only original theme introduced by Les Faictz is conveyed by the fifteenth pair of woodcuts, not found in any of the previous editions of the Passional.
A more detailed examination of the Neuchâtel version reveals interesting facts: alongside the title page woodcut ant that of the short introduction, the next sixteen blocks representing Jesus (excepting the eighth and the fifteenth) are taken from the second
Strasbourg edition,82 whereas their counterparts (apart also from the fifteenth), which portray the pope, are taken from the Latin edition. This quite unusual practice can be interpreted as due to the fact that two artists had to work in order to produce the woodcuts, which means that the whole enterprise was very likely executed in a hurry.83
Moreover, the distinctive fifteenth pair of images from Les Faictz, which portrays the very different mode of observing the institution of the Holy Communion by the
Catholics and Evangelicals respectively, and that of the nativity of Christ from the eighth
80 Bodenmann and Kemp, p. 188.
81 See the table 2 in the Appendix.
82 Bodenmann and Kemp, n. 27, p. 194.
83 Idem, n. 40, p. 200. Bodenmann and Kemp propose two to three days of work for each woodcut, since the block cutters started from models already existent. That makes for a total of about thirty to forty-eight days ofwork. 25 pair of antitheses are not only completely new but also the blocks are of a smaUer dimensions, suggesting a different provenance. 84
From the comparative examination of the woodcuts in Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du pape and those in the Wittenberg (either German or Latin) and Strasbourg editions the idea of a certain rapport between them is quite obvious. Moreover, in the thirteenth antithesis of the Neuchâtel version, on the block which depicts the pope, the artist left unaltered the German phrase "Umb gelt ein sack vol ablaB", although adding its French translation: "Pour de largent ung sac plein de pardons".85 This simple linguistic detail proves not only that the block cutter was at least familiar with German, but also, once more, the evident German origin of the original woodcut.
The text of Les Faictz represents probably the main aspect in which Vingle's edition is different from aU versions of the Passional. Mainly, the text shows an exponential increase on two levels: tirst, the text that accompanies the image on each page is largely augmented; secondly, there is a whole new section added before the last antithesis (which portrays Jesus mounting to Heaven and the pope falling into HeU) that opposes the Evangelical symbolic view of the Last Supper to the Catholic interpretation of this divine institution.
In the German (either from Wittenberg or Strasboprg) and Latin editions of the
Passional the proportion between the image and the word is around 3.5:1,86 which makes quite obvious the importance attributed to the visual means in conveying the message. In fact, it seems that the author wanted the booklet to be used mainly to be looked upon
84 See Bodenmann and Kemp, p. 197-199.
85 See fig. 13 in the Appendix.
86 Bodenmann and Kemp, p. 201. 26 rather than read, since the text is barely represented by five to nine lines of verses from the Bible, in order to depict Jesus's life, or brief excerpts from the Canon Law to illustrate the unchristian character of the pope.
In the Neuchâtel edition, the situation has dramatically changed: the ratio is reduced to 1.5:1, the image being practically surrounded by text. Now, the text exceeds the space used by the image and becomes the much larger instrument in the author's hands in order to transmit the message. As an example, let us consider the sixth antithesis titled "Jesus porte sa croix en grand douleur" Il "Le pape est porté en grand honneur".87 In the Strasbourg edition of the Passional, the image of Christ carrying the cross is accompanied by five Hnes of text from John 4, Mathew 16 and again, John 19. On the opposite side, the image shows the pope carried on his throne by a cohort of his servants, and the commentary from Canon Law is no more than six Hnes.
Les Faictz, in contrast, employs for Christ's scene no less than seven biblical passages, namely the three of the Passional, and also Isaiah 53, Luke 6, Mathew 10 and
Hebrew 12. In addition, the author addresses a vibrant appeal to the "paovre et miserable monde,,88 inquiring a retum to the one who is "plein de toute misericorde".89 For the pope's description he makes use of aIl possible means to convey his message to the reader. Thus, the pope is portrayed as:
[ ... ] le chief et le gon des aultres eglises [ ... ]. Il est appelle pere des peres, c'est adire universel, car il est prince sur toute l'eglise, et est souverain pontife, car il est sur tous les pontifes, duquel, comme de la teste, iceulx comme membres descendent, de la plenitude duquel tous prennent, lesquelz ilz appeIle[nt] en partie de soing, non point à la plenitude de
87 Les Faictz, Biv VO and Ci ra. See fig. 14 in the Appendix.
88 Les Faictz, Biv va.
89 Les Faictz, Biv va. 27
puissance. Cestuy est Melchisedec, duquel l'office n'est comparé aux 90 aultres. lib. Ïi. rationalis divinorum officiorum. de ministris.
AIl these pretensions are refuted by six biblical references closely followed by two others from Zechariah Il and Jeremiah 10 (where the prophet says that idols are carried by their worshippers, since they cannot walk by themselves - a clear allusion, in this context, to the image of the pope who is represented as being carried and worshipped as an idol), and four references from the Canon Law. As he did on the opposite discourse, here again the writer voices his prayer asking aIl Christians to understand the true nature of the papacy:
Chrestiens, pour l'honneur de Jesus, regardez ce pape, vray filz de perdition, comment il est imitateur de Jesus, en portant persecutions, yeu l'orrible peine qu'il ordonne contre ceulx qui font quelque chose contre ses cardinaulx, ou legatz, comme in. vi. de penis. c. felicis recorditionis. et aussi. 17.q.4. Si quis suadente, et semblables, que sont tant seulement pour deffendre le pape et les siens, affin qu'ilz n'ayent aucune croix en ce monde, mais que tous les adorent et leur servent comme à Dieu.91
This short scrutiny lends support to compare the two editions from another perspective that will reveal the extent to which Les Faictz has increased its text. If in the
Strasbourg edition the author used about 35 words to depict Christ carrying his cross, the anonymous author of the French version has augmented the text by up to 388 words. As for the pope's picture, the surrounding text has been developed even greater: 454 words as compared to just 48 words in the original text. The increase, although not equal for aIl sixte en antitheses, is dramatic: the French adaptation has extended its text by about ten fold.
90 Les Faictz, Ci rO.
91 Les Faictz, Ci rO. 28
However, the most important increase of the text of Les Faictz was owed to the addition of the two new woodcuts and a long twelve-page section which critiques the
Roman Mass in opposition to the evangelical communion. This long addition, which represents an increase of the text with more than 35%, is divided into a five-page defense of the Supper followed by seven-page attack on the Mass, and in between there are the two opposing woodcuts.92 According to the antithetical pattern of the book, in a suggestive way, this section is titled "Jesus la Cene ordonne, en memoyre de sa mort et passion Il Et le Pape la messe controuve, chief de toute abusion".93 If in the first fourteen antitheses the Church is described as morally corrupt and financially interested, in this new section the writer points out something much more serious: the Church is accused of practicing idolatry, and this is to be found in the very core of its worship, namely the
Eucharist. What can be but idolatry, to worship mere things, the host and wine, instead of
Christ who alone is "intercesseur pour people et moyenneur entre Dieu et les homes,,?94
Such a debate was not new at that time. It started almost a de cade before, when
Zwingli and Oecolampadius sustained that the Last Supper should be interpreted as a symbolic commemoration, which do es not involve, by any means, the transubstantiation ofhost and wine. 95 The radical French reformers, Guillaume Farel and Antoine Marcourt basically adopted a similar approach and defended their views in a series of publications
92 See fig. 15 in the Appendix.
93 Les Faictz, Eiii va, Eiv ra.
94 Les Faictz, Eiv va.
95 For a thorough analysis ofthis topic, see chapter 3. 29 which also include the volumes printed in Neuchâtel by Pierre de Vingle between 1533-
1535.96
Conclusion
Created in the midst of Luther's polemic with the Catholic establishment, the
Passional Christi und Antichristi expressed in a pictorial mode the concems uttered by the developing Protestant faction regarding the unbiblical or more precisely, the unchristian way the papacy was considered to live. The Passional, as Fleming observes, represented "a comerstone in the armory of Reformation 'Kampfbilder', which made up a significant part of the anti-papal polemic of that troubled period".97 The centrality of image as the main instrument of sending out the message suggests that its main task was to persuade the illiterate segment of the population; and the effectiveness of such an endeavour is undoubtedly reflected by the numerous reprints, which for the year 1521 alone count no less than nine.
96 [Guillaume Farel], Sumaire et briefve declaration d'aucuns lieux fort necessaires a ung chascun Chrestien, pour mettre sa confiance en Dieu et ayder son prochain ; Item ung Traicte du purgatoire, nouuelle met adiouste sur lafin ([Neuchâtel: Pierre de Vingle], 1534). [Guillaume Farel], La maniere et fasson qu'on tient en baillant le sainct baptesme en la saincte congregation de dieu, et en espusant ceu/x qui viennent au sainct mariage, et à la saincte Cene de nostre seigneur, es lieux lesquelz dieu de sa grace a visité, faisant que selon sa saincte paroUe ce qu'il a deffendu en son eglise soit rejecté, et ce qu'il a commandé soit tenu. Aussi la maniere comment la predication commence, moyenne et finit, avec les prieres et exhortations qu'on faict à tous et pour tous, et de la visitation des malades (Neuchâtel: Pierre de Vingle, 1533). [Guillaume Farel, Pierre Viret], DeJa tressaincte cène de nostre seigneur Jesus et de la messe quon chante communément ([Bâle:Thomas Wolff, 1532]). [Antoine Marcourt], Declaration de la messe: le fruict dicelle, la cause et le moyen pourquoy et comment on la doibt maintenir (Neuchâtel: Pierre de Vingle, 1534). [Antoine Marcourt], Articles veritables sur les horribles, grandz et importables abuz de la Messe papalle: Inventee directement contre la saincte Cene de Jesus Christ ([Neuchâtel: Pierre de Vingle], 1534). [Antoine Marcourt], Petit traicte tres utile et salutaire de la saincte eucharistie de nostre Seigneur Jesuschrist ([Neuchâtel: Pierre de Vingle], 1534).
97 Fleming, pp. 352-353. 30
Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du pape, which appeared about fourteen years later in Neuchâtel from Pierre de Vingle's printing shop, preserved the same antithetical structure and polemical tone. However, it has been demonstrated that Les Faictz cannot be adequately considered a simple translation of the Passional. There are nonetheless signiticant elements of continuity between the two versions. First, the title page and 29 out of 32 of the woodcuts were taken from the Strasbourg (for Christ's depiction) and the
Latin editions (for the pope's account), respectively. Secondly, an explicit remark of the author of Vingle's edition in the closing section of the work alludes to the idea of a translation into French of an existing similar pamphlet.98 This assertion also is sustained by the thirteenth woodcut of the papal series that still retains a few words in German. In addition, the fact that Les Faictz is the unique exception as an illustrated book in the
French-speaking territories stands on the same line of argumentation. Last but not least, in both versions, each page has a three-level narrative framework: the running title, the
image, and the text itself.
At this point cornes the tirst distinction of Les Faictz as compared to the
Passional. The large format of the French -edition (17 x 27 cm) allowed a significant
increase in the amount of text which, for sorne antitheses, is no less than ten fold. Now, it
is obvious that the images were being displaced by the word as the means of persuasion.
However, the second and most important new characteristic of Les Faictz is the addition
of the long section regarding the celebration of the Holy Communion. In the author's view, to discuss such a topic was perfectly legitimate in a time when the Church was openly accused of moral corruption and theological errors.
98 "[je] vous ay voulu rendre ce livre en francoys, a cette cause seulement que [vous] avez cognoissance du tresdoulx et tresamiable Jesus, [ ... J." Les Faictz, Fiv vo. 31
Even though Les Faictz borrowed extensively from the German editions, because of its sacramentarian discourse, it ended up to be almost complete1y different from its exemplar. Thus, Vingle's edition is much c10ser in theological emphasis to the famous
1534 Placards than to the 1521 Passional. In other words, Les Faictz reflects much more
Zwingli's sacramental theology than Luther's, and for this reason it found its way back to
Germany in 1546, this time addressing Lutheranism. 32
Chapter 2
A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE TEXT:
THE CLASSICAL SOURCES USED BY THE AUTHOR AND
HIS HERMENEUTIC
Introduction
For a polemical text that emerged from the evangelical milieu around Pierre de
Vingle, Les Faictz made remarkable use of humanistic learning and also of scholastic authority, sources that one might consider inappropriate or at least surprising in such an endeavor. In addition to two hundred and sixtY biblical citations99 in Les Faictz there are no fewer than ninety-five references to the Canon Law. However, what makes this work unique is that Les Faictz is the only text from the Vingle Corpus which quotes classical texts. Thus, one by one, Livy (Ab urbe condita libri)100, Suetonius (De viris illustribus)IOI,
Lucian of Samosata (Nigrinus)I02, Apuleius (Metamorphoses)103, Aulus Gellius (Noctes
Atticae)I04 and Macrobius (De somno Scipionis)I05 are called upon to lend their support to
99 1 am grateful to Isabelle Crevier-Denommé for her rigorous identification of the biblical citations as a preliminary preparation of the text of Les Faictz for publication.
100 Titus Livius, Ex xiiiiT. Liuii decadibus prima, tertia, quarta. Duplex epitome. Polybii libri v de rebus Romanis tr. à N Perotto. 4 vols. (Venice: Aldine Press, 1518-1521).1 have attempted so far as possible to cite editions contemporary with Les Faictz, especially from the Aldine Press, known at the time for its high quality.
101 Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, De viris illustribus in C. Plinii secundi novocomensis epistolarum libri decem ... (Venice: Aldine Press, 1508).
102 Lucianus of Samosata, Luciani dialogi et alia mu/ta opera (Venice: Aldine Press, 1522).
103 Lucius Apuleius, L. Apuleii Metamorphoseos, siue lusus Asini libri XI (Venice: Aldine Press, 1521).
104 Aulus Gellius, Au/i Gellii Noctium Atticarum Libri Undeviginti (Venice: Aldine Press, 1515). 33 the polemic. In fact, the author, in most of the cases, made them to sustain his ideas and help him to convey his message.
In this chapter, first 1 will attempt to identify a few reasons that might have led him to use classical sources; secondly, these sources will be analyzed individually in order to see how they have been employed by the author, and also to identify whether there is a pattern in the way they were used in Les Faictz.
It is worthwhile to note that regarding the use of sources, the author clearly thought that Scripture (with one or two exceptions) would be the most reliable source and the final authority for Christ's portrait. However, when it cornes to the pope's image, he used a whole array of sources that he had at hand and which were thought to be as authoritative as they could. It is also noteworthy that besides a few biblical citations, the great majority of references regarding the papal aspect are taken appropriately from the
106 Canon Law • Furthermore, it is interesting that all classical texts referred to were pressed into service on the papal side on the battlefield.
The question why the text was shaped in this way is wholly legitimate, although the answer is not as obvious as one might wish. Undoubtedly, the trend ofthe age towards
105 Ambrosius Aurelius Theodosius Macrobius, Macrobii Aurelii Theodosii ... in Somnium Scipionis M Tullii Ciceronis libri duo, et saturnaliorum lib. VII. (paris: Badius, 1524); (it was also published in 1519 as Macrobius Aure/ius integer; and in Aldine edition in 1528).
106 Corpus Juris Canonici (Corpus of Canon Law), the main corpus of ecclesiastical legislation in the Roman Catholic Church from the Middle Ages until it was replaced by the Codex Juris Canon ici (Code of Canon Law) in 1917. It is comprised from three major parts: the Decretum Gratiani (written between 1141- 1150); the Decretais of Pope Gregory IX (1234); and the three fmal decretal collections: the Liber Sextus of Pope Boniface VIII (1298), the Clementinae of Pope Clement V (1317), and two private collections: the Extravagantes of Pope John XXII (1325), and the Extravagantets communes (from Pope Boniface VIII to Pope Sixtus IV). These six collections of laws were named Corpus Juris Canon ici by the Pope Gregory XIII (1 July, 1580), in the document Cum pro munere. However, they were frequently printed prior to that date. The frrst editions of the Corpus Juris Canonici were printed at the end of the sixteenth century (Frankfort, 1586; Paris, 1587). Codex Juris Canonicii was revised last time in 1983. Cf Online Catholic Encyclopedia
Finally and very importantly, it is obvious that in his attempt to demolish a centuries-long tradition, the author had to bring a competitive authority on his side. Whereas the Canon
Law is used sometimes as a target for his critique and sometimes as a tool which helps him in his attack, aIl classical citations are used to prove that important practices from
Roman ecclesial tradition (celibacy, proskynesis,107 sacred names, the exposure of relics, etc.) are directly linked to the most genuine paganism.
A. Macrobius
It is not surprising that the author of Les Faictz made reference to Macrobius'
Commentary on the Dream of Scipio. Throughout the Middle Ages and Renaissance,
Macrobius was considered an authority on Neoplatonism, and besides the Commentary of
Chalcidius, Macrobius's work also "was the most important source of Platonism in the
Latin West" in that epoch. 108 On just a cursory glance one can see the variety of topics that made the Commentary appealing to the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century reader.
Commentaries on numbers, the theory of the four virtues, the immortality of the soul, the
107 Borrowed by the Alexander the Great from the Persian royal court, and then performed by his succes sors, the custom of proskynesis included the kneeling, the bow of the head, and even kissing the ground. The act signified obedience, reverence, and humbleness.
108 For classical scholars, however, the only merit of Macrobius' Commentary was that it preserved the text on which it is based, namely Scipio 's Dream, that until the 19th century was the only known part of Cicero' s De re publica. In 1820, Angelo Mai identified in the Vatican Library a part of the missing De re publica. Cf William 8tahl, Macrobius. Commentary on the Dream of Scipio (New York: Columbia University Press, 1952), pp. 10-11. 35
Neoplatonic hypostases, are just a few ofthem and they can be organized further into the wider categories of astronomy, geography, and dreams. 109 As a proof of its popularity stands the great number of manuscripts and printed editions as weIl, which for the sixteenth century count around thirty.110 Paris, Lyon, Basle, Venice and even London provided a base for publishers interested in printing Macrobius's Commentary. 111
The first reference to his text is made on the initial illustrated page of Les Faictz,112 which is still an introductory one, and where the author divides the accompanying text into three sections, each dedicated respectively to Jesus, the apostle Peter, and the pope. From
the very beginning the author displays his distinctive style and methodology. The contrast
between Jesus and the pope is emphasized vividly: the process of kenosis that Christ went
through in order to be incarnate in the likeness of man is opposed to the false humility
displayed by the pope when he caUs himself servus servorum, only to se duce the devout
Christian. In fact, the true character of the papacy is weU expressed by the Canon Law
regulations:
Nous avo[n]s la seigneurie de toute la terre, car à nous appartient juger de toutes causes, et à nul de juger de nous, ne de nostre jugement. 9.q.3. Cuncta. Nemo aliorum facta. Car nous avons tous les droictz cachez en l'arche de nostre coeur. Non pas de pur homme, mais du vray Dieu, sommes lieutenans en terre. c. quanto de transla. Nous sommes assis sur la chaire de
109 In the Middle Ages, Macrobius was also considered an authority in the interpretation of dreams and geography, many of the manuscripts of his Commentary including only those parts referring to the classifications of dreams or natural world related issues. Cf Stahl, pp. 41-42.
110 Stahl, pp. 61-62.
III Josse Bade printed three editions in Paris (1513; 1519; 1524), and a bit later Sebastianus Gryphius published about ten in Lyon. Jean Colin also, in 1538, published a French translation of Cicero's Scipio 's Dream from Book VI of his De republica. Cf Diane Desrosiers-Bonin, "Macrobe et les âmes héroïques (Rabelais, Quart Livre, chapitres 25 à 28)," Renaissance and Reformation/Renaissance et Réforme. vol. XI, no 3, 1987, pp. 211-221.
112 Les Faictz, Aiii rO. 36
preminence. de sepul. super ca. Tous princes romains ont adoré nostre siege. de jure jur. in Clemen. Roma. prin. 113
Even at this introductory stage, the author displays his highly original hermeneutic
(that he would use throughout his work), with an interesting twist in interpreting "servus servorum" as a c1ear reference to Genesis 9: 25, where Noah's son, Canaan, was cursed to be the servant ofhis brothers. 1l4 It is made plain, according to the logic of the polemic, that the one who atlributes to himself such appellations is himself cursed too, and should be regarded as such.
However, the next step in his argumentation is even more interesting, when another title the pope has attributed to himself is brought under investigation, namely sanctissimus pater. In order to emphasize the blasphemous character of such an assertion, the author makes reference at this point to Macrobius's Commentary: "1 pray you, most revered and
Jl5 best of fathers [pater sanctissime atque optime ], since this is truly life, as 1 hear
Africanus tell, why do 1 linger on earth? Why do 1 not hasten hither to yoU?,,1l6 In his dream, Scipio Africanus the y ounger, implores his father, Lucius Aemilius Paullus, to help him to be prepared to leave this life for the betler one promised those who prove to be virtuous citizens. Paullus having been rewarded already with immortality, it seemed to
Scipio that this appellation ofhis father should be the most appropriate one.
Using the technique of comparison and contrast of c1assical and biblical texts, the
author of Les Faictz alludes at this point to John 17: Il, where Jesus calls his Father pater
113 Les Faictz, Aiii ra.
114 "And he said, Cursed be Canaan; a servant of servants shaH he be unto his brethren." (Genesis 9:25; KJV).
115 Cicero, De re publica. De legibus, trans. Clinton Walker Keyes (London: W. Heinemann, 1928), p. 266.
116 Stahl, p. 138. (The specifie paragraph is to be found in Book I, ehapter XIII.3). 37 sancte. 1l7 The intention is quite obvious: while the circumstances and the actors are different, what is important for the prospective reader is to see the enormous difference, in the author's view, between the epithets sancte and sanctissimus. Anyone could see that the pope "a pris ces nom des idolatres, comme Paulus, pere de Aphricanus, estoit appelle",118 says the author. However, what really intrigues him is the pope's intention to usurp the authority even of God the Father, who was called simply sancte, although he is the one whose authority properly cannot be emphasized enough. Thus, it would appear that
Macrobius's text was used only as a pointer towards the most sacrilegious c1aim one could make, viz. the pope's exceeding the holiness of God himself, and whose real character would gradually be revealed throughout the remainder of the work.
B. Lucian of Samosata
Lucian's dialogue Nigrinus is cited in the text that accompanies the sixth woodcut. 119 The main issues debated in this antithesis (which is the third out of sixteen), namely leadership of the church and the respect owed to its earthly leader, which is seen to be transformed into worship, are easily suggested by the running title's couplet: "Jesus a ses disciples lave le[ s] piedz / Mais ceulx du pape par les Roys sont baisez" .120
117 "et iam non sum in mundo et hii in mundo sunt et ego ad te venio Pater sancte serva eos in nomine tuo quos dedisti mihi ut sint unum sicut et nos" (John 17:11; Vulgate).
118 Les Faictz, Aiii rO.
119 See fig. 10 in the Appendix.
120 Les Faictz, Bii rO. 38
The matter of leadership can be clarified without much effort: if Christ said in the
New Testament that he is the head of his church,121 then the pope's claim for the same position cannot be sustained by any other authority than his own. What else than pure blasphemy could be such an assertion, the text implies, indeed by quoting the book of
Revelation. 122 As for the established practice of kissing the foot of the pope, the anonymous writer says that "ceste orgueilleuse fasson de faire baiser les piedz a prins le
Pape des tyrans de Perse, comme l'on peult veoir es dialogues de Lucien in Nigrino".123
In an epoch of great controversies, the attraction of Lucian's satirical dialogues is
based on the need to express the conflict of the evangelical and papal principles. As
Robinson says, "The major issues of the day, conceming as they did both the metaphysical
and ethical aspects of religion, seemed to find an echo in the very themes and characters of
many of Lucian's works.,,124 There were notable attempts in the sixteenth century to
explore Lucian's works, especially his satirical dialogues. For instance, Erasmus of
Rotterdam published his first collection of translations from Lucian as early as 1506,
which was followed by further reprints up to 1533. 125 He was attracted and influenced by
Lucian's satire, as can be seen in his Praise ofFol/y, since it echoed his own concem with
the moral decadence of late-medieval Christianity. Thomas More also was interested in
121 "For the husband is the head of the wife, even as Christ is the head of the church: and he is the saviour of the body." (Eph. 5:23; KJV).
122 Les Faictz, Bii rO: "Qui est semblable à la beste, à laquelle a esté donnee gueule parlant grands choses et blasphemes, laquelle blaspheme Dieu, et son nom et son tabernacle, et ceulx qui habitent au ciel" (Revelation 13:4-6).
123 Les Faictz, Bii ra.
124 Christopher Robinson, Lucian and His Influence in Europe (Bristol: Western Printing Services Ltd, 1979), p. 109.
125 Luciani Erasmo interprete dialogi & aUa emuncta. Quœdam etiam a T. Moro latinafacta: & quœdam ab eodem concinnata ([Paris]: Desiderius Erasmus [trans.], 1514); Luciani opuscula Erasmo Roterodamo interprete. Toxaris [&c.]. Eiusdem Luciani T. Moro interprete, Cynicus [&c.] (Ven.: Desiderius Erasmus [trans.],1516). 39
Lucian's dialogues, since he found in them a proper "balance of moral utility and satirical wit,,126 and also contributed to Erasmus's first edition of translations. 127 There also were satirists in Germany (Ulrich von Hutten),128 France (Bonaventure des Périers),129 and even in Spain (Cristobal de Villalon, writing under the pseudonym Christophoro Gnophoso)130 who had been inspired in their satirical dialogues by Lucian' s works. 13l Thus, the author of
Les Faictz stood in an already well-established tradition when he referred to Nigrinus, one of Lucian's satirical dialogues and also one of the so-called anti-Roman pieces.
Nigrinus, as Jones notes, is a satire based on "a series of opposite pairs: Rome and
Athens, wealth and poverty, vice and virtue".132 The narrator, who is evidently Lucian himself, lives in Athens but go es to Rome to be treated for his ocular affliction. There he met the Platonist Nigrinus who helped him by treating not his physical but his defective spiritual vision, by showing the narrator how not to look for prosperity, social status, and the like. Nigrinus also criticizes the city's vices, addressing his discourse especially to the rich and those who follow them. It is this idea in particular that dominates the paragraph of
Lucian's dialogue referred to in Les Faictz:
[ ... ] Are not the rich ridiculous? They display their purple gowns and show their rings and betray an unbounded lack of taste. Would you believe it? - they make use of another man's voice in greeting people they meet, expecting them to be thankful for a glance and nothing more, while sorne,
126 Robinson, p. 131.
127 [Fleuron] Luciani Samosatensis opus cula quœdam, Erasmo Rote. & T. Moro interpretib (Luguduni, 1528). [Para.} Necromantia, a dialog tr. into lat. [by st. T. More] and now tr. into englyssh ([Lond.]: J. Rastell [ed.]; Thomas More [trans.], [co 1530]).
128 Ulrichi de Hutten, Aula dialogus. Phalarismus Huttenicus dialogus. Febris dialo. Hutten (Paris, 1519).
129 Jean Bonaventure de Périers, Cymbalum mundi, ou, Dialogues satyriques, sur différens sujets, avec une lettre critique par P. Marchand (Nouv. éd., revûë, corrigée & augmentée de notes); (Amsterdam, 1732).
130 Christophoro Gnophoso, El crotalon (Madrid: Ramirez de Arellano, 1871).
131 Robinson, pp. 110-126.
132 C. P. Jones, Culture and Society in Lucian (Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1986), p. 84. 40
lordlier than the rest, even require obei sance to be made to them: not at long range, though, or in the Persian style. No, you must go up, bow your head, humbling your soul and showing its feelings by carrying yourself to match them, and kiss the man's breast or his hand, while those who are denied even this privilege envy and admire you! At any rate there is one point in their inhumanity that 1 commend them for - they forbid us their lips! 133
As we can see from this passage, Lucian alludes to "the Persian style", the custom of kissing the foot. There is no other particular reference to this practice, and Nigrinus refers to it only in passing. However, the author of Les Faictz employs Lucian's text in a way that better serves his purpose, namely by emphasizing the tyrannical "inhuman" character of the papacy and the pope's patently unchristian practices. Consequently,
"Persian style" cornes out from his pen as "tyrans de Perse". By personalizing the source of this practice, he builds a bridge over the centuries associating in a negative way two characters as weIl as a foreign "style". The intention is clear, and it seems that he achieved his purpose: who other than a tyrant could make use of a custom that is proper for a
Persian despot? Moreover, if the Persian rulers were kissed only on their foot, the kissing of the pope is an actual institution in itself. There are seven such kisses, the whole of the pope' s body being venerated: mouth, breast, shoulder, arm, hand, knee, and foot. The author explains who and when one part or another can be kissed. For instance, a deacon can kiss the pope's foot before he reads from the Gospel, while a sub-deacon only after the reading. In the 1544 edition of Les Faictz, the author also mentions that "Les Putains le baisent a la bouche. Et les autres ainsi qu'il advient.,,134 Moreover, there is another interesting and edifying account of an event when such a practice was sumptuously displayed, namely the coronation of Charles V on February 24, 1530, ceremony that might
133 E. Capps, T. E. Page, W. H. D. Rouse eds., Lucian. vol. I, trans. A. M. Harmon, in the LOEB Classical Library (London: William Heinemann, 1927), p. 121.
134 Les Faictz, Bii rO . 41 have inspired the writer to choose the theme for the third antithesis of his work. 135 The
Emperor's encounter with the pope in Bologna began with the ritual of kissing the pope's feet, hands, and cheeks,136 fact that proves that the custom ofkissing the pope's body was an actual issue at the time when Les Faictz was written. Listing aU these seven kisses was not without intentionY7 the result for the author of Les Faictz consisted of multiplying seven times the pope's tyrannical and blasphemous character. Such a literary technique displays more interest in the effect of the writing on the reader' s mind than in the accuracy of the citation. At any rate, this passage of Les Faictz is clearly in the spirit of Lucian's satire. As he ridiculed those who liked to stand for hours and be kissed by people of a less
135 Les Faictz, Bii rO: "Jesus a ses disciples lave le[s] piedz / Mais ceulx du pape par les Roys sont baisez".
136 "When he [the Emperor] came up [the steps], the Pope stood up and bowed three times to His Majesty. And when His Majesty reached the Pope, he feU down on both knees and kissed the Pope's feet and then got up and kissed his hands and then his cheeks. Then he knelt down again on the Pope's right hand and stayed kneeting until aU his train had kissed his [the Pope's] feet. Kneeling, His Imperial Majesty said to the Pope: 'Holy Father, 1 have come to Your Holiness, which 1 have been looking forward to for a long time, 1 present myself as one of the fathers of the Christian faith and my deeds shaH bear more fruit than my words.' He said these words to the Pope in Latin. Then the Pope stood up and kissed his Imperial Majesty three times on his cheeks and said: 'Imperial Majesty, 1 ask for pardon and confess that 1 am guilty.' He also asked the Emperor not to take it amiss that he had him kiss his feet and said that it was not his will but that the ceremonial required this to happen when the Emperor came to get the crown. So they greeted each other according to secular conventions and the Pope led His Majesty at his right hand down the steps to the ramp ... " (Eynreitung keiserlicher Maiestat auff die kronung gen Rom / The entry of his Imperial Majesty for his coronation on the way to Rome), (Bologna, 1530). lt is obvious that this ceremonial, as it is described in this festival book, was written from the Emperor's perspective, since the chronicler, who certainly was not present at the ceremony, attempted to give an account of the event in order to portray the Emperor as Pope's equal, status that was not actuaUy reached at the beginning of the sixteenth century. (Cf 1. R. Mulryne, Helen Watanabe-O'KeHy, Margaret Shewring, eds., Europa Triumphans. Court and Civic Festivals in Early Modern Europe, vol. 1 (London: MHRA and Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 2004), pp. 8-9.
137 According to Matthew of Westminster (the supposed author of the Flores historiarum, an English chronicle written in Latin, around 1265), the practice of kissing the pope's right foot was introduced as a current practice in 709. However, much earlier, the practice was to kiss the right hand of the Roman Pontiff. ln its ancient context, the ritual of kissing was according to the rank of the persons involved: people of equal status would kiss each other on the lips, while a pers on of an inferior position kissed his superior on the cheeks; if the difference in rank was very significant, then kneeting would be the most appropriate attitude. The significance of the seven kisses mentioned by the author of Les Faictz, which involved almost the whole of the pope's body, might be related to that of the antique custom of ritual kissing. Kissing the foot of the pope would undoubtedly signify the recognition of his authority.
C. Apuleius
Apuleius's Metamorphoses or Golden Ass, "the longest and most interesting of the few surviving prose fictions in Latin",139 was written in the second half of the second century C.E. Scholars do not agree on whether to ascribe to it a didactic purpose or just to consider it as an entertaining tale in the Milesian tradition. The plot can be articulated simply: the main character, Lucius, is changed into an ass owing to his curiosity conceming magic. In this condition he undertakes a series of unhappy joumeys as he passes from one master to another, travelling a lot and being involved in various incidents. His restoration to human condition is made possible through Isis's help which is continued with his initiation into the rites of this goddess and those of Osiris.
For the Renaissance man, the magic, miracles and stories found in Apuleius's
Golden Ass undoubtedly exerted a considerable attraction. As Haight maintains, "Liberty of thought, frank self-expression, delight in beauty, conviviality united in welcoming romance. Naturally the writer of the Metamorphoses, once known, made an immediate appeal to a society which wished diversion".140 Nonetheless, by referring to Apuleius's work, the author of Les Faictz was not attempting primarily to entertain his readers. On
\38 E. Capps, T. E. Page, W. H. D. Rouse, p. 123. In his dialogue, Lucian says: "It is not so much being ri ch that they like as being congratulated on it."
\39 S. J. Harrison, Apuleius. A Latin Sophist (Oxford: Oxford University Pres, 2000), p. 210.
140 Elizabeth Hazelton Haight, Apuleius and His Influence (New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1927), p. Ill. 43 the contrary, he was dealing, in his view, with life-and-death issues and wanted to make use of aU the necessary means to convey such a message. In the thirteenth antithesis, which is the fourth in a series of five dealing with the same topic, he atlacks one of the most debated and intriguing characteristics of the Roman church: the contrast between the declarative state of po verty and the church's actual wealth, which made the church the most powerful institution at that time. The contrast between what was-supposed-to-be and what-is is well expressed by the running titles of this opening: "Es cieulx veult Jesus que soit nostre tresor / Sur terre ne demande l'autre que or".141 It is interesting to note that the writer was so eager to start his attack on the papacy that he began to denounce its elaborate money-making machinery even on the left hand page, usually reserved to portray Jesus' contrasting example:
Est il possible de penser aucune maniere et fasson de tirer argent du paovre peuple? fust il jamais bateleur qui peult penser tant de moyens pour avoir argent comme le pape a controuvé? Il n'est soulier, corde, chausse, robbe, braye, pierre, saincture, bonnet, bastont, foin, paille, os, chair, terre, boys, qui pourroit nombrer tout ce qu'i[l] met au devant pour argent, et de tout tant qu'ont [sic] veult: des cloux de Jesus, tout en est plein, des circoncisions à Romme, il y en a, et au Puis, et en aultres lieulx, comme si plusieurs fois Jesus avoit esté circoncis, et aussi à force suaires, et le monde est si beste qu'il croit tout, et par tout donne argent. 142
The discussion continues on the right hand page by completing this list with other practices and reliquary objects used by the church to extract money from the poor people.
Thus, our writer is scandalized by all those solemn processions held in cities aimed at impressing people and making them open their hearts, or even more importantly, their pockets. The functioning principle of such processions, says the author, was superstition
\4\ Les Faictz, Diii yO, Div rO.
\42 Les Faictz, Diii yO. 44 and credulity. In his monograph The Body Broken, Christopher Elwood glves us a thorough description of what was called "the most beautiful and solemn procession ever held in France,,143 on the moming of January 21, 1535, in response to the October 1534 placards against the mass. It can be seen perhaps as the ultimate procession, the procession of processions. The participants were numerous and diverse: merchants, artisans, members of the mendicant orders, representatives of the University of Paris, members of the Parlement and of the govemment, cardinals, princes and even "the most
Christian king" himself, Francis I. The inventory of paraphemalia also was as impressive as the list of participants: tapestries, torches, banners, crosses, and an array of relics and holy objects such as the rod of Aaron, the tablets of the Decalogue, the holy crown of thorns, two pieces of the true cross, Christ's burial shroud, and a drop of his blood.
However, the most important article was the corpus Domini, "the true and precious body of our Lord and Redeemer Jesus Christ".144 Such practices, says the author of Les Faictz, were an imitation of the procession of Isis's devotees, "qui avec telle pompe portoyent leurs dieux", 145 as described in Book Il from Apuleius' s Golden Ass.
It would be revealing to make a probing comparison between these two processions and to identify the existing common elements. However, my intention here is to give a brief summary of Apuleius's account of the procession in honour of Isis. The participants also were numerous, men and women, carrying lamps, torches, musical instruments and were dressed in different clothes according to their status. Another category of participants was made up of new initiates into the divine rites: both men and
143 Elwood, p. 27.
144 Elwood, p. 27.
145 Les Faictz, Div rO. 45 women, and also, most importantly, the priests who carried the iconic representations of the most powerful deities. The last two priests, in a line of nine, carried, says Apuleius,
"the box containing the mysteries and concealing deep within it the hidden objects of that august religion. Yet another priest bore in exultant arms the venerable image of the supreme deity". 146
The descriptions of these two ceremonies - the Parisian Corpus Christi procession and Apuleius's procession in honour of Isis - are decidedly similar in form. Although centuries apart, Apuleius's Metamorphoses still had an echo in the sixteenth-century ceremonies. The author did not even need ta make an explicit comparison: an allusion would be enough to lead his readers in the right direction. The underlying implication is that readers could be assumed to have frequently witnessed in their own streets processions similar to these pagan rites of Isis.
The technique and sarcasm of the author are impressive: he begins his peroration with several citations from the Canon Law which uphold such practices,147 then he says that they are idolatrous and superstitious for being borrowed from the pagan rites,148 and finally, the text on this opening ends with a citation from the Canon Law which emphasizes the interdiction of priestly begging for material goods, such a practice being
146 Apuleius, The Golden Ass, trans. P.G. Walsh (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 225.
147 Les Faictz, Div rO: "Voulons par ainsi que les choses qu'il n'est pas licite qu'on demande, qu'elles soyent payees et qu'on les receoive, car il est honneste qu'on receoive ce qu'il n'est pas honneste de demander. 18. dist. De eulogiis. et. c. Cum ex offi. de prescrip. 12.q.2. Charitatem. 13.q.2. questa. et .l.q.2. P1acuit. et. c. Quam pie. tellement que nostre sac soit plain, car la court romaine ne veult la brebis sans laine. Soyent excommuniez comme infideles et qui tuent, les indigens, ceulx qui ne payent les offrandes. 13.q.2. Qui oblat."
148 Les Faictz, Div rO: "Des eaues lustrales, que nous appellons eaues benistes, et tant d'aultres ceremonies, tout en est plein par les livres des infideles [ ... ] Dont le Pape a emprunté ces superstitions et idolatries, par lesquelles il pille le paovre monde et retire les coeurs du vray pasteur Jesus Christ." 46 blamed as simony.149 The conclusion is clear: the church regulations are inconsistent and the question how one could trust an institution whose practices are so obviously inspired by such pagan rites is simply rhetorical.
FinaIly, in the eleventh antithesis,150 the author deals with the much debated topic of celibacy and other family related issues. Again, the Bible is the doctrinal standard to which one should compare any other ecclesiastical regulations. He alludes to Apostle
Paul' s writings where the readers of his epistles are wamed against those who were spreading heresies concerning marri age and forbidding the eating of sorne kinds of food. 151 Paul also stated that children who had reached the age of maturity should take care of elderly people from their household and not let them become a burden for the church. 152 lronically, the pope, "contre la saincte parolle de dieu, laquelle ne permet qu'il y aye aultre rigle ne ordonance que la sienne [ ... ] a ordonné toute superstition". 153
Consequently, almost aIl of Paul's recommendations are shown to be completely invalidated by the Canon Law regulations:
Nul chartreux, nul celestin, nul jacopin, nulle seur colette, nul des enfumez, minimes, ne aultres moynes jamais mangeussent chair. de consacra. distinc. 5. Carnen. Nulle personne ne ose manger chair, oeufz, fromage ne chose de laict despuis la quinquagesime jusqùes à Pasques. distin. 4. Deniqz. Nous voulons aussi qu'on jeune le mercredy, le vendredy et le samedy [ ... ]. La religion du
149 Les Faictz, Div rO: "Nul Evesque ou prestre ou diacre qui dispense le sacrement de la communion ne demande aucune chose. Car la grace n'est pas vendue, et nous ne donnons pas par pris la grace du S. Esprit; aultrement, qu'il soit osté come imitateur de la deception et fraulde symoniacque. Ex sexta synodo. l.q.l. etc."
150 Les Faictz, Di va, Dii ra.
ISI "Now the Spirit speaketh expressly, that in the latter times sorne shaH depart from the faith, giving heed to seducing spirits, and doctrines of devils; Speaking lies in hypocrisy; having their conscience seared with a hot iron; Forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats, which God hath created to be received with thanksgiving ofthem which believe and know the truth." (1 Tim. 4: 1-3; KJV).
152 "But if any pro vide not for his own, and specially for those of his own house, he hath denied the faith, and is worse than an infidel." (!Tim. 5:8; KJV).
153 Les Faictz, Dii ra. 47
pape est que chartreux ou celestin, ne seur colette jamais ne sorte, ne moyne ne nonnain sans le congié de son superieur, qu'ilz ne aydent à personne, mais qu'ilz chargent tous, non seulement mesprisant leur prochain, mais desobeissant à pere et mere, contrevenant à tout debvoir pour garder leurs rigles. Ceulx qui ont prins les ordres ne se marient point, et s'ilz se marient, qu'ilz soyent separez. 27. di. Presbyteris. Le filz ou la fille que ses parens en son enfance ont mis au monastere ne peuvent sortir ne se marier. 20.q.l Addidistis. Et si aucun ou aucune, apres le veu de chasteté, se marient, qu'ilz soyent separez. 27.q.1. Ut lex. 154
D. Aulus Gellius and Titus Livy
In order to sustain his assertions, the author invites the reader to examine Gellius's
Noctes Atticae and Livy's Ab urbe condita. 155 It might be possible that the author had access to the earliest French edition of Gellius's Noctes Atticae, which was published in Paris on 22 March 1508. 156 Even though "it would be rash to pretend that Aulus Gellius played a leading role in the revival of classical scholarship in France from the end of the fifteenth century, his presence is undeniable".157 The author of Les Faictz made also an interesting connection between those to whom marri age is forbidden and the Vestals from the pagan idolatrous religion of Rome. 158
154 Les F aictz, Dii rO.
155 Les Faictz, Dii rO: "Lisez Titu Livium.l. ab urb. cond., et Aui. GeL, et vous congnoistrez que nostre moynerie est prinse la plus grand part des idolatres qui avoyent grosse diversité de dieux, et selon les dieux, les prestres, comme on voit en la religion du pape, par lequel sectes sont approuvees, et tout ce qu'est des choses externes, comme robbes, tonsures, ceremonies." He also made reference to Suetonius's De viris illustribus after saying that "aucuns entre les idolatres estoyent contrainctz par avarice de n'estre point mariez" (Les Faictz, Dii ra). However, the accurate locus referred to could not be found in the extant Suetonius's work.
156 Auli Gel/i ilinguae et grecae et latinaefulgentissimi syderis, noctium atticarum libri xx (Paris: Jean Petit, 1508).
157 Michael Heath, "Gellius in the French Renaissance," in The Worlds of Aulus Gellius, eds. Leofranc Holford-Strevens and Amiel Vardi, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), p. 282.
158 Les Faictz, Dii rO: "Les vierges de la deesse Vesta ne se pouvoient marier, et de la punition de celle qui avoit violé sa virginité." 48
Gellius allocates a whole chapter in ms book in order to deal with the Vestals. 159 He
.~\ states that the cult of Vesta was instituted by Numa, 160 and originally was designed as the cult
of the hearth of the individual household; afterward, becoming astate-cult, it was housed in
the king's palace, and later on to the Atrium Vestae where it continued until Theodosius
abolished the cult in the year 394. 161 Initially, they were six virgins of patrician birth
employed by the pagan Pontifex Maximus, even against their will (however, with the consent
of their parents). They were between the ages of six and ten and were coerced to dedicate
thirty years of their life to the office of the goddess. Even after this long period of committed
service only a few resigned, such a decision being considered inauspicious.162 Gellius also
affirms that the Pontifex Maximus has absolute control over the Vestals. 163 Moreover, the
discipline imposed on Vestals was severe: they were kept in strict seclusion in the Atrium
Vestae although, occasionally, they were allowed to attend public events in theatres.
However, the most severe aspect of discipline was related to their morality: when a Vestal
was charged with unchastity, she was executed. 164
From the author's perspective, it is not difficult to find similarities between pagan
Roman Vestals and the monks subject to the jurisdiction of the Roman Church. As it was
159 Aulu-Gelle, Les nuits attiques, livres I-V, trans. René Marache (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1967), pp. 46- 48.
160 Numa Pompilius, the second king of Rome, ruled between 715-673 B.C. According to Roman tradition, he introduced the frrst religious calendar and other important religious reforms. (Cf Tite-Live, Histoire romaine, tome l, livre l, trans. Gaston Baillet (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1982), pp. 30-35.
161 A. Gellii, Noctium Atticarum. Liber J, ed. Hazel Marie Homsby (Dublin, London: Hodges, Figgis, & Co., Longmans, Green, & Co., 1936) p. 143.
162 Cf Homsby's commentary, in A. Gellii, Noctium Atticarum. Liber J, p. 138.
163 "'Sacerdotem Vestalem, quae sacra faciat quae ius siet sacerdotem Vestalem facere pro populo Romano Quiritibus, uti quae optima lege fuit, it ate, Amata, capio. '" (Aulu-Gelle, p. 48). ('''In order to practice the sacred rites that the rule prescribes to a Vestal, in the interest of the Roman people and the Quirites, as one who has been chosen according to the purest law, it is you, Amata, that J take as a Vestal priestess. [my trans.]).
164 D. S. Levene, Religion in Livy (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1993), p. 223. 49 stated in the larger paragraph from Les Faictz quoted above,165 children, against their will, could be sent by their parents into the custody of a Christian monastery, where they had to take vows of obedience and chastity. 166 Consequently, like the Vestals, they were required to live in total submission to the mIes of their order and to their superior, and neither could they leave the place of their seclusion, nor could they get married; and if they got married, then they had to be separated, despite the fact that St. Augustine said that the one who tries to separate them commits a sin. 167 Thus, the author again made an explicit connection between the Christian church under the papacy and a pagan religious practice counterpart by showing that there is a close resemblance and even continuity regarding their establishment and practices.
On the same page,168 the author also refers to Livy in order to find a reason for the
existence of the hierarchy of priests, holy orders, and host of rituals and other ceremonies. In his Ab urbe condita, which was one of Gellius's sources, Livy de scribes the circumstances in which Numa, the king of Rome, attempted to re-establish the City on the new foundations of
laws and morals. 169 It was, however, the warlike mind-set of the newly formed nation that
was impeding him in the accomplishment of this task. Consequently, first he started the
complex process of organizing an entire religious system in order to convert the whole people's energy and interest. To this end Numa created a multitude of religious orders and
priests to serve the huge pantheon of gods and goddesses. The flamines of Jupiter, Mars, and
165 Les Faictz, Dii ra.
166 Les Faictz, Dii ra.
167 Les Faictz, Dii rO: "Non obstant que au chapitre suyvant: Nuptiarum, lequel est beau, sainct Augustin dit que celuy peche qui les separe, et qu'on ne les doibt point separer."
168 Les F aictz, Dii rO. (See n. 51)
169 Tite-Live, p. 31. 50
QUirinius;170 the Vestals, the salii,l7l the pontifices,l72 and the augurii173 are only the main members of the clergy with sacerdotal functions. Each of them was required to wear special garments and other tokens of their godS. 174 In addition, he erected the temple of Janus, who se open doors signified that the nation was in a state of warfare while the closed doors meant that the hostilities were fmished. 175
In the same way, says the author of Les Faictz, the popes, inspired by the methods of
Numa and other idolatrous pagan predecessors, created a whole analogous machinery in order to recruit people to satisfy the needs of the church; and more importantly, to keep an ignorant crowd obedient and bewildered when looking at the unintelligible complexity of the liturgy and the astonishing magnificence of the clerical garments. Furthermore, as the Roman religion failed to keep the Romans away from a belligerent behavior,I76 in the same way,
170 The flamines were priests in the office of a different deity. There were two categories of flamines: flamines maiores (those of Jupiter, Mars, and Quirinius) and other twelve flamines minores (only ten of those are known: Volturnalis, Palatualis, Furrinalis, Floralis, Falacer, Pomanalis, Volcanalis, Carmentalis, Portunalis.) They were under the authority of Ponti/ex Maximus, and subject to a great number of restrictions. (Cf. Homsby's commentary, in A. Gellii, Noctium Atticarum. Liber l, p. 140).
171 The salii were recruited among the patrician ranks and organized in two colleges oftwelve priests. Their main duty was to bear sacred shields and perform war dances at the festivals of Mars, in March (at the opening of the military campaign) and October (after the campaign was closed). (Cf. R. M. Ogilvie, A Commentary on Livy, Books 1-5 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1965), p. 98.
172 The pontifiees were also priests employed even from the plebeian ranks, and initially were in charge for roads and bridges. Later on they were entrusted with new tasks and were considered protectors and interpreters of tradition, having the entire control over the Roman religious system. Originally six, their number was augmented to sixteen by Cesar. (Cf. R. M. Ogilvie, pp. 100-1Ol).
173 The main duty of an augur was to observe and interpret sorne special natural signs considered auspices, which were taken on important occasions. They were also organized in the 'college of augurus' whose members increased from nine to sixteen. (Cf. Homsby's commentary, in A. Gellii, Noctium Atticarum. Liber l, p. 140).
174 Tite-Live, p. 33.
175 Cf. Ogilvie, p. 93, "The shrine of Janus Germinus was a small rectangular structure with double doors at each end, lay in the forum near the Curia. [ ... ] ln the popular imagination of the Empire the doors symbolized the passing from war to peace, the beginning or end ofhostilities."
176 According to Livy (1. 19), the temple of Janus was closed only two times in its history (in 235 B.e., after the First Punic War, and in 25 B.e. after the Spanish campaigns of Augustus), which means that, in terms of the purpose for which it was created, the religious system was not very efficient. 51 morality and other Christian virtues appeared that were not at home within the church boundaries, despite the multitude of ceremonies, rituals, priests, and holy orders. AU these, says the writer, are just extemal things that rather could amaze people who watch from outside and become impressed by the religiosity of the clergy, exactly in the same way that the neighbors of the Romans should have been impressed when they were 100king at the pagan rites. 177 The inefficiency of such an oversized ecclesiological apparatus is obvious, the author of Les Faictz implies, and clearly alludes to the pagan origins of church practices, a fact which in itself is a sufficient reason to calI for a profound reform.
Conclusion
Referring thus to classical sources the author of Les Faictz was able to convey a message that is quite clear from the outset of his work. The papacy and the whole Roman ecclesiastical establishment have profoundly altered the church in a pagan direction, contrary to the popular belief that the Church lived accordingly to her own distinct, divinely sanctioned principles and rules. Quite the opposite, says the author, for evil resides in the very heart of papal doctrine and church regulations. The reference to
Macrobius' Commentary established the basic premises for the entire ensuing debate: even though he daims to be the God's earthly representative, the pope, in fact, ends up being the very instrument who undermines divine authority, chiefly by attributing to himself prerogatives that belong properly solely to God.
177 "And whilst his subjects were moulding their characters upon the unique example of their king, the neighbouring nations, who had hitherto believed that it was a fortified camp and not a city that was placed amongst them to vex the peace of aIl, were now induced to respect them so highly that they thought it sinful to injure aState so entirely devoted to the service of the gods." Titus Livius, Ab urbe condita, Ernest Rhys ed., Canon Roberts trans. (London: J. M. Dent and Sons, 1905).
Lucian's dialogues were evidently an attractive source for the author of Les
Faictz. As Robinson says, "In the years following the breach with Rome, satirical dialogue was very important [ ... ] as a medium for Reformist propaganda". 178 Indeed, the attack on clerical hypocrisy, obscurantism, arrogance and the abuse of worldly power; the determination to show the difference between theory and practice in those who considered themselves as an example for the poor people; and the hostility to Rome are only a few reasons to rely on Lucian's dialogues for one interested in arguing against the
Catholic ecclesiology. Analyzing the author's use of Nigrinus, it becomes clear that he manipulated the text, offering finally a satirical portrait of the pope as Antichrist, the very antithesis of one entrusted to take care of Christ' s flock.
Referring to Apuleius's Golden Ass, a novel probably well known to his readers, the author also wanted to make a suggestive connection between the cult of Isis and sorne liturgical practices of the church. Moreover, he implied that the papacy rested on a pagan foundation and that the pope himself lived according to a pagan pattern. Aulus Gellius and
Titus Livy also offered in their works evidence that the anonymous writer needed in order to pursue rus thesis, nameiy that all malfunctions which exist in the Roman Church are deeply rooted in the pagan tradition. From this perspective, an effective change would mean to replace the very foundation of its constitution, that is to say, to substitute the revealed word of
God in Scripture for the man-created rules of pagan superstition.
To sum up, the textual analysis has proved that by citing classical texts, the anonymous author intended mainly to reinforce his evangelical thesis with an appeal to literary learning, and thus to make his work more authoritative. This assertion can be
178 Robinson, pp. 109-110. 53 sustained by what appears to be a pattern in the polemical use of c1assical sources: simple allusions to the text; the use of sorne literary techniques such as comparison and contrast in order to emphasize a certain meaning, often not intended by the original author; and last but not least, even a complete change of a key word. 179 This interesting approach in
Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape demonstrates that the author was not so much
interested in the accurate citing of the sources but rather on furthering his purpose, namely to encourage his readers to adopt a critical view of the papacy, and to convince them to make a decision in favor of evangelical reform based on the evidence offered.
179 As discussed above, "tyrans de Perse" (Les Faictz, Bii ra) has purposely replaced "Persian style", as it is found in Lucian's dialogue, Nigrinus (Capps, p. 121). 54
Chapter 3
EARLY REFORMATION EUCHARISTIC DEBATES REFLECTED IN
LES FAICTZ DE JESUS CHRIST ET DU PAPE
The sixteenth-century Reformers were right in saying that "the mass dominated everything". The mass sanctified life, space, and time. The occasional sacramental services of baptism, confirmation, ordination, marriage, and burial were celebrated in the context of the mass. Penance served the purpose of communion discipline. The visitation of the sick included the extended distribution of Holy Communion. Pilgrimages culminated with the celebration of a mass at the place of pilgrimage. The church year, with its seasons and special days, provided "proper" material for the celebration of each mass. 180
Introduction
Undoubtedly, "the Eucharist was the focus of more theological controversy in the sixteenth century than any other item of Christian confession and practice.,,181 Whereas for Catholics it was at the very center of religious life, for the Reformed, the eucharist was, as Pierre Viret said, "the greatest superstition and idolatry which has ever appeared
since the beginning of the world".182 That explains why, from the Reformed point of view, any attempt at reforming the church could not be stopped short of the abolition of the mass and the restoration of the Holy Supper instituted by Jesus. This was the objective
180 Frank C. Senn, "The Reform of the Mass: Evangelical, but Still Catholic," in The Catho/icity of the Reformation, eds. Carl E. Braaten and Robert W. Jenson (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1996), p.35.
181 Elwood, p. 4.
182 Pierre Viret, Des principaux points qui sont aujourd'huy en difJerent, touchant la saincte Cene de Jesus Christ, et la Messe de l'Eglise Romaine, et de la resolution d'iceux (Lyon, 1565), pp. 158-161. Quoted by Elwood, p. 12. 55 of aIl the Reformed writers' whose works were published in Neuchâtel by Pierre de
Vingle.
This chapter will attempt to coyer mainly three areas: first, as a foundation for further discussion, an overview of Zwingli and Luther's eucharistic theology as it developed over the years from their first reactions to the Marburg Colloquy of 1529 will prove to be valuable. Secondly, in order to have a larger perspective on the eucharistic debate as it was sustained by Vingle's publications, 1 will analyze the sacramentarian discourse in one of the most representative contributions to this issue, namely Antoine de
Marcourt's Petit traicté, Declaration de la Messe, and Articles veritables. 183 Finally, the focus will be on Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape, that is, chiefly on the text of 12- page addition that deals with the contrast between the Lord's Supper and Catholic mass.
The analysis ofthe text of Les Faictz aims mainly at retracing its eucharistic theology and also that of other pamphlets published by Pierre de Vingle in Neuchâtel in an attempt to differentiate between the c1assical symbolic view and sorne new developments, if any.
A. An Overview of Luther and Zwingli's Eucharistie Theology
Despite the fact that the two reformers considered Scripture as the ultimate authority concerning religious matters, it is obvious from their writings that they held radically different perspectives as to the nature of the eucharist. There have been attempts to explain such differences based on their perspective backgrounds. Thus, their scholastic education, the way they experienced priesthood, as weIl as the political and social context in which they lived were different. Indeed, aIl these particular aspects could have played,
183 For the full bibliographical references to these texts, see n. 96, p. 29. 56 and in fact did play a certain role in shaping the refonners' theological presuppositions
and also on the further development of their sacramental theology.184 However, one
should not overestimate these particularities as the only factors that fashioned the overall theological approach ofthe two refonners.
Zwingli's eucharistie theology developed throughout his short career and he might probably have developed a different perspective on the eucharist, at least in its finest and
intricate details, if he had not died prematurely. Luther's approach to the Lord's Supper
also changed over the years. 1 will attempt briefly to expose here first, the main tUffiing
points that marked their distinct understandings of the eucharist, with an emphasis on
Zwingli (since he can be considered the precursor of the French refonners who exposed
their sacramentarian ideas in the writings published by Pierre de Vingle); secondly, the
core oftheir eucharistie theology, as revealed in the debates Zwingli and Luther had, will
be depicted more elaborately, and finally, the outcome of the Marburg Colloquy (1529)
will reveal the refonners' quite definitive view at the end oftheir first and last encounter.
1. The Early Views on the Eucharist of the Two Reformers
Prior to 1523 Zwingli did not take any public position or write anything explicit
on the eucharist. 185 By that time he was presumably still accepting the official teaching of
184 W. P. Stephens argues that Zwingli as a parish priest and army chaplain was more concemed with a theology focused on society as a whole, while Luther with his experience as a monk, developed a theology centered on the individual. Cf W. P. Stephens, The Theology of Huldrich Zwingli (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), p. 45.
185 In 1522 Zwingli wrote Choice and Liberty Respecting Food and Archeteles. Words such as "eating heavenly foods" coexist with ideas that stress the precedence of the gospel over foods. There are also references to the communion in both kinds, but these are the only explicit allusions to the eucharist. Cf Stephens, 1986, p. 218. 57
the Catholic Church, with some reserves on communion in "one kind only".186 However, r~ in January 1523 he wrote his first important work, An Exposition of the Articles, a
presentation in sixty-seven articles of the major points of his theology. In the eighteenth
article he argued extensively over against the sacrificial aspect of the mass, based mainly
on the Epistle to the Hebrews. He said that "Christ who offered himself up once as a
sacrifice, is a perpetuaI and valid payment for the sin of aIl believers; from this it follows
that the mass is not a sacrifice, but a memorial of the sacrifice and a seal of the
redemption which Christ has manifested to US.,,187 In June of the same year (1523)
Zwingli wrote a letter to Thomas Wyttenbach, his former teacher, in response to his
questions about the eucharist. 188 This time, Zwingli emphasized more the notion of the
presence of Christ in the sacrament rather than the sacrifice of the mass, which
represented an important shift in his eucharistie theology. The role of faith aiso has
changed: whereas in the Exposition it was considered strengthened by the sacrament, in
the letter to Wyttenbach faith was seen more as an instrument that the presence of Christ
in the sacrament depended on.
It is worth noting that by the end of 1524 Zwingli exposed more explicitly his
symbolic view on the eucharist. This is commonly attributed to Comelis Hoen's letter that
Zwingli read, although he maintained that Hoen's view was not entirely new to him.
Nonetheless, he admitted that it was Hoen who helped him, using biblical examples such
186 George Potter, Zwingli (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), p. 289.
187 H. Wayne Pipkin and Edward J. Furcha eds., Huldrych Zwingli. Writings, vol. 1 - The Defense of the Reformed Faith, trans. E. 1. Furcha (Allison Park, PA: Pickwick Publications, 1984), p. 92. His view of the mass as a memorial and not as a sacrifice would be overemphasized by the French reformers whose works were published by Pierre de Vingle in Neuchâtel.
188 Potter, p. 290; see also Stephens, 1986, pp. 222-223. 58 as the seven cows from Genesis 41 and sorne passages from St. John,189 to see that "is" from the institution words - "This is my body" - should be interpreted as "signifies".
Actually, Zwingli's new understanding of the words of consecration was revealed in the second part of the letter he wrote to Matthew Alber in November 1524. 190 He emphasized again the importance of faith in Christ' s death as the only means for salvation as compared to the salvific role that the traditional view and even the Lutherans attributed to the sacrament itself, that is to say, to the eating of the bread and wine. Although he was associated later on by Luther with Carlstadt, Zwingli delineated himself on the
interpretation of the words "This is my body" as referring to Christ's body and not to the bread, as Carlstadt held. He argued that the interpretation of "is" as "signifies", as Hoen convincingly has shown, was the only reasonable way of explaining what Jesus intended by those words. Moreover, he stressed once more the commemorative dimension of the
Supper by saying that after the so-called words of consecration, Christ said "Do this in remembrance of me", which should be a clear lead to the symbolic interpretation of that holy institution. 191
Zwingli also made reference to the fathers in the attempt of proving that his interpretation was not by any means new. Thus, Tertullian, Origen, and Augustine were called to support his interpretation. \92 Words like "represent" and "figure", which were used by Tertullian and Augustine clearly, in Zwingli's view, point to the fact that the
189 Hoen mainly made reference to those passages where Jesus referred to himselfas being "the light of the world" (John 8:12), "the door" (John 10:9), "the good shepherd" (John 10:11), "the true vine" (John 15:1), etc.
190 Stephens, 1986, pp. 228-229.
191 W. P. Stephens, Zwingli (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), pp. 98-99.
192 The reference was made to Against Marcion, Tertulian's first book, to Augustine's commentary ofPs. 3 and John 6, and Origen's exposition of Matt. 26:26. Cf Stephens, 1986, n. 36, p. 230. 59
sacramental bread helps us to remember the body of Christ that was slain for us; in that
recollection, says Zwingli, the bread is to be considered the body of Christ.
One of Zwingli's favorite biblical passages is John 6:63. In A Commentary, written in 1525, in the part that deals with the eucharist, he retums to it in order to prove that Christ was not referring to sacramental eating, but rather he pointed to faith when he
referred to food. To eat Christ's body, simply means to believe in him, that is to say, that
his body was slain for us. Zwingli draws on this verse almost in an his writings; its
importance for Zwingli's argumentation is accurately described by W. P. Stephens:
"The flesh is of no avail" (John 6: 63) is the key text for Zwingli. It is a wall of bronze which nothing can shake, let alone shatter. It is an unbreakable adamant which stands unshattered when attacked and shatters aIl weapons used against it. For the godly it is a barrier one cannot leap over, a ruler which makes smooth everything that otherwise is hard and rough. It is important because it requires a different understanding of the eucharist from the traditional one. Of itself, without any of Zwingli's other arguments, it is enough to prove that "is" means "signifies". 193
Scholars commonly agree that by the end of 1524, Zwingli had mostly expounded the
substance of his understanding of the eucharist. What he wrote thereafter came to add
further details to what he had already formulated conceming the Lord' s Supper.
The Wittenberg reformer also underwent changes regarding his understanding of
the eucharist, although in a different way. Thus, before 1520, the opening debates and
struggles with his Catholic opponents kept Luther away from elaborating on a different
sacramental theology. Therefore, his understanding of the eucharist continued to be
similar to that of the Church univers al whence he had just departed.
193 Stephens, 1986, p. 232. 60
However, after he wrote A Prelude on the Babylonian Captivity of the Church in
August-September of 1520, a more explicit revisionist stand was taken. In fact, in his book, Luther questioned the established way of observing the sacraments in the Catholic
Church. He attacked the medieval understanding of the mass as a sacrifice, which was seen as a human effort made in order to appease God' s wrath, rather than as a gift of God in the person of Christ:
But there is yet another stumbling-block that must be removed, and this is much greater and the most dangerous of aIL It is the common belief that the mass is a sacrifice, which is offered to God. Even the words of the canon tend in this direction, when they speak of "these gifts," "these offerings," "this holy sacrifice," and farther on, of "this offering." Prayer also is made, in so many words, "that the sacrifice may be accepted even as the sacrifice of Abel," etc., and hence Christ is termed the "Sacrifice of the altar" ... We must resolutely oppose aH of this, firmly entrenched as it is, with the words and example of Christ. For unless we hold fast to the truth, that the mass is the promise or testament of Christ, as the words clearly say, we shaH lose the whole Gospel and an our comfort. Let us permit nothing to prevail against these words, even though an angel from heaven should teach otherwise. For there is nothing said in them of a work or a sacrifice. Moreover, we have also the example of Christ on our side. For at the Last Supper, when He instituted this sacrament and established this testament, Christ did not offer Himself to God the Father, nor did He perform a good work on behalf of others, but He set this testament before each of them that sat at table with Him and offered him the sign. Now, the more closely our mass resembles that first mass of aH, which Christ performed at the Last Supper, the more Christian will it be. But Christ's mass was most simple, without the pageantry of vestments, genuflections, chants and other ceremonies. Indeed, if it were necessary to offer the mass as a sacrifice, then Christ's institution of it was not complete. 194
Luther also argued against transubstantiation, the service of the mass for special occasions, the use of Latin for the service where the congregation did not understand it, and proposed that the lait y could receive both the cup and the bread.
194 A prelude by Martin Luther on the Babylonian Captivity of the Church (Project Wittenberg Online Electronic Study Edition), trans. Albert T. W. Steihaeuser. English text edited and modemized by Robert E. Smith, originally published in: Works of Martin Luther with Introductions and Notes (philadelphia: A. J. Holman Company, 1915), pp. 167-293.
After 1524, Luther made another turn in his approach to the Lord's Supper. His theologieal eneounter with the Anabaptists and sorne of Zwingli's works led him to insist on the literaI interpretation of "is" in the words of institution, whieh meant that the body and blood of Christ were objeetively present in the saerament. This was Luther's definitive word, as Tappert says: "From this position he never afterwards departed, although he did not cease to speak of the words of institution as the sum of the Gospel and to regard the Sacrament as a form of the proclamation of the Gospel". 195
In summary, both reformers underwent changes in their eucharistie theology at almost the same pace. Thus, at the dawn oftheir career, they most likely held a traditional view of the saerament of the altar, similar to the ehureh they were preparing to depart from. 196 Then, their concem was mostly with the mass as a sacrifiee and the argumentation was aimed at proving the purely God-offered character of the eucharist.
The last stage wound up beeoming a fieree eontroversy based upon a different interpretation (literaI in the ease of Luther and symbolical of Zwingli, respectively) of sorne of Christ's sayings, such as the one in John 6:63. Throughout this last phase, particularly in Zwingli's writings, sorne key words changed or enriched their meaning.
Thus, "faith" was no longer viewed as dependent on the sacrament but rather as the
195 Theodore G. Tappert, "Christology and Lord's Supper in the Perspective of History," in Marburg Revisited A Reexamination of the Lutheran and Reformed Traditions, eds. Paul C. Empie and James 1. McCord (Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing House, 1966), p. 56.
196 Stephens, in his The Theology of Huldrich Zwingli, argues that, as for Zwingli, this assertion cannot be sustained with solid evidence. Hence, the way Zwingli thought of the eucharist before 1523 is not very clear. An opposite view has W. Kôhler in Zur Abendmahlskontroverse in der Reformationszeit, insbezondere zur Entwicklung der Abendmahlslehre Zwinglis, p. 47 (1928). He listed five views of the eucharist - transubstantiation, consubstantiation, a mystical view, a purely symbolic view, and faith presence - and considered that Zwingli shifted form the frrst to the third, and then to the latter two at specifie moments in his career. (Transubstantiation is associated with the Catholic interpretation of the eucharist, whereas consubstantiation with Luther. The mystical view is attributed to Erasmus, the symbolic interpretation to Hoen, and the faith-presence to Bucer and Calvin. Each of them has a different account of the presence of the body of Christ in the eucharist.) For a detailed exposition of these views related to the development ofZwingli's eucharistie theology, see W. P. Stephens, 1986, pp. 256-257. 62 means that helps the believer "see" Christ's body. There was also another shift in
Zwingli's argumentation: his concem at that moment was the real presence of Christ's body in the sacrament rather than the sacrificial aspect of the mass. That would be clearly revealed in the controversy with Luther, namely in the emphasis that he placed on
Christology, which was seen as the main weapon in the battle over the eucharist.
2. The Debate between Zwingli and Luther over the Eucharist
The controversy between Zwingli and Luther started in eamest early in 1527. Yet, the divergence between the Zurich reformer and the Lutheran party began prior to that date and was sustained by a series of letters that circulated between the two sides. 197 That exchange helped Zwingli to refine his views on the eucharist and better to be prepared for the open debate with the one that he admiringly called David who fought Goliath or
Hercules who slew the Roman boar. 198
In their controversy Luther and Zwingli emphasized two issues that were fundamental to them: how real was Christ's presence in the sacrament and whether he
197 The controversy was started by a letter of Bugenhagen sent to Zwingli in July 1525. Three months latter, Zwingli wrote A Reply ta Bugenhagen 's Letter in which he admitted that there have been sorne differences between him and Luther. In February 1526, Zwingli wrote The Lord's Supper, an inclusive exposition of the eucharist in four parts, this time in German, aiming at a larger audience. In the flfst two parts he argues at large in support of the symbolic interpretation of "This is my body". It was here that Zwingli introduced for the flfst time the Christological argument in the debate over the eucharist. The third part deals with different methods of interpretation, the emphasis being upon the figurative or metaphorical reading of the Bible. In the last part, Zwingli makes a comparison of his view with Oecolampadius'. The dialogue was furthered by A Reply ta the Letters of Billican and Rhegius without showing much improvement in Zwingli's understanding of the sacrament of the altar. In April 1526 another letter to Crautwald and Schwenckfeld shows that Zwingli's concem now is the bodily eating of Christ's body in the bread, which, should that be the case, would represent a rejection of the redemptive death of Christ on the cross. Exactly the same idea is discussed in An Answer ta Strauss 's Book, the last important work before the open debate with Luther, written in January 1527. Zwingli charges Strauss with an unscriptural view when he sustains that Christ's body is present and eaten bodily but invisibly. Cf Stephens, 1986, pp. 236-241. See also Potter, pp. 297-299.
198 H. Wayne Pipkin and Edward J. Furcha eds., Huldrych Zwingli. Writings, vol. 2 - In Search of the True Religion: Reformation, Pastoral and Eucharistie Writings, trans. H. Wayne Pipkin (Allison Park, PA: Pickwick Publications, 1984), p. 346. 63 was eaten bodily; and underlying them both was also the pervasive Issue of the interpretation of the Bible. He exposed his view in four booklets that were very close in their argumentation and appeared in a quite rapid succession: A Friendly Exegesis
(February 1527), A Friendly Answer (March 1527), Zwingli's Christian Reply (June
1527), and Two Replies to Luther's Book (August 1528). They were rather more a reply to Luther's arguments l99 than a well-structured presentation ofhis own theology.
To begin with, their theses were, in brief, as follows: Luther sustained that the body of Christ was present in the elements and that the communicants eat and drink both the consecrated bread and wine and the true body and blood of Christ himself. Luther sustained the view from the start that a rational explanation of how this is possible is not necessary.200 "Why," he asks, "do we not put aside such curiosity and ding simply to the words of Christ, willing to remain in ignorance of what takes place here and content that the real body of Christ is present by virtue of the words?,,201 For, as he continues, "The authority of God's Word is greater than the capacity of our intellect to grasp it.,,202
Quite the opposite, Zwingli believed that "God had endowed men with brains in order that these might be used".203 He sustained a symbolical interpretation of the
199 Luther wrote three main works that were directed against Zwingli: The Sacrament ofthe Body and Blood of Christ - Against the Fanatics (1526), That These Words of Christ, "This Is My Body," Still Stand Firm Against the Fanatics (1527), and Confession Concerning Christ's Supper (1528). The English versions of these books can be found in Jaroslav Pelikan and Helmut T. Lehmann, eds., Luther's Works, 55 vols. (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, and Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1955-1986), (hereafter cited as LW).
200 Luther used this argument first in his Babylonian Captivity (1520), and the same reasoning would be employed in the dispute with Zwingli.
201 Luther, Babylonian Captivity of the Church, LW 36:33. Quoted by Cameron A. MacKenzie, "The Evangelical Debate over the Person of Christ in the 16th Century: Luther and Zwingli at Marburg (1529)," Evangelical Theological Society, November 19-21, 2003, p. 4-5.
202 Luther, Babylonian Captivity, LW 36:34-35. Quoted by MacKenzie, p. 5.
203 Potter, p. 302. 64 presence of Christ in the sacrament, and consequently, the communicants would eat and drink spiritualIy the body and blood of Christ.204
In order to sustain his interpretation, Zwingli brought in Christology, which was to become the main venue of the dispute over the eucharist even from 1526 when he first mentioned it in The Lord's Supper. The two natures of Christ, in Zwingli's view, have different attributes: according to his divine nature, Christ is omnipresent, whereas his human nature confines him to time and a certain place. AlI that Christ did while on earth, except the miracles, was done according to his human nature.20S Moreover, it was the same human nature that alIows us to say that he ascended into heaven and sits at the right hand of God. That is why, says Zwingli, Christ cannot be present in the sacrament.
Zwingli's understanding of a body is based on Aristotle's definition (the main characteristic of a body is that it occupies a place). In his view, even a resurrected body complies with the rules established by scholastic eschatology. As McLelIand says,
"bodies in a glorified state have qualities added, but only such qualities as are appropriate to humanity, that is, which modify the localized nature in harmony with the principle that grace perlectsç nature wlt• h out destroymg .. It ,,206.
Luther charged Zwingli with separation of the two natures, and saw in his interpretation "a triumph of nature over grace: a real presence in a local heaven and a corresponding real absence here on earth".207 Moreover, he said that Aristotle's definition
204 That was his final stand regarding the eucharist. Previously, he considered the elements a little more than mere bread and wine. See Potter, pp. 337-338.
205 Tappert, p. 57.
206 Joseph McLelland, "Lutheran-Reformed Debate on the Eucharist and Christology," in Marburg Revisited. A Reexamination of the Lutheran and Reformed Traditions, eds., Paul C. Empie and James 1. McCord (Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing House, 1966), p. 42.
207 McLelland, pp. 42-43. 65 could not explain such a sort of presence, and therefore he alluded to the idea of presence as it is formulated by William of Occam and Gabriel Biel, that is, localiterlcircum- scriptive, diffinitive and repletive.208 He called upon the fact that Christ was bom not only from Mary but also from the Holy Spirit, and thus he became the God-man. Luther also based his argumentation on the church's formulation regarding the exchange ofproperties
(communicatio idiomatum) and summarized his position as follows: "1) The properties of one nature are ascribed to the whole person of the God-man; 2) the person of Christ acts through both natures, each contributing what is peculiar to itself; 3) the properties of the divine nature are communicated to the human.,,209
The only "figure" that Luther accepted as related to the eucharist was what he called synecdoche, that is, part can stand for the whole.2lO That helped him to explain how
Christ can be omnipresent in both natures, human and divine, otherwise his person would be separated by space and place. However, his human nature is present only supematurally. He says:
If he [the Son of God] is present naturally and personally wherever he is, then he must be man there, too, since he is not two separate persons but a single person. Wherever this person is, it is the single, indivisible person, and if you say, "Here is God," then you must also say, "Christ the man is present too." And if you could show me one place where God is and not the man, then the person is already divided .... For it would follow from this that space and place had seRarated the two natures from one another and thus had divided the person. Il
208 McLelland, p. 50. Luther mentioned those occasions when Christ manifested a non-spatial presence, as in Luke 24:1-5.36-39, when he came out of the grave and passed through a closed door. He would name such a presence incomprehensible, manifested in a spiritual mode, as opposed to one comprehensible, in a corporeal mode, manifested when Christ walked physically on earth, and thus inhabited a certain space. After Marburg Colloquy, Luther did not use these arguments originated in medieval scholasticism and relied only on Scriptures. Cf Tappert, p. 58.
209 Tappert, p. 57.
210 McLelland, pp. 43.
211 COIifession Concerning Christ 's Supper, LW 37 :218, cited by MacKenzie, p. 11. 66
Zwingli on his tum charged Luther with the Marcionite heresy, saying that if
Christ' s human nature can be everywhere, its qualities resemble the divine, and consequently, it was not able to suffer on the cross since the divine cannot suffer, and also, as Marcion taught, his human body was not real, but only apparent. Furthermore,
Luther's communicatio idiomatum, argues Zwingli, generates confusion about how real was Christ's sacrifice because "the integrity of Christ's human nature is essential to the work of salvation. It is the vehicle by which God saved man through suffering and death".212 Zwingli concludes here by saying that two possible errors could emerge from
Luther's reasoning: either Christ's human body is viewed in Marcion's terms, or Christ had two bodies which were localized in different places, that is to say, in heaven and on earth. He also considered that only in his human nature Christ suffered and died on the cross.
On the other side, Luther emphasizes the unity of Christ's person by saying that salvation is the work of the divine and hum an too, because it would have been unsatisfactory, had· only the human nature been involved, and should that be the case,
Christ himself would need a savior as any other Christian?13 He once more employs synecdoche to explain how the divinity shares the properties of the human nature and vice versa in the act of redemption.
To Luther's synecdoche Zwingli opposes alloiosis; that figure which, as he says,
"1 have interpreted as an expression involving a leap, [and] according to Plutarch, is a trope by which an interchange takes place between members of a category or [ ... ] so far
212 MacKenzie, p. 12.
213 Luther, Confession Concerning Christ's Supper, LW 37:210, cited by MacKenzie, p. 14. 67 as our subject is concemed, is that [ ... ] interchange, by which when, speaking of one of
Christ's natures, we use the terms that apply to the other".214 He came up with this interpretation since Scriptures did not constantly make a clear distinction between the two natures and therefore they should not be confused as they distinctly participate in the salvation?15 Apparently, both synecdoche and alloiosis imply a sharing of properties, however, Luther speaks of a true interchange, whereas to Zwingli it is merely a figurative way of speaking.
In a close relationship to the issue of the real presence was the bodily eating of
Christ's body. To Luther, its importance relies on the role that it plays in salvation, namely that of strengthening faith and remitting sins. On the other hand, Zwingli rightly concluded that ifthis is true, then salvation can be obtained in one additional way, that is to say, by eating his flesh instead of simply believing in him.216 That would be against the sola fide principle that Luther himself so strongly emphasized from the very beginning and would also make Christ's death superfluous. Faith, says Zwingli, should be in Christ himself and not in his presence in the bread.
The use of Scriptures and the role of faith in this process come again under
consideration when Luther adheres steadfastly to the literaI interpretation of the words of
214 H. Wayne Pipkin and Edward J. Furcha eds., Huldrych Zwingli. Writings, vol. 2, pp. 319-320. Luther's reply to Zwingli's al/oiosis was harsh and dismissive as usual. In his Confession Concerning Christ's Supper, LW 37:209, he characterizes al/oiosis as "devil's mask", and also describes "the old witch, Lady Reason, al/oiosis's grandmother". See also McLelland, p. 43.
215 Zwingli offered a multitude of examples when a certain passage should be interpreted by means of alloiosis. One ofhis favorites is Jn. 6:55, where Christ says, "My flesh is truly meat". Zwingli argued that the word flesh, in its plain sense, refers to his human nature, but in this case, applying alloiosis, we should understand his divine nature, since only according to his supematural origin can Christ be food for the soul. For a detailed analysis of alloiosis see Zwingli's A Friendly Exegesis, specifically "On the Alloiosis of the two Natures in Christ", in Huldrych Zwingli. Writings, vol. 2, eds. H. Wayne Pipkin and Edward J. Furcha, pp. 319-336.
216 Stephens, 1992, p. 100. 68
institution, "This is my body". Zwingli argues against him saying that the true sense of a
I~ paragraph is not revealed at a glimpse to the reader. It should be established by
comparison with other relevant passages from Scripture and by faith. ActuaIly, it is faith
that should lead to considering the literaI interpretation of the words of consecration as
illogica1. 217 John 6:63, the key text for Zwingli's eucharistie theology, is also referred to
aIl over again and interpreted by alloiosis to reinforce his arguments against the real
presence and the bodily eating.
However, Zwingli speaks of a sort of spiritual presence which can be compared to
that existent in the occasion when the women came to the tomb to find Christ. At that
moment, they had Christ present in their hearts, not according to his human nature, but to
the divine. Likewise, the communicants can have Christ in their hearts spirituaIly,
believing that he died for them; and such a presence is what is needed and not the one
expressed bodily. Furthermore, Zwingli cautiously makes clear the boundary of what he
understands by presence. As Stephens comments, "Christ may be said to be present in the
heart 'essentially according to his divinity' and 'bodily according to contemplation and
memory'. The body and blood of Christ cannot be present in the eucharist precisely
because the bread and wine are signs ofthem,,?18 Thus, the way Zwingli understands the
relation between the sign and what is signified, in opposition to Luther, renders the real
presence and the bodily eating impossible. The only way Christ could be present in the
sacrament is, in Zwingli's view, by the contemplation of faith. To the charge that he
considers the bread as simple bread he responds by making a difference between its
materiality (according to which yes, it is just bread), and its use, which transforms it into
217 Stephens, 1986, p. 244.
218 Stephens, 1986, p. 243. 69
"a token, a pledge, a sign of unity" . From this perspective, "it is symbolical bread,
eucharistie bread".219
In summary, Luther based his understanding of the ubiquity of Christ's human
nature on the personal union and attributed to the bodily eating such power in salvation
that only faith in Christ and the Holy Spirit can have. As for Zwingli, aU his efforts were
made to demonstrate that Christ, according to his human nature, is in heaven at the right
hand of God, and thus to prove the irrationality of the assertion that his body is in the
sacrament and is bodily eaten.
3. The Marburg Colloquy (1529)
The peak of the controversy between Luther and Zwingli was reached in the
Marburg Colloquy,220 which started on October 1, 1529, and lasted until the fourth day of
the month. However, nothing new came out in the debates, each party emphasizing their
previous position on the issues discussed. It is also worth noting that, although the
eucharistie theology of the two reformers was heavily based on Christology, at Marburg
the discussions did not tackle this topiC. 221 Luther did not depart from the literaI
interpretation of "Hoc est corpus meum" ("This is my body"), as he said: "Reason and
grammar did not appIy. Christ's body was eaten ... It was not for the servant to ask why
219 Stephens, 1986, p. 248. See also H. Wayne Pipkin and Edward J. Furcha eds., Huldrych Zwingli. Writings, vol. 2, pp. 293-297; 356 ff.
220 A good record of the proceedings at the Marburg Colloquy can be found in Martin Brecht, Martin Luther: Shaping and Defining the Reformation, 1521-1532 (Minn.: Fortress Press, 1990), pp. 325-334, and G. R. Potter, Zwingli (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), pp. 316-332. Specifically, The Marburg Articles can be found in LW 38:85-89.
~ .. 221 MacKenzie, p. 14. 70 he should obey an order but simply, blindly to do what he was told".222 Zwingli also argued against the accusation of separating the two natures by saying that he was taking great care of making them distinctive rather than to separate them.
FinaIly, Luther drafted the fifteen Marburg Articles which were signed by the participants.223 They agreed upon the first fourteen,224 and as for the fifteenth, which dealt with the eucharist, it was only one point out of six that was not equally accepted. It says:
We aIl believe and hold conceming the Supper of our dear Lord Jesus Christ that both forms should be used according to the institution; also that the Mass is not a work whereby one obtains grace for another, dead or living; also that the Sacrament of the Altar is a sacrament of the true body and blood of Jesus Christ and that the spiritual partaking of this body and blood is especially necessary to every true Christian. In like manner, as to the use of the Sacrament we believe and hold that, like the Word of Almighty God, it has been given and ordained in order that weak consciences may be excited by the Boly Spirit to faith and love. Although we are not at this time agreed as to whether the true body and blood of Christ are bodily present in the bread and wine, nevertheless one party should show the other Christian love, in so far as conscience permits, and both should fervently pray Almighty God that by his Spirit he may confirm us the true understanding?25
The point of disagreement was, evidently, that of the real presence, which for Lutherans was manifest even for unbelievers, but only for their damnation, whereas for Zwinglians
Christ was present in the heart of the faithful only.
222 Potter, p. 326.
223 Zwingli was accornpanied by Froschaver, a scholarly printer and publisher, Rudolf Collin, an Old Testament scholar, Funk, Oecolarnpadius, Rudolf Frey, Jacob Sturm, Caspar Hedio, and Bucer. The Lutheran party was represented by Melanchthon, Justus Jonas, Friedrich Myconius, Caspar Cruciger, Georg Rorer, Osiander, Stephen Agricola, and sorne others. Cf Potter, pp. 322-323.
224 The flrst fourteen articles can be enumerated as follows: the doctrine of the Trinity; the Incarnation; the Resurrection; the two natures of Christ; original sin; salvation; justification by faith; the relation between good works and justification by faith; baptisrn; universal priesthood; denial of celibacy; the worthlessness of rnonastic vows; the relation between the secular and spiritual realrns; the precedence of the Bible as related to tradition. See LW 38:85-89.
225 LW 38:89. Quoted by Tappert, pp. 58-59. 71
The outcome of the Marburg Colloquy was mixed with positive and negative aspects. The separation rested as before. Luther considered the Swiss as friends and not as brothers and members of Christ' s church. He continued to view the Swiss reformer in terms of Carlstadt, whereas Zwingli considered Luther dangerously close to the Catholic position conceming the eucharist. On the other hand, Marburg was the end of the bitter controversy between Wittenberg and Zurich, and that, later on, allowed Zwingli to express his view on the eucharist in a more expository way.
B. The Controversy over the Eucharist as Viewed in Marcourt's Eucharistie
Writings and in Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape
As has already been noted, the Reformed writers who worked in the French-
speaking territories aimed at no less than abolishing the mass and consequently restoring
the Lord's Supper in its biblical purity. Thus, in their attempt to articulate a eucharistie
theology clearly distinct from that of Catholic Church, the French Reformed exiles in
Switzerland undertook this task apparently using a method of division of labor. Thus,
Marcourt devoted his writings, such as Declaration de la Messe (summer of 1534),
Articles veritables (September 1534), and Petit traicté (16 November 1534),226 almost
entirely toward criticizing the doctrinal errors of the ecclesiastical establishment, whereas
Guillaume Farel was more focused on a positive presentation of the Reformed doctrine of
226 Gabrielle Berthoud, Antoine Marcourt: réformateur et pamphlétaire. Du "Livre des Marchants" aux Placards de 1534 (Geneve: Droz, 1973), pp. 223-227, following Arthur Piaget, has argued that Marcourt fIfst published the Placards, then the Petit traicté, and lastly, as an extended version of the Petit traicté he offered Declaration de la Messe. On the other hand, Francis Higman (in agreement with Herminjard and Théophile Dufour), has brought convincing evidence in support of the printing order which is presented in this chapter. For a detailed analysis of the dates Pierre de Vingle most likely published the three of Marcourt's texts see his as yet unpublished paper "Marcourt's Eucharistie Writings revisited" presented at the colloquium "Les impressions réformées de Pierre de Vingle (Neuchâtel, 1533-1535)", McGill University, 31 August - 2 September 2005. 72
the Supper. He did this in his liturgical handbook, Le maniere etfasson (August 1533), as f".. weIl as in Summaire,227 published by Vingle in 1534.228
Marcourt's eucharistic writings, although of different length,229 contain mainly the 230 same argumentation which is concisely expressed in the Placard?31 first, the sacrifice
of Christ is complete and unrepeatable, therefore the mass cannot be thought of as a
sacrifice. Secondly, Christ is not present in the sacrament for he ascended into heaven and
sits at the right hand of God the Father. Thirdly, transubstantiation is a "doctrine des
diables", and finaIly, the fruits of the mass are opposed to those of the Supper. However,
of the three texts, Petit traicté was written in a more scholarly style, with marginalia in
Hebrew and Greek, and in a much more moderate tone, for it was intended to bring more
clarity and understanding after the storm caused by the Placard posted on Saturday night
(17/18) ofOctober 1534.232
On the other hand, as previously noted, Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape has
a long twelve-page section suggestively titled "Jesus la Cene ordonne, en memoyre de sa
mort et passion / / Et le Pape la messe controuve, chief de toute abusion", which critiques
the Roman mass in opposition to the evangelical communion. More precisely, there is a
five-page defense of the Holy Supper followed by a seven-page attack on the mass, with
the opposing woodcuts in the middle, thus following the same antithetical pattern as the
227 For the full bibliographical references to these texts, see n. 96, p. 28.
228 See Elwood, p. 33.
229 Declaration de la Messe has 79 pages, Petit traicté 78 pages, and the Placards only one page. (I am grateful to William Kemp who has provided me the electronic form of the texts that proved very helpful in the attempt of counting the pages and browsing for similarities and differences both in form and content.)
230 For a thorough description of the three of Marcourt's texts, see Higman, 2005, p. 3.
231 I.e., Articles veritables (1534).
232 Higman, 2005, p. 10. See also Elwood, pp. 28-29. 73 other pairs of contrasts in Les Faictz. The following section will present a comparative analysis between Marcourt's writings (focusing chiefly on Petit traicté) and Les Faictz,
following the flow of argumentation briefly presented in the Placard, aiming also to
identify the connections of the eucharistie theology of the Vingle publications with other
Reformed writings.
1. Marcourt's Attack against the Mass
The claim of the Roman church that the sacrament of the altar is a sacrifice
offered to God by the priest was considered by Marcourt outrageous enough to determine
a direct attack in response. Actually, aIl his eucharistic writings begin by addressing this
issue and Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews (mainly chapters 7-10) offered him the
theological support for this audacious enterprise.
The analysis of Marcourt's argumentation reveals that his discourse is structured
around two main ideas or rather questions. First, he asks whether Christ' s sacrifice is
perfect or imperfect; and secondly, his interrogation concems the qualitative relation that
exists between the one that sacrifices, that is, the priest, and the thing sacrificed. At first
glance one could presume that to Marcourt these are simply rhetorical questions and that
he expects his readers to find the answer by simply using their common sense and
reasoning. Although that partially might be so, he takes this task very seriously and gives
plenty of arguments so there can be no mistake reaching a conclusion.
The first question along with its answer, in a nutsheIl, reads in Marcourt's words:
[ ... ] car je demande si le sacrifice de Jesuschrist est suffisant et parfaict pour le salut des enfans de Dieu. S'il est du tout parfaict, il ne fault point d'autres sacrificateurs avec Jesuchrist pour estre ses compaignons. Et de dire qu'il est imparfaict, quelle chose plus oultrageuse pourroit on dire contre iceluy nostre sauveur? Vrayement, c'est ung trop grand 74
mesprisement d'ung si grand bien, ou pour mieulx dire, ung droict renoncement d'icelle tant saincte mort et angoisseuse passion, ce que par la saincte escripture je monstre ainsi.233
Scriptures are very clear and so is Marcourt. He cites Hebrews 7:26_27234 and 9:11_12235 to show that Christ' s sacrifice was unique and perfect. He offered himself as a sacrifice
once for all. Consequently, there is no need to repeat it and by doing so the mass "stands
as a de facto denial of the efficacy ofChrist's sacrifice. Similarly, clerics who claim to be
repeating Christ's sacrifice in effect 'renounce him as if he were ineffective, insufficient
and imperfect",?36
Marcourt thinks that he has found one possible reason among others that has
driven the clergy into such a horrible error. Considering the mass as a sacrifice "sainct,
plaisant, et aggreable à Dieu, comme celuy de Abraham, Isaac et Jacob, utile et
proffitable tant pour les vivans que pour les trespasses,,237, these "miserable
sacrificateurs,,238 put themselves in such a high position as if they were our redeemers,
co-partners with Christ in his redemptive work. However, that their office is neither
required nor efficient is c1early stated in Hebrews 9:24_26239 which reads once more that
233 Petit traicté, Avii vO.
234 "For such an high priest became us, who is holy, harmless, undefiled, separate from sinners, and made higher than the heavens; Who needeth not daily, as those high priests, to offer up sacrifice, frrst for his own sins, and then for the people's: for this he did once, when he offered up himself." (Hebrews 7:26-27; KJV).
235 "But Christ being come an high priest of good things to come, by a greater and more perfect tabernacle, not made with hands, that is to say, not ofthis building; Neither by the blood of goats and calves, but by his own blood he entered in once into the holy place, having obtained eternai redemption for us." (Hebrews 9:11-12; KJV).
236 Elwood, p. 34.
237 Petit traicté, Avii rO-vo.
238 Articles veritables, 1st article.
239 "For Christ is not entered into the holy places made with hands, which are the figures of the true; but into heaven itself, now to appear in the presence of God for us: Nor yet that he should offer himself often, as the high priest entereth into the holy place every year with blood of others; For then must he often have 75
Christ, unlike the Old Testament priests, has brought his sacrifice once and ascended into heaven into the very presence of God. Marcourt finds in the immortality of the divine sacrifice an irrefutable argument for the unnecessary reiteration of the mass viewed as a sacrifice. He says: "Car Jesuschrist mourir et estre offert à son pere, c'est tout ung. Or ne mourra il jamais. Parquoy jamais ne sera sacrifié, et jamais en sacrifice ne se offrira.
Donc, il s'ensuyt bien que les hommes ne le peuvent point offrir et sacrifier, car si luy mesme ne se offre, comment le pourroit on offrir?,,24o
The second argument employed by Marcourt III his discourse conceming the sacrifice of the mass which, according to Gabrielle Berthoud,241 is characteristic of him, deals with the relation between the sacrificer and the sacrifice: "toute chose sacrifiee fault necessairement estre inferieure ou equale au sacrificateur", says Marcourt. 242 lndeed, this condition was satisfied by the Old Testament sacrificers: they were superior to the sacrifices (lambs, calves, birds, etc.) they offered on the altar. Even Abraham was superior to the sacrifice that God asked him to bring, namely to his son. As for the sacrifice of himself that Christ has offered to the Father, it is clearly that of an equa1. 243
Consequently, argues Marcourt, the sacrificers that offer the mass as a sacrifice, have necessarily to be superior or equal to the sacrifice, that is, to Jesus Christ. He explicitly invites them to make an evaluation and decide for themselves: suffered since the foundation of the world: but now once in the end of the world hath he appeared to put away sin by the sacrifice ofhimself." (Hebrews 9:24-26; KJV).
240 Petit traicté, Aviii re_va.
241 Berthoud, 1973, p. 229. To Francis Higman, this kind of argument seems to be scholastic in style. See Higman, 2005, p. 10.
242 Petit traicté, Aviii va.
243 "J'ay dict equale pour le sacrifice de Jesuchrist, par lequel il s'est offert soymesme à son pere, à cause qu'il n'y avoit creature ne au ciel ne en la terre, à iceluy superieure, qui eust peu offrir ung tel sacrifice. Parquoy il a convenu que luy mesme se soit ainsi offert et sacrifié par l'ordonnance de son pere, comme luy mesme a diet: Sicut mandatum dedit mihi pater, sic fado. C'est adire, ainsi que mon pere m'a donné le commandement, ainsi je fais." Petit traicté, Bi Vo - Bii ra. 76
Or maintenant je demande à tout homme qui se dict sacrificateur, et qui vient affermer que il offre Jesuchrist pour nous à Dieu son pere, s'il est equal, inferieur ou superieur de Jesuchrist (Il fault bien qu'il soit l'ung des trois). De se dire superieur ou equal, il ne oseroit. Reste donc qu'il soit inferieur. Parquoy s'ensuyt incontinent que il ne le peult par sacrifice presenter. Et par ainsi l'eucharistie n'est point sacrifice, ou il fault conceder que Jesuschrist n'y est point?44
Moreover, the superiority of Christ's unique sacrifice, as compared to those of the Old
Testament and to the daily sacrifice of the mass, originates in his superior priesthood
"after the order of Melchisedec [ ... ], king of Salem, and priest of the most high God". 245
The logic is uncomplicated: Christ, a superior high priest, is the only one that can offer a sacrifice of an equal value; therefore, aH those who pretend to offer to God a sacrifice are simply impostors and their office is unworthy. The only sacrifice, says Marcourt, that one can offer to God is his own body, as apostle Paul urges the readers of his Epistle to the
Romans. 246
Nothing that can lead simple folks into error must be left unsolved. There is no excuse that can justify the sacrifice of the mass. To daim that Christ died only for the original sin, that is, Adam's transgression, and that the mass has a redemptive role for our present wrongdoings "est une merveilleuse audace et trop malheureuse arrogance".247
There is also no way, in Marcourt's view, to conceive the mass not as a true sacrifice, but as a "sacrifice de louenge", as sorne pretend.248 Had this been the case, then even children and women could have offered such masses. However, the doctrine requires that a priest
244 Petit traicté, Bii rO.
245 Hebrews 6:20; 7: 1 (KJV).
246 "1 beseech you therefore, brethren, by the mercies of God, that ye present your bodies a living sacrifice, holy, acceptable unto God, which is your reasonable service." (Romans 12: 1; KJV).
247 Petit traicté, Biii VO.
248 Petit traicté, Bvi rO. 77 should offer the mas s, which is a proof in itself that the term "sacrifice de louenge" is only a twist in their argumentation in order to mislead the inattentive reader. For
Marcourt there is no compromise: a sacrifice cannot be offered in remembrance of
Christ's sacrifice, as the papists pretend, for what is done in remembrance of a true sacrifice cannot have the same value as the sacrifice itself. Thus, the mass is not a sacrifice, for "depuis la mort de Jesuchrist, tout sacrifice visible a cessé, et l'estat des sacrificateurs est expire", 249 concludes Marcourt.
The much debated issue of the real presence of Christ in the sacrament comes in the second place in Marcourt's attack against the mass. His discourse is based mainly on a few commonsense Scripture-based arguments and analogies, as well as an exegetical attempt that aims at backing his demonstration with some more "academic" authority.
First of aIl, he employs Zwingli's well-known argument of a locality of a body.
Based on the fact that a true body cannot be at the same time in more than one place, and also that after the resurrection Jesus ascended into heaven as Scripture mentions,25o it follows that Christ cannot be in the bread and wine as the priests falsely pretend:
Item, sainct Paul escrivant aux Colossiens dict en ceste maniere: Si vous estes resuscitez avec [C]hrist, cerchez les choses qui sont d'enhault, où [C]hrist est seand à la dextre de Dieu. Il ne dict point qu'i[l] est assis en l'air, en la mer ou en la terre, mais au ciel. Parquoy il s'ensuit bien, puis qu'il est au ciel assis à la dextre de Dieu, que il n'est pas çà bas en la terre, entre les mains du prebstre, ny clos en une boyte, ou armaire. Car son corps ne fut jamais que en ung seul lieu, pour une foys. Parquoy, si son corps est au ciel, pour ce mesme temps, il n'est point en la terre, et s'il estoit en la terre, il ne seroit point au ciel. Car, pour certain, jamais ung veritable corps n'est que en ung seul lieu (comme j'ay dict) pour une foYS.251
249 Petit traicté, Bii va.
250 Acts 1:9-11. Col. 3:1. O 251 Petit traicté, Bviii r _ vO. 78
The presence of Christ in the consecrated elements also cannot be claimed on the basis of a miracle worked by God, for a miracle, as a revelation of God, has to be seen. Moreover,
Scripture does not mention that Christ's body has ever been made present in many places at the same time. To believe such a thing would be "imagination et resverie humaine, sans aucun fondement,,?52 Quite the opposite, Scripture says that he will be accessible to our senses only when he retums, as the angel told to the disappointed disciples while watching his ascension: "'This Jesus who was received from you into heaven will come just as you have seen him go into heaven,' that is, openly, visibly, clearly, and manifestly; not secretly, covertly, enveloped or clothed in bread or paste.,,253 Until his retum it is the
Holy Spirit who dwells on earth and whose presence is subject to Christ's physical absence.
Marcourt concludes quite abruptly this series of arguments by saying that the
doctrine of the real presence "est cause de la destruction universelle quasi de toute la terre";254 and then he go es on to analyze from a linguistic perspective the key sentence
"This is my body", which Jesus uttered at the first Supper.255
The bread used in the sacrament, in Marcourt's view, is not simply bread, but holy
and sacramental bread. However, it should only remind us of Jesus's death and passion,
thus being a simple but necessary means toward a deeper understanding of Christ' s
sacrifice. Moreover, the bread signifies the love by which Jesus has given us life and also
"l'amour dont en vraye charité nous devons aymer les ungs les autres, comme membres
252 Petit traicté, Bviii vO.
253 Petit traicté, Cii rO. Quoted by Elwood, p. 35.
254 Petit traicté, Ciii rO.
255 Mathew 26:26-29; Mark 14:22-25. 79 d'ung mesme corps, duquel Jesuchrist est le chief'.256 In brief; since it is only a sign, the bread cannot be the real body of Christ.
To the subtle attempt of the papists to hold on to their interpretation by saying that
Christ is present under or within the species, Marcourt opposes a series of examples from the Scriptures which do not allow a literaI interpretation?57 Thus, the lamb sacrificed at the Passover is called "the Lord's Passover,,?58 However, the lamb was not the Passover, but only signified it. The same trope is in the "1 am" passages in the Gospel of John: the bread of life, the light of the world, the do or of the sheep, the true vine, and the rock259 are only signifying Jesus in different hypostasis, for Christ cannot be literally aIl these things. Marcourt goes a step farther applying the same interpretation to the sign of the covenant, that is to say, the circumcision, established between God and Abraham. He elaborates on that particular issue by saying:
[ ... ] et en ordonnant iceluy signe, le Seigneur Dieu luy disoit: Hoc est pactum meum. Voicy mon accord. Toutesfoys, il est tres evident que celle incision, ou circoncision n'estoit point et ne fut jamais iceluy accord, mais estoit seullement le signe de l'accord. Parquoy, si à ung personnage sçavant, je demandoye l'intelligence parfaicte et facile de ces paroIles: Hoc estfedus meum, il me diroit: Hoc est signumfederis mei?60
With respect to the eucharistie bread, Marcourt predictably concIudes on this series of analogies:
Donc tout ainsi que il me dira de cecy: Hoc est fedus meum, Hoc est signum federis mei, ainsi je luy diray de cestuy: Hoc est corpus meum, Hoc est signum corporis mei. Car c'est une mesme maniere de parler si
256 Petit traicté, Ciii vo.
257 Berthoud, 1973, p. 231.
258 Ex. 12: 11.
259 John 6:48; 8:12; 10:7; 15:1; 1Cor. 10:4.
260 Petit traicté, Civ vo. 80
grandement et parfaictement en toutes choses semblables, qu'i[l] n'est home qui sceust raisonnablement dire du contraire?61
Marcourt finishes his analysis of the words of institution with an exegetical observation, recommending to his readers not to "arrester à ce verbe substantif: Sum, es, est, voulant conclurre que là il soit corporellement, puis que il a dit: Hoc est corpus meum. Car ce verbe substantif, combien qu'il soit expres, ne preuve point presence corporelle, mais bien assistence spirituelle". 262 It is such a spiritual presence and not a physical, corporeal one that Jesus clearly has mentioned in Mathew 18:20?63
Based on the authority of the Scriptures, Marcourt uncovered so far the weaknesses of the doctrine of the real presence as interpreted by his opponents, but now he turns to the positive side of his discourse. As it was for Zwingli and the Swiss 264 reformers, John chapter 6 is the foundation of his understanding of the Supper. He relies particularly on verses 47 and 54 in order to equalize "believing" with "eating":
En ung passage il dict ainsi: Qui croit en moy a la vie eternelle, [... ] et le ressusciteray au dernier jour. En l'autre passage il dict: Qui mange ma chair et boit mon sang a la vie eternelle, et le ressusciteray au dernier jour. En quoy on voit manifestement que par ces deux passages est simplement dict une mesme chose de la foy et de ce manger, et que croire en Jesuchrist, venir à Jesuchrist, le manger et boire, c'est tout ung. 265
That this is so and not otherwise, he brings the case of "milles d'enfans, Jeunes, adolescens et autres personages" who never participated at a Supper and are, ln
Marcourt's view, heirs of the everlasting life. Moreover, St. Augustine says the same
261 Petit traicté, Civ VO - Cv ra.
262 Petit traicté, Cvi va.
263 "For where two or three are gathered together in my name, there am 1 in the midst ofthem."
264 Berthoud, 1973, p. 232.
265 Petit traicté, Di rO _ va. 81 thing: Ut quid paras dentem et ventrem? Crede et manducasti?66 This is in itself another proof that his understanding of the eucharist is not new, as assert those "faulx sacrificateurs". And how could it be different, for Jesus himself said that "the flesh is of no avail", which makes very clear that the issue in this chapter "est non point de la comestion corporelle et charnelle, mais de la comestion spirituelle qui se faict par vive, entiere et ferme foy". 267
Marcourt's outrage is at its highest when he states that "to say that one holds, carries, and shutsup the body of Jesus Christ here and there as one wishes - fully as large, entirely whole, fully alive, in flesh and bones,,268 is similar to willingly lead the people who are not trained in biblical understanding to idolatry. The underlying problem with respect to the elevation of the host consists of seeking God in visible things, where he is not present, and thus loosing the true significance of this holy institution.269
Moreover, this practice is directly against what Jesus established at the very first Supper, for when his disciples took the bread from his hand, they did not worship it because he
"leur disoit simplement: Prenenz, manges. Et ne leur disoit point: Regardez, adorez".270
Certainly, the worship of the bread is a human invention which "alienated nearly everyone from the way of salvation, from the Lord God, and from aU truth".27!
266 Petit traicté, Cviii va.
267 Petit traicté, Cviii va.
268 Petit traicté, Cv va. Cited by Elwood, p. 36.
269 Elwood, p. 37.
270 Petit traicté, Dvi va.
271 Declaration de la Messe, Evii va. 82
Concluding his discourse on the real presence, Marcourt alludes to Farel's Sursum corda idea,2n as depicted by him in La Maniere et fasson (1533) since, as Elwood observes, "the admonition to seek 'heavenly things in heaven' is a pervasive motif in the
Reformed literature on the sacrament,,?73 Echoing Farel's Sursum corda274 Marcourt says:
Donc, puis qu'il est certain que Jesuchrist, selon le corps, est au ciel, on ne le doibt cercher corporellement en autre lieu jusque à ce que luy mesme visiblement se manifeste, qui ne veult renoncer à toute verité d'escripture, mais au ciel on doibt lever son coeur, son entendement et pensee, attendant en humble desir l'heure qui luy plaira en son repos nous transferer. Ne le adorant point icy bas en chose qui soit visible, car l'escripture autrement nous enseigne.275
Transubstantiation, the third target of Marcourt's attempt to refute the institution of the mass, seeks to explain the manner in which the elements are transformed in
Christ's body and blood.276 Compared to the first two mass-related issues that have been extensively addressed, Marcourt deals with transubstantiation rather briefly. He does not elaborate sophisticated arguments, but makes reference only to the most significant
272 For an insightful analysis of Farel's Sursum corda, see Jason Zuidema's as yet unpublished paper "'Lift Up Your Hearts': The Theologieal Foundation of Guillaume Farel's Eucharistie Thought," presented at the coIloquium "Les impressions réformées de Pierre de Vingle (Neuchâtel, 1533-1535)", McGill University, 31 August - 2 September 2005.
273 Elwood, p. 44.
274 "Therefore, lift up your hearts on high, seeking heavenly things in heaven where Jesus Christ is seated at the right hand of the Father; and do not stop at the visible things whieh are corrupted by usage. In joy of heart, in brotherly union, come aIl to partake of the table of our Lord, giving thanks for the very great love which he was shown to us; have the death of this good savior written on your hearts in eternal remembrance, to be on tire and to move others also to love God and to foIlow his holy word." FareIl, La Maniere etfasson, Dviii VO - Ei rO. Cited by Elwood, p. 43.
275 Petit traicté, Diii VO.
276 Transubstantiation is debated in the third article of the Placard, whereas in Declaration de la Messe it is the object of the second "declaration". In Petit traicté, Marcourt limited himself to say only that transubstantiation "c'est une chose folle, inventee et songee par gens ocieux, qui jamais n'ont tenu compte de sainctes escriptures". (Dvi VO) 83 passages from the Bible conceming the Lord's Supper.277 Holding to their literaI meaning, Marcourt observes that the term "transubstantiation" is not used in any circumstances and also that neither Jesus nor other writer "ne dit point mengeusse le corps de Jesus [C]hrist qui est caché soubz l'apparence de pain, mais apertement, purement et simplement il dit: mengeusse de ce pain".278 Undoubtedly, such a doctrine is a pure human invention or rather inspired by the devil himself, for it is "against aU truth, against aU experience, against reason and Holy Scripture. Among other things, it has cast away and alienated almost the who le earth from the Christian religion and faith. So disastrous is the papistical doctrine!,,279
A comparison between the fruits of the mass as opposed to those of the Supper cornes fourth in Marcourt's attack on the mass. The contrast is absolute: the Supper gives the partakers the opportunity to express their faith, and remember the redemptive Christ's sacrifice that offers anyone who believes in him the assurance of the etemal salvation.
The Lord's Supper also helps believers to grow in unit y as Christ's spiritual body, and experience the virtue ofhumility, compassion and charity in every day life. 28o
On the other hand, the mass is compared to the bad tree which cannot bear good fruitS?81 Indeed every single outcome of the mass is in contradiction with Scripture. Thus, whereas the word of God mentions the charitable work of the apostolic church towards the poor, by means of the mass the priests behave as public thieves. They do not need to
277 1 Cor. 10:16; 11:23-24; Math. 26:26; Mark 14:22; Luke 22:19; Acts 20:7.
278 Declaration de la Messe, Ci rO.
279 Declaration de la Messe, Bviii rO - vO. Quoted by Elwood, p. 38.
280 Articles veritables, 4th article.
281 Declaration de la Messe, Eii Vo. Cf Mathew 7:18. 84 worry about anything that pertains to the material realm, since the mass itself pro vides everything wanted. Marcourt is very categorical as he says:
Or si jamais fut invention subtile pour sans peine, sans labeur et soucy, bien fournir la cuisine pour engresser la souppe, et bien nourrir ces grasses tripes, c'est, je vous asseure, ceste plantureuse messe, laquelle tant de fruictz mortel apporte que par icelle, soubz apparence de saincteté, le paovre monde est devoré et rongé. [ ... ]Las, combien de paovres femmes leur apportent ce de quoy debvoient nourrir leur petis enfans, ou subvenir aux paovres indigens. Et de faict, ceste maniere de offrir en l'eglise est venu de la premiere eglise de Jesus [C]hrist, là où les fidelles apportoient de leurs biens, et les bailloient au diacre, qui estoit ordonné serviteur des paovres, pour leur distribuer cela que on luy bailloit. Mais ceulx icy prenent tout, et retiennent tout, en quoy ilz sont larrons publicques. Car ilz retiennent à eulx le bien des pauvres pour nourrir et entretenir leur ordure?82
Wealth and material abundance go together with idleness, and this fruit is very pleasant to these "beaux monsieurs qui tant sont delicatz et tenders,,?83 Actually, they are quite busy, says Marcourt with irony, for they know "bien de jouer à la paulme, à la boulle, au tablier, aux cartes et dez, de saulter et dancer".284 Moreover, the mass does not require them to study books for such an activity is "trop melancolieux, facheux, et ennuyeux, non convenable à telles bestes qui veulent vivre sans soucy" ?85 That is why there are so many monks, nuns, priests and cloisters, convents, monasteries, temples, chapels, and a whole arsenal of means that help the clergy to rob the poor people of their goods.
To someone who would reasonably ask why the mass is maintained if the
Scriptures can prove beyond any doubt its falseness, Marcourt says that with these fruits in the perspective, the answer is quite obvious. lndeed, "la cause est evidente, puis que
282 Declaration de la Messe, Eiii VO - Eiv ra.
283 Declaration de la Messe, Ev ra.
284 Declaration de la Messe, Ev ra.
285 Declaration de la Messe, Ev va. 85 tant de fruict elle produit. N'est ce pas une source de souppe grasse? n'est ce point une bonne vache à laict?,,286
However, there is something more. Marcourt brings a very serious charge against the ecc1esiastical establishment, name1y that of acting beyond its competency and thus interfering with the secular realm. That he is sensitive to such affairs has been proven by his first and most popular work published by Pierre de Vingle in Neuchâtel on 22 August
1533, Le Livre des Marchants,287 wherein he extensive1y argues against mixing the spiritual and temporal jurisdiction?88
Even though "God has given princes the 'power of the sword' and therefore, [ ... ] princes hold jurisdiction over the church",289 Marcourt conc1udes that one of the most malign fruits of the mass is the subordination of the temporal to the spiritual realm. For not only "ilz ont obtenu tant de richesses qu'il n'est possible le penser: comme maisons, rentes, possessions, seigneuries, villes, chasteaux, contez, baronnies, duchez, et que plus est, royaumes et principautes",290 but also "par ceste messe, ilz ont tout empoigné, tout destruict, tout englouty, Hz ont desherité princes et roys, marchans, seigneurs, et tout ce que on peult dire, soit mort ou vif.,,291
286 Declaration de la Messe, Eviii vO.
287 Berthoud, 1973, pp. Ill; 149-156. The full title of the work is Le Livre des marchans, fort utile a toutes gens nouvellement composé par le sire Pantapole, bien expert en tel affaire, prochain voysin du seigneur Pantagruel (Neuchâtel: Pierre de Vingle, 1533).
288 For a thorough analysis of Marcourt's discourse conceming the separation of the two realms see as yet unpublished paper by Torrance Kirby, "Wholesale or Retail? Antoine Marcourt's Boke ofMarchauntes and Tudor political theology", presented at Renaissance Society of America and the Society for Renaissance Studies, United Kingdom, Joint Annual Meeting, Cambridge University, 7 - 9 April 2005.
289 Kirby, p. Il.
290 Declaration de la Messe, Eiv rO.
291 Articles veritables, 4th article. 86
2. The Anti-Mass Discourse in Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape
Although in Les Faictz the I2-page antithesis formaIly is divided into two sections that deal separately with the Supper and the mass respectively, actuaIly within each section the thematic progression is not very weIl defined as in Marcourt' s writings; there is a back and forth which invite the reader to organize for himself what he is offered as argumentation against the mass.
Faithful to the Reformed scriptural approach, the first part, that conceming the
Supper, begins by employing an enormous biblical apparatus, which is made up of 136 verses, aIl of them from the New Testament.292 From the four Gospels to Revelation, almost every single verse that is conceivably related to this holy institution and to Christ' s priesthood, especially those from the Gospels and Paul's epistles to the Corinthians and
Hebrews,293 is picked up and mingled in sentences that flow without any other commentary throughout the first four pages.294 It goes without saying that the anonymous writer proves to be an expert in manipulating the text of the Bible, since he can construct a sentence integrating three to four parts of different biblical passages.295
Before defining any other theological position regarding the Lord's Supper, the narrator wants to inform or rather warn his readers about the necessity of not interfering with the original settlement of this divine institution. He says that nobody has to change what Jesus instituted while he was incamated. Moreover, anyone who dares to change
292 See table 3 in the Appendix.
293 Not less than 52 verses are from this epistle, which stands for about 40% of the 136 used in this section.
294 Les Faictz, Ei VO - Eiii ra.
A 295 "Vous estes faictz pres par le sang de Christ, car il est nostre paix, qui a faict tous les deux ung// , par B iceluy nous avons acces tous deux en ung esprit au Perell : son bon plaisir a esté qu'en luy toute plenitude habitast, et que par luy toutes choses fussent reconciliees envers luy, appaisant par le sang de sa passion les choses qui sontlf." The three different parts of the citation belong to the following biblical passages: (A) Eph. 2:13.14; (B) Eph. 2:18; (C) Col. 1:19.20. 87 such a holy enactment and teach others to worship in a different way, can easily be identified as Antichrist, and will be eternally damned.296
The writer is also aware of the difficulties that one can encounter when attempting to understand what the apostles said on this matter. However, one should not doubt that they, namely the apostles, are accurate witnesses of what was said by Jesus at the very moment of the first Supper, even though they might convey the message in different words.
As in Marcourt and other Reformed writings attacking the mass, the ensumg discourse in Les Faictz can be structured on the same mainstream argumentation. Thus, besides other issues related to this holy enactment, the anonymous writer questions the sacrificial character of the mass, the notion of the bodily presence of Christ in the sacrament, and the doctrine of transubstantiation.
Relative to its length, the attack on the mass as a sacrifice occupies by far the first place in Les Faictz as it does in the other writings published by de Vingle;297 and while not as elaborated and structured as in Marcourt's writings, it employs mainly the same arguments: Christ's sacrifice, which is superior to those of the Old Testament, is unique and thus eternally effective. Thus, it reads:
Or il est escript que si les sacrifices de Moyse eussent peu oster les pechez, qu'ilz eussent cessé et ne fussent estez reiterez. Parquoy le Sacrifice de Jesus, qui plainement a effacé les pechez, a esté faict une foys, et n'est plus
296 "Par cecy ung chascun vray Chrestien peult entendre la pure, saincte et honnorable et digne institution de la saincte table de la saincte Cene de nostre Seigneur Jesus, lequel il fault croire estre plus parfaiet, puissant, bon et sage que tous, tellement qu'il n'appartient à personne le corriger, ne changer chose qu'il aye iristitué et ordonné, et celuy qui presume aultrement ordonner et faire que Jesus n'a commandé, il est vray Antechrist, et comme tel sentira et portera amer jugement de damnation etemelle." Les Faictz, Eiii ra.
297 For an overview of the topie in Vingle's printings, see Rene Paquin's as yet unpublished paper "Par une seule offrande ... (Hébreux 10, 14): la critique du caractère sacrificiel de la messe dans le corpus vinglien," presented at the colloquium "Les impressions réformées de Pierre de Vingle (Neuchâtel, 1533-1535)", McGill University, 31 August - 2 September 2005. 88
faisable, ne à reiterer, et ne fault à Jesus aucun Lieutenant, Vicaire ou 298 successeur [ ... ] . f" ..
The papists falsely pretend that Christ transferred his office to Peter, and thus to the popes
as Peter's successors. Such a daim would come in direct contradiction with Scripture
which says that Christ's office is etema1. 299 Actually, the mass, by its supposed sacrifice,
abolishes everything Jesus instituted for the church before his ascension. We cannot offer
to God what, in fact, he has already offered to us, namely his Son. 300 As Marcourt pointed
out/O l the writer of Les Faictz also is cautious not to leave behind any chance of
misinterpretation; there is no "sacrifice de louenge", he says, for Scripture does not give
any proof in support. However, the Bible repeatedly says that "Jesus n'a institué sa Cene
qu'en memoire de foy [ ... ] commandant qu'elle fut faicte en sa memoire", that is to say,
as a continuing "souvenance de la mort et passion que Jesus a porté pur nous".302
Christ' s real presence in the sacrament is directly dependent on the priest' s
capacity to open the heaven and make Jesus descend on the altar:
Car il est dit que à la voix du prestre, le ciel se ouvre en l'heure de l'immolation (c'est au canon), en laquelle Christ de rechief meurt, son corps par tout est prins et sa chair pour le salut du monde souffre, les choeurs des Anges sont presens, et les choses souveraines et tresbasses sont associees et conjoinctes et est faict une chose des choses visibles et invisibles. En mesmes temps, il est prins par le mystere des Anges au ciel pour estre conjoinct au corps de Christ et devant les jeulx du Sacrificateur, il est veu en l'autel, et apres plusieurs choses dit, que nostre salut est icy, et pourtant que nous pechons tous les jours par ce sacrement, nous avons remission des pechez.303
298 Les Faictz, Fi vo.
299 Hebrews 7:21-25.
300 Les Faictz, Fii rO.
301 Petit traicté, Bvi rO.
302 Petit traicté, Fi rO, Eiv vO, Eiii VO.
303 Petit traicté, Fi rO. 89
However, the author is convinced that heaven is rather closed owing to the horrible abominations and blasphemy that the priests are performing in the mass. Then he introduces an argument that is not found in Marcourt, namely that of the ubiquity of the angels, instead of Christ's. To the assertion that the whole heavenly court, that is, God himself, the angels, Mary, the holy virgin, and the other saints descend to be present in the mass, the writer, based on the fact that Scriptures lack such evidence, simply argues that the angels cannot be present in many places at one time.304 Perfectly logical he goes further asking: "Pourquoy tant de croix sont faictes [ ... 1 affin que la malignité diabolicque soit chassee, en quoy l'ont voit qu'ilz ne sçavent ne entendent ce qu'ilz disent, car s'il y a tant d'Anges, et Dieu y est si grandement, et la chose est si saincte [ ... l, comment peult le diable s'approcher, qu'il le faille chasser par tant de croiX?,,305 He concludes that most likely the devils are present in the mass, for it was Satan's invention in order to abolish the Lord's Supper and thus to keep the world in ignorance.
As in the other anti-mass writings, the issue of idolatry also is pointed out as a consequence of worshiping the bread and the chalice after the words of consecration. The clergy offered a subterfuge to silence people's conscience, as "Quercu, docteur de Paris, preschoit à Paris en Grefve: que celuy qui adore le sacrement doibt dire en soy: Seigneur, si tu es là, et que le prestre aye faict son debvoir, je te adore; aultrement non.,,306
304 Les Faictz, Fi rO.
305 Les Faictz, Fi vo.
306 Les Faictz, Fii rO. 90
However, there is no doubt that "il ne fault adorer Dieu par condition, He cn doubte, mais en plaine foy et certitude",307 for faith is the only thing needed when one cornes to the communion service. Without faith participation at this divine service is no benefit. The sola fide principle can be easily identified as the author mentions, "wc are saved by faith that we have in our Redeemer". The attempt to equate "eating" with
"believing" in John 6:47.54, as found in Marcourt's eucharistic writings,308 is present as weU in Les Faictz, as it says: "car en croyant en Jesus, ilz ont vie, et c'est manger la chai, comme portent les paroUes de vie, qui sont Esprit.,,309 Instead of worshiping thing~ looking for what is divine and invisible where it does not belong, the author, empha~;1 ',' the already familiar sursum corda idea, emphatically asks his readers:
Pourquoy on ne regarde, et on ne se arreste au pain ne au vin, cerdll J, bas Jesus, mais toute la pensee du fidele tyre et monte là sus où est le de Jesus, jectant tout son coeur à Dieu, sans s'arrester à chose visible. aucune ceremonie, ne à rien fors que au seul Dieu, l'adorant en verité, tachant n'estre point ingrat à Dieu de la misericorde qu'il .(.'.laIcte • [].... 310
Transubstantiation is depicted in relation with the real presence of Chrisl il sacrament, and refuted rather briefly on the basis of the over employed (in the 'i' eucharistic writings) Bible-based argument of the celestial geography, that is, ( ( sitting at the right hand of the Father, as the writer says:
En tenant et confessant la doctrine du Pape, que à la voix du presixI: (; corps de Jesus descend du ciel, et qu'il est realement et corpon:HITld! soubz les especes du pain, lequel est transsubstantié au corps de Chn,.;,:., Ci le sang aussi soubz les especes de vin, que aussi est transsubstanig!' Lit!. sang, tellement qu'il n'y a plus ne pain ne vin, cecy croyant et confes;;{·rl
307 Les Faictz, Fii rO,
308 Petit traicté, Di rO _ yO,
309 Les Faictz, Eiii yO,
310 Les Faictz, Eiii yO, 91
l'on renonce la foy et la creance que tous Chrestiens tiennent et confessent estre vraye [ ... ]. Car tous croyons que nostre Seigneur Jesus est es cieulx et est assis à la dextre du Pere, et de là viendra juger les vifz et les mortz, venant comme il est monté en gloire et majesté, ouvertement et visiblement. 311
It is not without irony that the writer rhetorically inquires for sorne earlier records of such an amazing wonder as transubstantiation; since if it had been real, it would have not passed without being noticed, as it happened with the miracles performed by the apostles.
In fact, the main reason, which makes one to think that the doctrine is merely human imagination, consists of the obvious incapability of the priest to perform much less significant wonders, let alone making Christ descend from heaven, as the author says:
En quelle escripture est contenu que les prestres ayent la puissance de faire descendre le corps de Jesus du ciel? qui leur a donné ne commandé de muer le pain au corps de Jesus, et le vin en son sang pour l'enclorre et enfermer dedans ung armaire et le porter dedans une boyste? ilz ne sçauroyent guerir ung pied de mouche, combien que nostre Seigneur a baillé expres commandement à ses Apostres de guerir les malades, ce que nous lisons clairement avoir esté faict, mais que on puisse faire venir le corps de Jesus, on n'en trouve aucune escripture ne promesse [ ... ].312
There are still a few aspects that the writer wanted to clarify. One of his main concems is that every one who participates at the Lord's Supper has to be offered both species, that is, bread and wine. The use of the cup only by the priest, according to what was established at the Council of Constance (1414-1418), is clearly contradicted by
Jesus's words: "Drink ye aIl of it".313 Clearly, there is no scriptural ground for a difference between clergy and lay people when it cornes to the participation at the Lord's
Supper.
3ll Les Faictz, Fii vO.
312 Les Faictz, Fii vo.
313 Mathew 26:27. 92
However, the mass purposely emphasizes such a distinction, thus bringing a bad fruit, as Marcourt would say; for instead of increasing the unity between the communicants and the clergy - following Jesus's example in the midst of his disciples at the first Supper - it rather separates and divides them. ActuaIly, everything that pertains to the mass is conceived to underline such a difference: the vestments the priest wears, the
language he speaks, the way the bread is served, in reality, the whole rituaI aims to
convey the idea of a supposed fundamental distinction between the "paovres
sacrificateurs" and the "paovre peuple". 314
At the end of his dis course, the author implicitly expresses his confidence that he
has served the right cause, for if the papists had been accurate in what they said about
Christ and the mass, then our Redeemer would have suffered more than he actually did
back in Pilate's time.315 His final exhortation, full of religious fervour, is characteristic of
all sacramentarian discourses as he urges his readers to reject the papal mass together with
all its blasphemies and to rely solely upon the word of God and follow Jesus, the true light,
in order to enjoy rest and peace for their soulS?16
314 Petit traicté, Biii ra, Bvi ra; Declaration de la Messe, Bi va, Biii va, Bvi ra, Bviii ra, Dvii ra, Evi va; Articles veritables, 3rd article.
315 "Car s'il estoit comme ilz disent, jamais ne fut personne si paovre et mauldicte que ce paovre Dieu, a qui tous les jours ilz font tant de tourmentz, le tenant en prison, le rompant, le mangeant, le bruslant quand il est ung peu gasté ou pourry ou mangé des vers, toutes ses blasphemes et mocqueries viennent de leur perverse doctrine. Par laquelle veulent hardiment affermer que la chair de Christ est tous les jours immolee, sacrifiee pour la vie du monde qui repugne tout à la parolle de nostre Seigneur, qui dit avoir esté immolé une foys." Les Faictz, Fiii ra. The same idea is expressed by Marcourt: "Car maintenant, il est hors du temps de son infirmité et toutesfoys, en le mettant et tenant sans nul ordre et position, ainsi en ung monceau, caché soubz ceste paste, il seroit plus aneanty que jamais ne fut en la presence de Pilate." Declaration de la Messe, Cv va.
316 "Parquoy tous Chrestiens et fideles, pour l'amour d'iceluy qui pour nous est mort, et qui en sa memoire a ordonné sa saincte table, prenez la pure et simple ordonnance du bon sauveur Jesus, duquel et par lequel vous avez tout bien; qu'on ne change point, laissez les grosses blasphemes de la messe du pape, duquel et par lequel jamais n'est venu que mal, prenez et tenez ce qui est de Dieu, et tout certain: laissez ce qui est du pape et tout incertain, et ainsi suyvantz Jesus vraye lumiere, vous ne irez point en tenebres, mais aurez vraye lumiere; vous trouverez pasture et repos à voz ames." Les Faictz, Fiii ra. 93
3. The Theological Sources of Les Faictz
FinaUy, can we c1early identify to whom the author of Les Faictz is indebted in his theology? The paraUel depiction of Marcourt' s eucharistie writings and of Les Faictz has revealed beyond any doubt their likeness regarding the anti-mass discourse. In almost every single stage of dispute their arguments are closely similar: the sacrifice of the mass, the presence of Christ in the sacrament, the change of the elements in Christ's body and blood, and the consequences of performing the mass - aU are refuted based on the same points. Both authors seem to be weU acquainted with the historie al background out of which the mass has emerged as a central element in the Roman Catholic sacramental theology, for both ofthem are making reference to sorne learned sources in their support.
There are also a few differences that concern matters of a rather secondary importance, and besides the personal element, they are inevitably owing to the significant difference in the length of their writings: Marcourt ended up writing about 160 pages on the eucharistie issues, whereas in Les Faictz there are only twelve pages dedicated to this topic. Thus, it is not surprising that the discourse in Les Faictz is somehow denser in mass-related informative elements, and whereas the irony and sarcasm are aU there, the general perception is that of a less provocative tone as compared to Marcourt's.
However, whereas the anonymous writer of Les Faictz and Marcourt have poured sorne personal flavor into their dispute against the papists, they are by no means original.
Further back, at the beginning of the Reformation movement their arguments had been employed by their forerunners. In 1520, in his A Prelude on the Babylonian Captivity of 94 the Church, Luther questioned the Catholic Vlew of the mass as a sacrifice,317 transubstantiation, and the offering only of the bread to the lay people.
It was Zwingli though, the Zurich reformer, whose theology inspired Marcourt and the other "sacramentaires" published in Neuchâtel by Pierre de Vingle. In the eighteenth article ofhis An Exposition ofthe Articles (1523), Zwingli refutes the sacrifice of the mass using extensively Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews, the same source that would become common place for aIl the French reformers engaged in the dispute over the sacrament of the altar.
Gabrielle Berthoud, in her milestone work Antoine Marcourt: réformateur et pamphlétaire, makes a detailed analysis of Zwingli's influence upon Marcourt's eucharistie theology.318 Most of the observations that she has made are equally applicable to the shorter discourse of Les Faictz. Similarities and differences are both present: the main arguments come from Zwingli, that is, those conceming Christ's unique sacrifice, the locality of his body in heaven, the "1 am" passages used to refute the doctrine of the real presence, and among others, the much valued passage in John 6.
However, the differences are easy noticeable: besides sorne substantive arguments that are not found in Zwingli's writings,319 what strikes the reader more is the violence of the language, the sharp irony, and verbosity present in both Marcourt's eucharistie writings and in Les Faictz. The circumstances in which they engaged in the debate and the addressees they were writing for can expIain such rhetorical differences. Thus,
317 See the above discussion on this topie, on pages 59-60.
318 Berthoud, 1973, pp. 267-270.
319 According to Berthoud, it is peculiar to Marcourt to affmn that the sacrificer has to be superior or equal to the sacrifice he offers. The argument from John 6:47.54, that is used also in Les Faictz, namely that "believe" and "eat" have the same meaning, is not found in Zwingli in this almost mathematical formulation. See Berthoud, 1973, p. 269. 95
Zwingli, as a pioneer with a humanistic education, elaborated his writings paymg attention to every subtle theological detail, making use of his knowledge of classical languages as he was addressing a public that was aware of the intricacies of the matter discussed. His great consideration for the manner in which Christ is present in the sacrament also reveals that he was speaking equally, ifnot more, to the Lutherans.
On the other hand, the French "sacramentaires" wrote about a decade and half later, when many aspects of the Reformed theology had already become corn mon knowledge. It is worth noting also that they were addressing "simple folks", ITl;tI\1Iy
Catholics with the clear intention of abolishing the mass and not to offer W.:W theology.320 The language they used was direct and simple, without much '. ,11, thus properly suited for the propaganda campaign They launched in 1530s into the 1: h- speaking territories.
Conclusion
The first half of the sixteenth century, from the church history per:;r witnessed a fierce controversy among theologians over the sacrament of .'
Gabrielle Berthoud has rightly described it by saying: "Very few topics wen passionately discussed in the sixteenth century as was the doctrine of the eudFt.1 i
Attacks, expositions, ripostes, defenses followed each other in rapid sUCceSS.h.Jn
Catholics, Lutherans, sacramentaires, Calvinists expanded their knowledge, elOql.JCTiC' even their virulence, for or against the mass.,,321
320 Berthoud, 1973, p. 270.
32\ Berthoud, 1973, p. 265. (my translation). 96
The debate started as early as 1520 between Luther and the Catholic establishment, and a few years later involved Zwingli as weIl. But, quite rapidly they were caught up in an open and harsh theological quarre!. How could that be possible, for the list of the issues upon which Zwingli and Luther were in agreement was impressive: both rejected the authority of the pope and accepted Scripture instead as the only normative principle (sola Scriptura); both acceptedjustification by faith alone (solafide), communion in both kinds, denial of the seven sacraments and the authority of tradition, rejection of the celibacy of the clergy and these were only a few doctrines on which they found a common ground. However, that could not happen on what was to become the most debated topic among the theologians in the first half of the sixteenth century, namely the eucharist.
Interpretation of the chalcedonian dogma concerning the person and natures of
Christ was the departure point in the debate for both Luther and Zwingli. However, whereas for Luther the union of the two natures in Christ was the ground for the bodily presence in the sacrament, for Zwingli, it was an argument that rendered this presence unattainable. In other words, Luther' s Christology is shaped by his understanding of the sacrament, while for Zwingli Christological argument validates his sacramentology.322
After the acrimonious persona! encounter at the Marburg Colloquy in 1529, their positions remained unchanged.
Undoubtedly, to the authors published by Pierre de Vingle in Neuchâtel the
Roman mass also was one of the main targets, for it was considered the greatest error that virtually was keeping the whole of Christendom in bondage. By their tracts and
322 Mac KenZle, . p.. 9 97 pamphlets they intended to denounce such a superstition and help simple folks to understand what Scripture was teaching about the Lord's Supper.
The author of Les Faictz, and Marcourt have clearly appropriated Luther's and
Zwingli's efforts to reach this goal. Despite the multitude of similarities between them, it is not possible to identify the precise track of the borrowings. However, whereas the content of the attack against the mass as a sacrifice is common to aIl reformers, it is obvious that in their works, they chiefly employed the same arguments that Zwingli used in his eucharistie theology. ActuaIly, the eucharistie teaching exposed by the author of
Les Faictz and Marcourt can clearly be regarded as specifically Zwinglian, for they, over and over again, insist on terms such as "remembrance" and "memory", saying that the death and passion of Christ should be continuously remembered, and that the Last Supper should be interpreted as a symbolic commemoration.
In short, their Zwingli an argumentation can briefly be summarized as follows: the
Lord's Supper is not a sacrifice as the Roman Church sustains. On the contrary, Christ's perfect sacrifice was offered "once for al!." In the eucharist the body and blood of Christ are not really present, since he is in heaven at the right hand of God the Father; consequently, the bread and wine only signify them. The words of institution do not have to be taken literaIly, but figuratively. Transubstantiation is a pure human invention; the
Bible saying nothing about it. Thus, the language should not be ambiguous, what Bible says should be expressed c1early and taken in its plainest meaning. And lastly, what cornes out of the mass, that is, its fruits, proves that it has originated not in God but in the devil, fact that legitimates any means used to destroy it. 98
Conclusion
If the Reformation and the printed word can be generally considered as two realities closely interconnected, this is particularly true in the French-speaking territories.
Here religious reform was sustained by a significant body of printed literature. Among the earliest contributions to this genre falls the polemical series of theological texts published in French in Neuchâtel between 1533-1535 by Pierre de Vingle. The main objective of this dissertation has been to prove that Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape, one of
Vingle's publications and the only illustrated book of the early French Reformation, although evidently tied to the Lutheran tract Passional Christi und Antichristi, is a distinct work that emerged from a different theological milieu and was aimed also to play a specifie role in the religious turmoil of 1530s in France. Our comparative analysis of the two illustrated pamphlets unveiled a series of similarities and differences that finally demonstrate them to be distinct. Thus, both the Passional and Les Faictz are organized around the same structural pattern: a title page, running titles, opposing woodcuts
(representing Jesus on the left hand page, and the pope on the right) with a certain amount oftext beneath, and a final exhortation. Moreover, Les Faictz, for fifteen out of sixteen of its pairs of contrasts, borrowed the woodcut illustrations from both the Strasburg edition
(for Jesus's depiction), and the Wittenberg Latin edition (for the pope's sequence).
However, the same structural elements nonetheless set them apart as two distinct compositions: their title pages are different; the running titles of Les Faictz are in the form of thematic rhymed couplets whereas those of the Passional simply repeat the title of the work. The amount of text also is significantly different: in the Wittenberg edition the image plays the main task, that of conveying the message; in the Neuchâtel version, 99 the text becomes the primary vehicle for communicating the message, the visual image serving as illustration for the text rather than vice versa. For sorne pairs of contrasts the increase is as much as ten times. Likewise, there are a few significant dissimilarities regarding the structure and content of the text: the French edition, unlike the German, has a prologue after the title page, and also ends with a long "Epistre profitable", a didactic letter addressed to the reader.
Nonetheless, the most important difference between the two editions is the addition to Les Faictz of a significant, lengthy sacramentarian section that proved to be instrumental to identifying the specific theological setting out of which the text arose.
From a larger perspective, the attack against the mass began as early as 1520 when Luther expressed his new understanding regarding the sacrament of the altar. However, the eucharistic debates started in eamest when Zwingli came in with his symbolic interpretation of the words of consecration, thus provo king a long and harsh controversy with the Wittenberg reformer. It is apparent from the study of Antoine Marcourt's eucharistic works that the radical evangelicals whose works were printed by Pierre de
Vingle espoused entirely Zwingli's memorialist sacramental theology. Les Faictz makes no exception, for its sacramentarian section also promotes a Zwinglian perspective on the mass: the sacrifice of the mass is attacked, the doctrine of the real presence and transubstantiation are refuted, and throughout the argument reflects the theology of the
Zurich reformer both in form and content. This helps to explain why the Neuchâtel adaptation could playon both sides, that is, by addressing Catholics in France as well as
Lutherans in Germany, as evidenced by the 1546 edition published in German.
It is also worth noting that Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape is the only print issued from Vingle's press that made use of humanistic leaming. Whether he referred to 100
Macrobius, Lucian of Samosata, Apuleius, Aulus Gellius or Titus Livy, by employing an original hermeneutic the anonymous writer sought to emphasize the contrast between the evangelical and papal principles. Thus, in direct opposition to the Scripture's teaching, the pope is shown to crave worldly power, while the church has become the most powerful and wealthy institution ruled according to humanly-created principles; nor did the multitude of ceremonies and other pagan practices help clergy at aIl to improve their morality. By uncovering the church's intrinsic deficiencies, the author considered he would direct his readers toward a better understanding of the ecclesiastical institution they rely upon for their salvation.
Finally, it might be said that, although the outcome of this study could be improved by further research, the present thesis realized a substantive insight into one of the most interesting works used by the radical French reformers of the 1530s in their evangelical propaganda campaign against the Catholic establishment. The structural and textual scrutiny helped to locate with more accuracy Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du
Pape in the wider category of the satiricalliterature published in the French- and German speaking territories. Certainly, another important contribution of this dissertation is its analysis of the classical sources employed in Les Faictz, fact that revealed much of the author' s learning and purposes as weIl. Last but not least, the investigation of the long newly added antithesis proved beyond any doubt that the work belongs to the category of the sacramentarian writings that aimed at no less than the abolition of the mass and the reestablishment of the Lord's Supper in its apostolic simplicity.
Even though initially envisaged to address the sixteenth-century reader, study of
Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape has demonstrated that, in terms of its thematic, it 101 can also challenge the modem reader involving him in a provocative theological joumey which, in many ways, reveals issues that are still waiting for a fully adequate approach. 102
APPENDIX*
• Photographs used in this Appendix were supplied by Reinhard Bodenmann (Fig. 1,8,9, 13b) and William Kemp (Fig. 2a, 2b, 3-7, 10-13a, 14, 15). 103
Fig. 1
The title page of the Wittenberg German edition of Passional Christi und Antichristi. '] )
"(jîr_.'·. i::K~ .'Ol;:,J". ' '"' •.',tm9
...... Fig.2a Fig.2b o ..j::>. Christ rejects the crown offered him The pope in front of the emperor, by the Jews. seemingly displaying submission, in fact c1aiming his temporal power. ') 'j
'_t.I~_.;
Fig. 3
The second pair of antitheses in Passional Christi und Antichristi: o- Jesus is crowned with thorns whereas VI the pope receives the triple crown. ) )
Fig. 4
th ...... The 12 pair of contrasts in Passional Christi und Antichristi: o 0'1 Jesus drives the vendors out of the temple; the pope signs indulgences and receives money. 107
Fig. 5
th th The two additional antitheses (the 13 and 14 ) in the Strasbourg edition of the Passional.
00 00 o o
-
• •
/ /
-) -)
the the
Pape: Pape:
~tl(!P3Pê~~~~~ttou'lJu~i'6tto~~~blfllott ~tl(!P3Pê~~~~~ttou'lJu~i'6tto~~~blfllott
du du
and and
et et
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Ei Ei
Christ Christ
in in
"E" "E"
Jesus Jesus
de de
rC. rC.
Eiv Eiv
small small the
6 6
in in
Faictz Faictz
rO, rO,
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in in
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used used
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~t(#\ttè·"Lf/'. . ri> ...'··,nti~$batêt~ .:>' ,. ··,~~,lJi@·~~~,,~M),> ... , .•... "'" '~:llt~~~~~~4'~~1J,4~~~
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...... Fig. 7 o '" The 10th pair of contrasts from Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape. With a single exception, this is the structural pattern of an opening. 110
~~X8E,5T' ,~9esmm, ,AGLJ!Cl'i0,&li'l!1 ' . ~ibi~ . ",
Fig. 8
The title page of the Wittemberg Latin edition of Passion al Christi und Antichristi called Antithesis figurata vitae Christi et Anthichristi ') )
Fig. 9
The title pages of the Strasbourg edition of Passional Christi und ..... Antichristi (on the left) and of Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du ..... Pape (on the right). ) )
Fig. 10 -- N-- The 3rd antithesis from the Wittenberg German edition of the Passional illustrating the kissing scene. The running title aIso is easy readable on the top of the woodcuts. " ) )
~;jfiœ~·r~J.··.·:f. '~~~l~m,~iî:~r~i~~. ~"_.,' 'o. ',:: '.',~.Jr
...... Fig. Il w The 5th contrast from the Wittenberg Latin edition of the Passional. The running title bears only the names ofthe two protagonists: CHRISTVS and ANTICHRISTVS, respectively. ) )
3f~U$'t),~Jgij·~f(~&iêWtitïi·e41lJ~rej;
~ilWflt~1ijiÎjfuq.
~aqî~O:(I~
·~lifJJ{qs,.
Fig. 12 The Neuchâtel edition (on the right) reproduces from the Strasbourg - edition of the Passional (on the left) the Latin phrases posted on the -..j::>. extemal edge of the woodcuts. -) )
Fig.13a Fig. 13b ...... The block from the Strasbourg edition (13a) which served as model for the papal woodcut (13b) VI of the 13 th antithesis from the Neuchâtel version. 116
B21!l1ati'lk CnIC(li1'
Fig. 14
The 6th pair of contrasts from the Strasbourg and Neuchâtel editions: the text has increased about ten fold in the French version.
-...J -...J
......
......
) )
~(lu1tOlt. ~(lu1tOlt.
.. ..
Jesus Jesus
host. host. the
illustrating illustrating
elevating elevating
Pape Pape
du du
pope pope
et et
the the
Christ Christ
and and
Jesus Jesus
15 15
~It;J'ijp~~qli~;~f1~ttJJ~[.(~rAet(tu~ ~It;J'ijp~~qli~;~f1~ttJJ~[.(~rAet(tu~
de de
disciples disciples
Fig. Fig.
his his
Faictz Faictz
with with
Les Les
bread bread
from from
and and
wine wine
the the
ofwoodcuts ofwoodcuts
pair pair
th th
15
partaking partaking
The The ':I~fl1.r~~ij~~?i§ii~i~,(,ti~b~~f9;;tUQ~t1;:P~lirt~»~ ':I~fl1.r~~ij~~?i§ii~i~,(,ti~b~~f9;;tUQ~t1;:P~lirt~»~ -) --)
Jesus Christ ( C ) The pope (P) 1C. Jesus Christ fuyt le royaulme terrien. 1P. Mais le Pape par force le faict sien. 2C. Jesus d' espine si est couronne piteusement. 2P. Et le pape de pierrerie et or sumptueusement. 3C. Jesus a ses disciples lave les piedz. 3P. Mais ceulx du pape par les Roys sont baisez. 4C. Jesus Christ paye tribut et toutes impositions. 4P. Les papisticques de tout sont francz par fulminations. SC. Christ humble aux malades donne guerison. SP. L'orgueil du pape s'esjouyten occision. 6C. Jesus porte sa croix en grand douleur. 6P. Le pape est porte en grand honneur. 7C. Jesus donne a ses brebis la pasture. 7P. Le pape n' a que de sa pance cure. 8C. En paovrete et paix Jesus est ne. 8P. L'orgueilleux pape a guerre est ad donne. 9C. Sur l' asne vient Jesus doulx et bening. 9P. Le pape aux champs sur gros roncin.
10C. Jesus toute avarice aux apostres deffend. 1OP. Mais le pape les biens du monde prent. Il C. Jesus aux choses externes point ne se arreste. 11P. Le pape d'icelles tant seulement nous faict feste. 12C. Du temple Jesus chasse tous vivriers. 12P. Ausquelz le pape tout livre pour deniers. 13C. Es cieulx veult Jesus que soit nostre tresor. 13P. Sur terre ne demande l'autre que or. 14C. Jesus repaist ses brebis amiablement. 14 P. Le pape les devore trescruellement. 1SC. Jesus la Cene ordonne, en niemoire de sa mort et passion. 1SP. Et le pape la messe controuve, chief de toute abusion. 16C. Jesus es cieulx monte en toute liesse. 16P. Le pape en enfer tombe en grand destresse.
Table 1
The running titles couplets from Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape that introduce the theme of each pair of antitheses.
...... 00 119
STRASBOURG NEUCHATEL WITTENBERG (LATIN)
IC ~ ~ IC-IP ~ ~ IP
2C ~ ~ 2C-2P ~ ~ 2P
3C ~ ~ 3C-3P ~ ~ 3P
4C ~ ~ 4C-4P ~ ~ 4P
SC ~ ~ , SC-SP ~ ~ SP
6C ~ ~ 6C-6P ~ ~ 6P
7C ~ ~ 7C-7P ~ ~ 7P
8C (similar, not identical) 8C-8P ~ ~ 8P
9C ~ ~ 9C-9P ~ ~ 9P
IOC ~ ~ IOC-IOP ~ ~ IOP
HC ~ ~ HC-HP ~ ~ HP
12C ~ ~ 12C-12P ~ ~ 12P
13C-13P ~ ~ 13C-13P
14C-14P ~ ~ 14C -14P
ISC-ISP
ISC ~ ~ 16C-16P ~ ~ 13P
Table 2 The woodcuts correspondence of the three editions. For the first twelve pairs the pattern is consistent: in the Neuchâtel edition the woodcut for Christ (C) cornes from the Strasbourg th edition (except the 8 ), whereas the scene for the pope ( P ) is taken from the Latin edition. The 13 th and 14th pairs are from the Strasbourg version, while for the last contrast the pattern is regained. The 15th pair only is totally new in the Neuchâtel version. 120
1. Matthew 6:12.14.15 (, 24:23-27 11 26:26-28 2. Mark 13:21.22 14:22.24 5 16:19 3. Luke 6:37 7 22:14-18.20 4. John 1:29 4:23.24 6:35.40.47.50.63 13 11 :51.52 14:6 17:20.21 5. Acts of the 1:11 Apostles 3:19-21 5 4:12 6. Romans 3:23-25 5:1.2.8-11 10 6:9 7. 1 Corinthians 1:10 10:17 12 11: 17.19.21-26.28.33 8. 2 Corinthians 13:5 1 9. Galatians 3:28 1 10. Ephesians 2:13.14.18 7 5:23.25-27 11. Colossians 1:19.20 4 3:1.2 12. 1 Timothy 2:5 1 13. Hebrews 1:3 2:10.14.17.18 4:14-16 5:5-10 52 7:23-28 8:1.2.4 9:11-19.21-28 10: 1-4.9-14.17.18 14. 1 Peter 1:18.19 2 15. 1 John 1:7 3 2:1.2 16. Revelation 1:5.6 2
Table 3 The biblical verses employed by the author of Les Faictz de Jesus Christ et du Pape in the new 12-page long sacramentarian addition. He cited from 16 out of the 27 books of the New Testament, and from a total of 136 verses, no less than 52 are from the Epistle to the Hebrews, which represents about 40 %. 121
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