(385–433) Produced a Body of Writings That Articulated a Strongly Eschatological Worldview

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(385–433) Produced a Body of Writings That Articulated a Strongly Eschatological Worldview xie lingyun on awakening 127 chapter five Xie LinGyun on AwakeninG At the end of his political life, Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 (385–433) produced a body of writings that articulated a strongly eschatological worldview. Sometimes his perspective is expressed through the ‘ascension’ motif, which not only benefits from the ‘poetry of roaming transcendents’ (you- xian shi 遊仙詩) and ‘mysterious words poetry’ (xuanyan shi 玄言詩) Xie inherited, but, more importantly, this body of his late work depicts expe- riences of awakening.1 Although he may have been of little significance in the intellectual history of medieval China, his synthesis of Daoism, Buddhism, and Confucianism became a major factor in the formation of a new aesthetic and ethic in the literary tradition.2 Most prominent in Xie’s writing are the philosophical statements appended to most of his land- scape poems, a practice that has been regarded as a poetic flaw. This unique aesthetic had much to do with the intellectual trends of his time, especially the influence of Buddhism. Xie Lingyun’s apparent devotion to Buddhism may have resulted from his turbulent political life. From an early age, Xie had enjoyed high praise from his grandfather Xie Xuan 玄 (343–88) and his uncle Xie Hun 混 (d. 412) for his unusual intelligence, learning, and writing ability. The Xie family was one of the most prestigious of the Eastern Jin dynasty (316– 420), mainly because of Xie Xuan’s and Xie An’s 安 (320–85) crucial exploits. Xie Xuan saved the vulnerable Jin dynasty when he won the crit- ical battle of the Fei River 淝水 (in modern Anhui province) in 383, defeat- ing the invasion from the north of Former Qin 前秦 troops led by Fu Jian 苻堅 (338–85). This victory was also ascribed to Xie An, Grand Marshal of the Jin troops, under whose direction the Jin later regained Luoyang and several prefectures captured by their enemies from the north.3 Lingyun 1 Xiao Chi, “Dasheng fojiao,” 60–68. I thank the author for drawing my attention to this article by sending me an offprint. 2 Examples of critics of his intellectual contributions include Tang Yongtong, who argues that Xie did not present any views of his own but merely elaborated the main arguments of Zhu Daosheng 竺道生 (355–434). See Tang, Wei Jin xuanxue lun gao, 112. More recently, Guo Peng criticizes Xie for his superficial, mistaken synthesis of Buddhism and Confucianism. See Guo, Zhongguo fojiao sixiang shi, 303–4. 3 JS, 79.2074, 2080–83. 128 chapter five inherited Xuan’s title as Duke of Kangle 康樂公 and enjoyed high emolu- ment and prestige during the late Jin. This privilege could have continued had Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422) not overthrown the Jin and founded his new Song dynasty (420–79). As Xie Lingyun’s political power and status gradually declined, he attached him- self to Liu Yizhen 義真 (407–24), Prince of Luling 廬陵 and heir presump- tive of Liu Yu, hoping with his help to regain his losses. The premature, untimely death of Yizhen brought about the rapid decline of Xie’s politi- cal career, and slander, persecution, and demotion drove him further from political life. The life of luxury in which he indulged at his vast villa in Shining 始寧 (in modern Zhejiang province), a family property origi- nally owned by Xie Xuan, provided fertile ground for writing his land- scape poetry, which was often presented in conjunction with personal frustration, contemplation on life, and transcendent thought. His poetic works would lead one to believe that Xie Lingyun had succeeded in tran- scending worldly values, including personal political ambitions, but the cause of his tragic end—he was executed for revolting against the Song— proves that his efforts in this regard were not completely successful.4 Like monks and laymen of the Mount Lu 廬山 Buddhist sect, such as the famous recluse Liu Chengzhi 劉程之 (354–410) and the painter Zong Bing 宗炳 (375–443), Xie Lingyun was drawn to landscape as a medium for his religious meditation and poetic presentation of enlightenment. Xie portrayed enlightenment in his poems as a discovery, and usually included a dictum on enlightenment in the ending lines of his poems. Richard B. Mather’s article on Xie’s “landscape Buddhism,” published in 1958, represents a uniquely probing examination of Xie Lingyun’s rela- tionship with Buddhism.5 Prior to this publication, there had been no serious critical attempt by modern scholars to analyze Xie’s works in light of relevant philosophical and religious backgrounds. In the early 1980s, Chinese and Japanese scholarship demonstrated a new appreciation and 4 Songshu, 67.1743, 1753–54, 1772, 1774–77. Historians now agree that Xie’s charge of revolt may have been fabricated and that the real reason for his execution was probably his unrepentant arrogance. See for example Lin Wen-yüeh, Xie Lingyun, 170; Gu Shaobo, “Qianyan” 前言, XLYJ, 15–16. See also chapter six for further discussion of Xie’s revolt. 5 Mather, “The Landscape Buddhism of the Fifth Century Poet Hsieh Ling-yün,” 67–79. This was the first use of the term “landscape Buddhism.” J. D. Frodsham’s discus- sion of the Buddhist background of Xie’s time is another great achievement. See Frod- sham, The Murmuring Stream, vol: 1, 102–3. Paul Demiéville denies Buddhism had any significant influence on Xie’s poetry. He argues that Buddhism served as a catalyst only in new literary movements during the fourth and fifth centuries. Demiéville, “La mon- tagne dans l’art littéraire chinois,” 377..
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