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Shakespeare's Elizabethan Public
University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository Electronic Theses and Dissertations 1-1925 Shakespeare's Elizabethan public. Joseph Anderson Burns University of Louisville Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/etd Recommended Citation Burns, Joseph Anderson, "Shakespeare's Elizabethan public." (1925). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 182. https://doi.org/10.18297/etd/182 This Master's Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. This title appears here courtesy of the author, who has retained all other copyrights. For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNIVERSITY OF LOUISVILLE SHAKESPEARE'S ELIZABETHAN PUBLIC A Dissertation SUbm! tted to the Faculty Of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Department of English By Joseph Anderson Burns 1925. 7 Of all the arts drama is the most democratic. Other forms of artistic and aesthebic expression, literature, music, painting, may be cultivated in solitude. not so the drama. It is demanded by the public; produced for the public nd unless it is ~pproved by the public ito doom is certain. r/hy it; is that the drama can- not at any time break away from the .t.."as ...• es, prejudices, and ide 1 of the public for which it s written, M. Edelstand Du · eril has 1. -
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Early Theatre 9.2 Issues in Review Lucy Munro, Anne Lancashire, John Astington, and Marta Straznicky Popular Theatre and the Red Bull Governing the Pen to the Capacity of the Stage: Reading the Red Bull and Clerkenwell In his introduction to Early Theatre’s Issues in Review segment ‘Reading the Elizabethan Acting Companies’, published in 2001, Scott McMillin called for an approach to the study of early modern drama which takes theatre companies as ‘the organizing units of dramatic production’. Such an approach will, he suggests, entail reading plays ‘more fully than we have been trained to do, taking them not as authorial texts but as performed texts, seeing them as collaborative endeavours which involve the writers and dozens of other theatre people, and placing the staged plays in a social network to which both the players and audiences – perhaps even the playwrights – belonged’.1 We present here a variation on this approach: three essays that focus on the Red Bull theatre and its Clerkenwell locality. Rather than focusing on individual companies, we take the playhouse and location as our organising principle. Nonetheless, we are dealing with precisely the kind of decentring activity that McMillin had in mind, examining early drama through collaborative performance, through performance styles and audience taste, and through the presentation of a theatrical repertory in print. Each essay deals with a different ‘social network’: Anne Lancashire re-examines the evidence for the London Clerkenwell play, a multi-day biblical play performed by clerks in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries; John Astington takes a look at acting traditions and repertory composition at the Red Bull and its fellow in the northern suburbs, Golden Lane’s Fortune playhouse; and Marta Straznicky looks at questions relating to the audience for Red Bull plays in the playhouse and the print-shop. -
1 Working with Lost Plays: “2 Fortune's Tennis” and the Admiral's Men
Working with lost plays: “2 Fortune’s Tennis” and the Admiral’s men David McInnis This chapter has a dual purpose: first, to revisit the most neglected of backstage plots (the plot commonly referred to as “2 Fortune’s Tennis”) and ask new questions about the information it provides; and second, to offer this inquiry as a case study of the methodology, aims and limitations of working with lost plays. “2 Fortune’s Tennis” has been dismissed by W. W. Greg and others as the “the most fragmentary of all the plots,” and for this reason remains the least studied of such documents.1 The title itself is a best-guess reconstruction: it appears in severely mutilated form (with substantial lacunae) as “The [plot of the sec]ond part of fortun[e’s tenn]is”.2 The precise date of the plot is uncertain (ca. 1597-1602), but scholars are confident in attributing it to the Admiral’s men, either at the Rose or the Fortune. On the rare occasion that this plot is discussed, scholarship focuses on questions of casting, on biographical information pertaining to the actors it names, and on the date and provenance of the document itself. The desire of some critics to associate the plot with an independently known play title like “Fortunatus” or “The Set at Tennis” has caused further confusion.3 Yet much of the clearest evidence that this plot contains— the names of characters in the play—has been ignored. This chapter focuses on the characters named in the plot, and asks questions concerning company commerce and repertorial strategy. -
3D Computer Modelling the Rose Playhouse Phase I (1587- 1591) and Phase II (1591-1606)
3D Computer Modelling The Rose Playhouse Phase I (1587- 1591) and Phase II (1591-1606) *** Research Document Compiled by Dr Roger Clegg Computer Model created by Dr Eric Tatham, Mixed Reality Ltd. 1 BLANK PAGE 2 Contents Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………….………………….………………6-7 Foreword…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….9-10 1. Introduction……………………..………...……………………………………………………….............………....11-15 2. The plot of land 2.1 The plot………………………………………………..………………………….………….……….……..…17-19 2.2 Sewer and boundary ditches……………………………………………….……………….………….19-23 3. The Rose playhouse, Phase I (1587-1591) 3.1 Bridges and main entrance……………………..……………………………………,.……………….25-26 3.2 Exterior decoration 3.2.1 The sign of the Rose…………………………………………………………………………27-28 3.2.2 Timber frame…………………………………………………..………………………………28-31 3.3. Walls…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….32-33 3.3.1 Outer walls………………………………………………………….…………………………..34-36 3.3.2 Windows……………………………………………………………..…………...……………..37-38 3.3.3 Inner walls………………………………………………………………………………………39-40 3.4 Timber superstructure…………………………………………….……….…………….…….………..40-42 3.4.1 The Galleries………………………………………………..…………………….……………42-47 3.4.2 Jutties……………………………………………………………...….…………………………..48-50 3.5 The yard………………………………………………………………………………………….…………….50-51 3.5.1 Relative heights………………………………………………...……………...……………..51-57 3.5.2. Main entrance to the playhouse……………………………………………………….58-61 3.6. ‘Ingressus’, or entrance into the lower gallery…………………………..……….……………62-65 3.7 Stairways……………………………………………………………………………………………………....66-71 -
Theater and Neighborhood in Shakespeare's
ENGLISH 8720: Theater and Neighborhood in Shakespeare’s London Spring Semester 2013 Professor Christopher Highley Classroom: Scott Lab N0044 Class time: Fri 11:10-2:05 Office: Denney 558; 292-1833 Office Hours: Wed 10-2 and by appointment [email protected] Class Description: This class will examine the different theatrical neighborhoods of Early Modern London in which the plays of Shakespeare and his contemporaries were performed. We will pay special attention to three neighborhoods: Southwark, on the south-bank of the River Thames, was home to the Globe, the Rose, and several other ampitheaters; Blackfriars, an ex-monastic Liberty inside the walls of the City, was home to indoor theaters; and Clerkenwell, northwest of the City, was the location of the Fortune and Red Bull playhouses. When and for what reasons was playing first attracted to these areas? What political, economic, demographic, and social conditions allowed playing to survive here? What local neighborhood pressures shaped the identity and fortunes of these venues? Did the location of a playhouse determine the composition of its audience and thus the kinds of plays performed? Did playwrights build awareness of the playhouse neighborhood into their plays? We will read representative plays from each of the theaters we study (for exxmple, Jonson's The Alchemist, and Beaumont’s Knight of the Burning Pestle for the Blackfriars), but we will also devote much of our attention to the social and theatrical documents that reveal how theaters functioned within specific neighborhoods. We will look at the documents of royal, metropolitan, and ecclesiastical authorities, along with petitions of neighborhood residents, contemporary accounts of playgoing, and anti-theatrical tracts. -
GLOBE THEATER in ODESSA, TEXAS Major Professor Minor
A PROPOSED RECONSTRUCTION OP Till ELIZABETHAN GLOBE THEATER IN ODESSA, TEXAS APPROVED! Major Professor Minor Professor Director of the Department of Bngllah © School A PROPOSED RECONSTRUCTION OF THE ELIZABETHAN GLOBE THEATER IN ODESSA, TEXAS THESIS Presented to the Graduate Ootaaeil of th« North Texas State College In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of MASTER OP ARTS By 1S 0 i) 9 d Marjorle Rogers Morris, B. A. Odessa, Texas August, 1950 180098 fABLE OP CONTENTS Pag© PREFACE. It LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. ................ vl Chapter I. THE ORIGINS OP THE ELIZABETHAN THEATER. ... 1 II. THE ELIZABETHAN PLAYHOUSES 12 The Theater The Curtain The Newington Butts The Rose The Swan The Fortune The Red Bull The Hope III. THE GREAT GLOBE ITSELF. ........... 41 IV. REPRODUCTIONS AID MODELS OP THE GLOBE THEATER .................. 81 Theaters Miniatures V. THE PROPOSED RECONSTRUCTION OP THE GLOBE THEATER IN ODESSA, TEXAS. ......... 105 VI. CONCLUSION. .......... 120 BIBLIOGRAPHY- 126 111 PREFACE The Shakespeare Club of Odessa High School has as its major project the promotion of a full-si jsed applies of the Elizabethan Glob® of Southwark, England, reconstructed on the prairies of West Texas* The purpose of this study is to determine as accurately as possible fro» an examina- tion of contemporary records and from interpretations of scholars what the structure and conventions of the Globe Theater were in the hope that the projected reconstruction of the theater in Odessa may be as near the original as is possible and feasible, I am deeply grateful to those scholars of Shakespeare whose years of tireless research have made my study an en- riching and satisfying experience. -
Shakespearian Space-Men Spatial Rules in London’S Early Playhouses
Chapter 7 Shakespearian Space-Men Spatial Rules in London’s Early Playhouses Ruth Nugent Introduction ith their distinctive circular-polygonal shape,Copy London’s early play- Whouses were a short-lived architectural phenomenon. The two ear- liest short-lived playhouses were probably rectangular (Bowsher 2011: 456–57) and likely developed out of pre-existing buildings; the Red Lion (1567) was in a Middlesex farmhouse courtyard, and the Newington Butts (c. 1575) playhouse was of unknown form converted from a ‘mes- sauge’ of tenements or domestic dwellings (Wickham, Berry and Ingram 2000: 290, 320). The major circular/polygonal purpose-built playhouses were constructed between 1576 and 1614, excepting the Fortune which was originally rectangular. These were: the Theatre (1576), the Curtain (1577), the Swan (c. 1596), the Rose (1587), the Globe (1599), the Fortune (1600) (rectangular) and the Hope (1613–14) (Wickham, Berry and Ingram 2000; Mackinder et al. 2013). Those not already defunct were closed by Parliament in 1642, meaning the first ‘playhouse period’ only spanned around seventy-five years. As vernacular buildings designed by the the- atricalAuthor community, playhouses were unique, purpose-built venues for theatre’s new era of commercialism. Yet despite their unusual design, playhouses also present a concise architectural expression of evolving spatial rules in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Late Elizabethan and early Jacobean architectural culture, of which playhouses were a product, were designed to underpin a complex net- work of state-enforced social identity linked to spatial zones. As will be Shakespearian Space-Men 149 shown, where a body appeared within a defined spatial plane, particularly vertical planes, was a vital demarcation of social identity. -
1 Introduction by Grace Ioppolo in 1619, the Celebrated Actor Edward
Introduction by Grace Ioppolo In 1619, the celebrated actor Edward Alleyn founded Dulwich College, a boys’ school originally called ‘God’s Gift of Dulwich College’, as part of his charitable foundation, which also included a chapel and twelve almshouses.1 As part of his estate, Alleyn left thousands of pages of his personal professional papers as well as those of his father-in-law and business partner, the entrepreneur Philip Henslowe, to the College in perpetuity. Some of the papers, including the invaluable account book of theatrical expenses now known as Henslowe’s Diary, suffered minor damage over the centuries. Yet these papers recording playhouse construction, theatre company management, the relationships of actors and dramatists with their employers, and the interaction of royal and local officials in theatre performance and production remained largely intact. Although Henslowe’s Diary and other original volumes such as the play-text of The Telltale retained their original bindings, thousands of loose documents, including muniments, deeds, leases, indentures, contracts, letters, and receipts remained uncatalogued and in their original state (included folded into packets, as in the case of letters). Scholars and theatre professionals such as David Garrick, Edmond Malone, John Payne Collier and J. O. Halliwell made use of Dulwich College’s library in the 18th and 19th centuries, sometimes borrowing and then not returning bound volumes and loose manuscripts to use in their research on the theatre history of Shakespeare and his contemporaries. In the 1870s, the governors of Dulwich College accepted the offer of George F. Warner, a keeper of manuscripts at the British Museum, to conserve and catalogue this collection of the single most important archive of documents relating to 16th and 17th century performance and production. -
Records Ofearfv~ English Drama
:I'M! - 1982 :1 r P" A newsletter published by University of Toronto Press in association with Erindale College, University of Toronto and Manchester University Press . JoAnna Dutka, editor Records ofEarfv~ English Drama The biennial bibliography of books and articles on records of drama and minstrelsy contributed by Ian Lancashire (Erindale College, University of Toronto) begins this issue ; John Coldewey (University of Washington) discusses records of waits in Nottinghamshire and what the activities of the waits there suggest to historians of drama ; David Mills (University of Liverpool) presents new information on the iden- tity of Edward Gregory, believed to be the scribe of the Huntington manuscript of the Chester cycle. IAN LANCASHIRE Annotated bibliography of printed records of early British drama and minstrelsy for 1980-81 This list, covering publications up to 1982 that concern documentary or material records of performers and performance, is based on a wide search of recent books, periodicals, and record series publishing evidence of pre-18th-century British history, literature, and archaeology . Some remarkable achievements have appeared in these years. Let me mention seven, in the areas of material remains, civic and town records, household papers, and biography . Brian Hope-Taylor's long-awaited report on the excavations at Yeavering, Northumberland, establishes the existence of a 7th-century theatre modelled on Roman structures . R.W. Ingram has turned out an edition of the Coventry records for REED that discovers rich evidence from both original and antiquarian papers, more than we dared hope from a city so damaged by fire and war. The Malone Society edition of the Norfolk and Suffolk records by David Galloway and John Wasson is an achievement of a different sort : the collection of evidence from 41 towns has presented them unusual editorial problems, in the solv- ing of which both editors and General Editor Richard Proudfoot have earned our gratitude . -
Repertory by Genre at Lisle's Tennis Court
A University of Sussex PhD thesis Available online via Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/ This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Please visit Sussex Research Online for more information and further details UNIVERSITY OF SUSSEX LANA MARIE HARPER PHD ENGLISH THE DEVELOPMENT OF EARLY ENGLISH PLAYHOUSES, 1560-1670 I hereby declare that this thesis has not been and will not be submitted in whole or in part to another university for the award of any other degree Signature: Lana M Harper Abstract This thesis presents a study of playhouse spaces and the theatre industry in early modern England, and how they developed from 1560-1670. The period considered spans the English civil wars and Commonwealth to complicate the notion of a cessation of theatrical activity in 1642, and argues against the division of theatre history into distinct Renaissance and Restoration periods. The study builds on recent scholarly trends which have productively read early modern playing companies as consistent cultural entities with individual identities, by extending and applying this methodology to playhouse spaces. As such, this thesis proposes that all early modern playhouses had unique identities, and suggests that the frequent division into amphitheatre and indoor playhouses can produce an oversimplified binary with homogenising consequences. -
PLAYHOUSES Gabriel Egan
12. PLAYHOUSES Gabriel Egan RAMA DOES NOT NEED purpose-built venues. celebrated actor Richard, and his brother-in-law, John Most of the scripts produced in the 2,500-year his Brayne. Nine years earlier, Brayne had dipped his toe D tory of recorded drama can be performed quite into theater building by installing temporary galleries adequately outdoors or within any room large enough to and a stage, with an accompanying tower or turret, in hold the performers and spectators. However, to give large the garden of the Red Lion farm in Stepney, but for the numbers of spectators a reasonable view of the action, and Theatre he and Burbage borrowed heavily to produce to charge them effectivelyYor the privilege, a custom-built something substantial: a timber-framed amphitheater performance space is needed. The ancient Greeks, whose on firm foundations, with a thatched roof and a plas culture flourished in the centuries before Christ, per tered exterior (Egan). The Red Lion does not count as the formed their plays outdoors in increasingly sophisti first purpose-built venue because it was merely a tempo cated stone amphitheaters that took advantage of natural rary construction without foundations, built for a par hollows in the ground to arrange the audience in an arc ticular set of performances. around the performers. The Roman culture that flourished Burbage and Brayne's decision to call their permanent in the first 600 years after Christ copied the Greek design building the Theatre evoked the old Roman amphitheaters, but also produced freestanding urban theaters. Instead of and visitors to London commented that it looked like one, putting the spectators in shallow tiers of seats, the Roman being virtually round although made of wood and plaster urban theater stacked them in a vertical tube of galleries; rather than stone. -
Popular Theatre and the Red Bull
Early Theatre 9.2 Issues in Review Lucy Munro, Anne Lancashire, John Astington, and Marta Straznicky Popular Theatre and the Red Bull Governing the Pen to the Capacity of the Stage: Reading the Red Bull and Clerkenwell In his introduction to Early Theatre’s Issues in Review segment ‘Reading the Elizabethan Acting Companies’, published in 2001, Scott McMillin called for an approach to the study of early modern drama which takes theatre companies as ‘the organizing units of dramatic production’. Such an approach will, he suggests, entail reading plays ‘more fully than we have been trained to do, taking them not as authorial texts but as performed texts, seeing them as collaborative endeavours which involve the writers and dozens of other theatre people, and placing the staged plays in a social network to which both the players and audiences – perhaps even the playwrights – belonged’.1 We present here a variation on this approach: three essays that focus on the Red Bull theatre and its Clerkenwell locality. Rather than focusing on individual companies, we take the playhouse and location as our organising principle. Nonetheless, we are dealing with precisely the kind of decentring activity that McMillin had in mind, examining early drama through collaborative performance, through performance styles and audience taste, and through the presentation of a theatrical repertory in print. Each essay deals with a different ‘social network’: Anne Lancashire re-examines the evidence for the London Clerkenwell play, a multi-day biblical play performed by clerks in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries; John Astington takes a look at acting traditions and repertory composition at the Red Bull and its fellow in the northern suburbs, Golden Lane’s Fortune playhouse; and Marta Straznicky looks at questions relating to the audience for Red Bull plays in the playhouse and the print-shop.