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The Fruits of Victory — —— —— — — THE ' PRUITS OF VICTOR i—- R-0RMAN .ANGELL UNIVEF II 1761 III 3 THE FRUITS OF VICTORY — —— —— — — •THE GREAT ILLUSION' CONTROVERSY *Mr Angell's pamphlet was a work as unimposing in form as it was daring in expression. For a time nothing was heard of it in public, but many of us will remember the curious way in which ..." Norman Angellism " suddenly became one of the principal topics of discussion amongst pohtidans and journalists all over Europe. Naturally at first it was the apparently extravagant and para- doxical elements that were fastened up)ou most . that the whole theory of the commercial basis of war was wrong, that no modem war could make a profit for the victors, and that—most astonishing thing of all—a successf;il war might leave the conquerors who received the indemnity relatively worse oH than the conquered who paid it. People who had been brought up in the acceptance of the idea that a war between nations was analogous to the struggle of two errand boys for an apple, and that victory inevitably meant economic gain, were amazed into curiosity. Men who had never examined a Pacifist argument before read Mr Angell's book. Perhaps they thought that his doctrines soimded so extra- ordinarily like nonsense that there really must be some sense in them or nobody would have dared to propound them.' The New Statesman, October ii, 1913. •The ftmdamental proposition of the book is a mistake. And the pro- position that the extension of national territory—that is the bringing of a large amount of property under a single administration—^is not to the financial advan- tage of a nation appears to me as illusory as to maintain that business on a small capital is as profitable as on a large. The armaments of European States now are not so much for protection against conquest as to secure to themselves the utmost possible share of the un exploited or imperfectly exploited regions of the world.'—The late Admiral Mahan. ' I have long ago described the policy of Tlie Great Illusion . not only as a childish abstu-dity but a mischievous and immoral sophism.'—Mr Frederic Harrison. ' Among the mass of printed books there are a few that may be counted as acts, not books. The Contrat Social was indisputably one; and I venture to suggest to you that The Great Illusion is another. The thesis of Galileo was not more diametrically opposed to ciurent ideas than those of Norman Angell. Yet it had in the end a certain measure of success.' Viscount Esher. 'When all criticisms are spent, it remains to express a debt of gratitude to Mr Angell. He belongs to the cause of internationalism—the greatest of all tlie causes to which a man can set his hands in these days. The cause will not triumph by economics. But it cannot reject any ally. And if the economic appeal is not final, it has its weight. " We shall perish of hunger," it has been said, " in order to have success in murder." To those who have ears for that saying, it cannot be said too often.' Political Thought in England, from Herbert Spencer to the Present Day, by Ernest Barker. 'A wealth of closely reasoned argimient which makes the book one of the most damaging indictments that have yet appeared of the principles governing the relations of dviUsed nations to one another.' The Quarterly Review. 'Ranks its author with Cobden arabngst the greatest of our pamphleteers, perhaps the greatest since Swift.' The Nation. ' No book has attracted wider attention or has done more to stimxilate thought in the present centtiry than The Great Illusion.—The Daily Mail. 'One of the most brilUant contributions to the literature of international relations which has appeared for a very long time.' Journal of the Institute of Bankers. ' After five and a half years in the wilderness, Mr Norman Angell has come back. His book provoked one of the great controversies of this generation. To-day, Mr Angell, whether he Ukes it or not, is a prophet whose prophecies have come true. It is hardly possible to open a current newspaper without the eye lighting on some fresh vindication of the once despised and rejected doctrine of Norman Angellism.' The Daily News, February 25, 1920. THE FRUITS OF VICTORY A SEQUEL TO *THE GREAT ILLUSION' iy NORMAN ANGELL l(pqt 99. 10. ^ • 5' LONDON: 48 PALL MALL W. COLLINS SONS & CO. LTD, GLASGOW MELBOURNE AUCKLAND BY THE SAME AUTHOR PATRIOTISM UNDER THREE FI,AGS THE GREAT II,I,USION THE FOUNDATIONS OF INTERNATIONAI, POWTY WHY FREEDOM MATTERS WAR AND THE WORKER AMERICA AND THE WORI,D STATE (AMERICA) PRUSSIANISM AND ITS DESTRUCTION THE WORI,D'S HIGHWAY (AMERICA) WAR AIMS DANGERS OF HAiF-PREPAREDNESS (AMERICA) POI.ITICAI, CONDITIONS OF AI,I,IED SUCCESS (AMERICA) THE BRITISH REVOI.UTION AND THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY (AMERICA) THE PEACE TREATY AND THE ECONOMIC CHAOS HC Copyright, 192 1 To H. W. Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2007 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/fruitsofvictoryOOangeuoft SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT The central conclusion suggested by the following analysis of the events of the paist few years is that, underlying the disruptive processes so evidently at work—especially in the international field—is the deep-rooted instinct to the assertion of domination, preponderant power. This impulse, sanctioned and strengthened by prevaiUng traditions of ' mystic ' patriotism, has been unguided and unchecked by any adequate reaUsation either of its anti-social quality, the destructiveness inseparable from its operation, or its ineffectiveness to ends indispensable to civihsation. The psychological roots of the impulse are so deep that we shall continue to 3nLeld to it until we realise more fully its danger and inadequacy to certain vital ends like sustenance for our people, and come to see that if civilisa- tion is to be carried on we must turn to other motives. We may then develop a new poUtical tradition, which will 'discipline' instinct, as the tradition of toleration disci- phned religious fanaticism when that passion threatened to shatter European society. Herein lies the importance of demonstrating the economic futility of miUtary power. While it may be true that conscious economic motives enter very Httle into the struggle of nations, and are a very small part of the passions of patriotism and nationalism, it is by a realisation of the economic truth regarding the indispensable con- dition of adequate life, that those passions will be checked, or redirected and civilised. This does not mean that economic considerations should dominate Ufe, but rather the contrary—that those con- siderations will dominate it if the economic truth is neglected. A people that starves is a people thinking only of material things—food. The way to dispose of economic pre-occupations is to solve the economic problem. The bearing of this argument on that developed by the present writer in a previous book, The Great Illusion, and the extent to which the latter has been vindicated by events, is shown in the Addendum. vii SYNOPSIS CHAPTER I (pp. 1-61) OUR DAILY BREAD An examination of the present conditions in Europe shows that much of its dense population (particularly that of these islands) cannot live at a standard necessary for civilisation (leisure, social peace, individual freedom) except by certain co-operative processes which must be carried on largely across frontiers. (The prosperity of Britain depends on the production by foreigners of a surplus of food and raw material above their own needs.) The present distress is not mainly the result of the physical destruction of war (famine or shortage is worst, as in the Austrian and German and Russian areas, where there has been no destruction). The Continent as a whole has the same soil and natural resources and technical knowledge as when it fed its populations. The causes of its present failure at self-support are moral : economic paralysis following poUtical disintegration, 'Balkanisation'; that, in its turn, due to certain passions and prepossessions. A corresponding phenomenon is revealed within each national society : a dechne of production due to certain moral disorders, mainly in the poUtical field; to 'unrest,' a greater cleavage between groups, rendering the indis- pensable co-operation less effective. The necessary co-operation, whether as between nations or groups within each nation, cannot be compelled by physical coercion, though disruptive forces inseparable from the use of coercion can paralyse co-operation. Allied preponderance of power over Germany does not suffice to obtain indemnities, or even coal in the quantities demanded by the Treaty. The output of the workers in Great Britain Synopsis xi would not necessarily be improved by adding to the army or police force. As interdependence increases, the limits of coercion are narrowed. Enemies that are to pay large indemnities must be permitted actively to develop their economic life and power; they are then so potentially strong that enforcement of the demands becomes corre- spondingly expensive and uncertain. Knowledge and organisation acquired by workers for the purposes of their labour can be used to resist oppression. Railwaymen or miners driven to work by force would still find means of resistance. A proletarian dictatorship cannot coerce the production of food by an unwilling peasantry. The pro- cesses by which wealth is produced have, by increasing complexity, become of a kind which can only be main- tained if there be present a large measure of voluntary acquiescence, which means, in its turn, confidence. The need for that is only made the more imperative by the conditions which have followed the virtual suspension of the gold standard in all the belligerent States of Europe, the collapse of the exchanges and other manifestations of instabihty of the currencies.
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