Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 3: Macro Report
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ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
State of Populism in Europe
2018 State of Populism in Europe The past few years have seen a surge in the public support of populist, Eurosceptical and radical parties throughout almost the entire European Union. In several countries, their popularity matches or even exceeds the level of public support of the centre-left. Even though the centre-left parties, think tanks and researchers are aware of this challenge, there is still more OF POPULISM IN EUROPE – 2018 STATE that could be done in this fi eld. There is occasional research on individual populist parties in some countries, but there is no regular overview – updated every year – how the popularity of populist parties changes in the EU Member States, where new parties appear and old ones disappear. That is the reason why FEPS and Policy Solutions have launched this series of yearbooks, entitled “State of Populism in Europe”. *** FEPS is the fi rst progressive political foundation established at the European level. Created in 2007 and co-fi nanced by the European Parliament, it aims at establishing an intellectual crossroad between social democracy and the European project. Policy Solutions is a progressive political research institute based in Budapest. Among the pre-eminent areas of its research are the investigation of how the quality of democracy evolves, the analysis of factors driving populism, and election research. Contributors : Tamás BOROS, Maria FREITAS, Gergely LAKI, Ernst STETTER STATE OF POPULISM Tamás BOROS IN EUROPE Maria FREITAS • This book is edited by FEPS with the fi nancial support of the European -
Comparative Candidate Survey Macro Questionnaire PORTUGAL 2009 – GENERAL LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS
Prepared by: André Freire (Principal Investigator CCS Portugal; member of the stering committee of the CCS international network Date: September 26, 2012 (but refering to the 2009 Portuguese General Legislative Elections Comparative Candidate Survey Macro Questionnaire PORTUGAL 2009 – GENERAL LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS Country: PORTUGAL Date of Election: 2009 General Legislative Elections NOTE TO COLLABORATORS: The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CCS project. Your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (e.g., electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and may be made available on the CCS website. Part I: Data Pertinent to the Election at which the CCS was Administered (taken from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, version: Module 2, August 23, 2004) 1. Report the number of portfolios (cabinet posts) held by each party in cabinet, prior to the most recent election. (If one party holds all cabinet posts, simply write "all".) Name of Political Party PS (Portuguese Socialist Party) Number of Portfolios All Comparative Candidate Survey 2 Macro Questionnaire 1a. What was the size of the cabinet before the election? 15 portfolios plus prime-minister 2. Report the number of portfolios (cabinet posts) held by each party in cabinet, after the most recent election. (If one party holds all cabinet posts, simply write "all"). Name of Political Party PS (Portuguese Socialist -
Secularist Divide and Turkey's Descent Into Severe Polarization
One The Islamist- Secularist Divide and Turkey’s Descent into Severe Polarization senem aydın- düzgİt n multiple different measures of polarization, Turkey today is one of Othe most polarized nations in the world.1 Deep ideological and policy- based disagreements divide its political leaders and parties; Turkish so- ciety, too, is starkly polarized on the grounds of both ideology and social distance.2 This chapter focuses on the bases and manifestations of polar- ization in Turkey, the main reasons behind its increase, and its ramifica- tions for the future of democracy and governance in the country. The current dominant cleavage between secularists and Islamists has its roots in a series of reforms intended to secularize and modernize the coun- try after the foundation of the Turkish Republic in 1923. These reforms created a deep division within Turkish society, but until the beginning of the twenty- first century, the secularist elite dominated key state institu- tions such as the military, allowing it to repress conservative groups and thus keep conflict over the soul of Turkey from coming into the open. Since 2002, however, the remarkable electoral success of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi; AKP) has brought the Islamist- secularist divide to the fore. Despite the AKP’s initial moderation, several developments, including 17 Carothers-O’Donohue_Democracies Divided_i-viii_1-311.indd 17 7/24/19 10:32 AM 18 SENEM AYDIN- DÜZGI˙T the collapse of the European Union (EU) accession process, the success of polarization as an electoral strategy, and undemocratic threats from the secularist state establishment, pushed the AKP toward increasingly populist, divisive rhetoric and politics, beginning with the 2007 general elections. -
Coalition Government in Britain: Lessons from Overseas
COALITION GOVERNMENT IN BRITAIN: LESSONS FROM OVERSEAS Ben Seyd January 2002 The Nuffield foundation is a charitable trust established by Lord Nuffield. Its object is “the advancement of social well-being”. The foundation has long had an interest in social welfare and has supported this project to stimulate public discussion and policy development. The views expressed are, however, those of the authors and not necessarily those of the Foundation. ISBN: 1-9039030-8 Published by The Constitution Unit School of Public Policy UCL (University College London) 29/30 Tavistock Square London WC1H 9QU Tel: 020 7679 4977 Fax: 020 7679 4978 Email: [email protected] Web: www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit/ © Constitution Unit, UCL 2002 This report is sold subject to the condition that is shall not, by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, hired out or otherwise circulated without the publisher’s prior consent in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser. Published January 2002 TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES..................................................................................................... 5 SUMMARY OF ISSUES EXPLORED................................................................................................ 6 INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................................. 8 The distinction between single party -
Argentina: a Change of Course
DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNALPOLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT BRIEFING Argentina: A change of course Author: Jesper TVEVAD On 10 December 2015, Mauricio Macri will assume the presidency of Argentina for four years, replacing President Cristina Fernández who has been in power since 2007. Macri, who has been mayor of the city of Buenos Aires since 2007, was elected to the post in the second round of the On 22 November 2015, presidential elections on 22 November 2015, when he received 51.4 % of the Mauricio Macri, candidate vote, against 48.6 % for Daniel Scioli of the governing Front for Victory (Frente of a coalition named 'Let's change' (Cambiemos), was para la Victoria, FpV). elected president of Macri was the candidate of a coalition named 'Let's change' (Cambiemos), Argentina. He will assume which included his own centre-right 'Republican Proposal' (Propuesta office on 10 December. Republicana, PRO). He is the first elected president in more than a century not to come from one of Argentina's two dominant political forces, the Peronist Macri received 51.4 % of the Party and the Radical Civic Union (Unión Cívica Radical, UCR). Macri's election vote in the second round of ends 12 years of Peronist governments under President Néstor Kirchner the presidential elections. (2003-2007) and his wife and successor, Cristina Fernández; it may also spell the demise of 'kirchnerism' (kirchnerismo), a broad popular movement representing the legacy of the Peronist tradition. However, parliamentary and His election ends 12 years provincial elections on 25 October confirmed the FpV as the strongest sector of Peronist governments. -
Opposition Parties in the House of Commons
Opposition parties in the House of Commons Standard Note: SN/PC/06057 Last updated: 2 August 2013 Author: Mark Sandford Section Parliament & Constitution Centre This note describes the development of the roles and entitlements of the opposition parties, in particular the Official Opposition, in the House of Commons. It lists the current opposition parties and their electoral performance, and discusses how the procedures and practices of the House make allowances for the Opposition. This information is provided to Members of Parliament in support of their parliamentary duties and is not intended to address the specific circumstances of any particular individual. It should not be relied upon as being up to date; the law or policies may have changed since it was last updated; and it should not be relied upon as legal or professional advice or as a substitute for it. A suitably qualified professional should be consulted if specific advice or information is required. This information is provided subject to our general terms and conditions which are available online or may be provided on request in hard copy. Authors are available to discuss the content of this briefing with Members and their staff, but not with the general public. Contents 1 Background 3 1.1 History of the role of ‘official opposition’ 3 1.2 The British political system 3 2 Rights and privileges of the opposition 4 2.1 Opposition days 4 3 Public funding for opposition parties 5 3.1 Short money 5 3.2 Sinn Fein allowances 6 3.3 Policy Development Grants 6 4 The Liberal Democrat Party 6 5 Opposition parties 7 5.1 The Democratic Unionist Party 7 5.2 The Scottish National Party 7 5.3 Sinn Féin 8 5.4 Plaid Cymru 8 5.5 The Social Democratic and Labour Party 9 5.6 The Ulster Unionist Party 9 5.7 The Alliance Party of Northern Ireland 9 5.8 Green Party of England and Wales 10 5.9 Independents 10 6 Selected bibliography 12 2 1 Background 1.1 History of the role of ‘official opposition’ The UK has historically been characterised by an adversarial, normally two-party, system of politics. -
The Liberal and Labour Parties in North-East Politics 1900-14: the Struggle for Supremacy
A. W. PURDUE THE LIBERAL AND LABOUR PARTIES IN NORTH-EAST POLITICS 1900-14: THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY i The related developments of the rise of the Labour Party and the decline of the Liberal Party have been subjected to considerable scrutiny by his- torians of modern Britain. Their work has, however, had the effect of stimulating new controversies rather than of establishing a consensus view as to the reasons for this fundamental change in British political life. There are three main areas of controversy. The first concerns the char- acter of the Labour Party prior to 1918, the degree to which it was Socialist or even collectivist and could offer to the electorate policies and an image substantially different to those of the Liberal Party, and the degree to which it merely continued the Liberal-Labour tradition in alliance with, albeit outside the fold of, the Liberal Party. The second concerns the search for an historical turning-point at which Liberal decline and Labour's advance can be said to have become distinguishable. Perhaps the most vital debate centres around the third area of controversy, the nature of early- twentieth-century Liberalism and the degree to which a change towards a more collectivist and socially radical posture enabled it to contain the threat that the Labour Party presented to its electoral position. Research into the history of the Labour Party has modified considerably those earlier views of the movement's history which were largely formed by those who had, themselves, been concerned in the party's development. Few would now give such prominence to the role of the Fabian Society as did writers such as G. -
Progressive Consensus.Qxd
The Progressive Consensus in Perspective Iain McLean and Guy Lodge FEBRUARY 2007 © ippr 2007 Institute for Public Policy Research www.ippr.org The Institute for Public Policy Research (ippr) is the UK’s leading progressive think tank and was established in 1988. Its role is to bridge the political divide between the social democratic and liberal traditions, the intellectual divide between academia and the policy making establishment and the cultural divide between government and civil society. It is first and foremost a research institute, aiming to provide innovative and credible policy solutions. Its work, the questions its research poses, and the methods it uses are driven by the belief that the journey to a good society is one that places social justice, democratic participation, economic and environmental sustainability at its core. This paper was first published in February 2007. © ippr 2007 30-32 Southampton Street, London WC2E 7RA Tel: 020 7470 6100 Fax: 020 7470 6111 www.ippr.org Registered Charity No. 800065 About the authors Iain McLean is Professor of Politics and Director of the Public Policy Unit, Oxford University. He has published widely in political science and 20th-century British history, including Rational Choice and British Politics (OUP, 2001) and, with Jennifer Nou, ‘Why should we be beggars with the ballot in our hand? Veto players and the failure of land value taxation in the UK, 1909-14’, British Journal of Political Science, 2006. Guy Lodge is a Research Fellow in the democracy team at ippr. He specialises in governance and constitutional reform and has published widely in this area. -
Turkey's Presidential System After Two and a Half Years. an Overview Of
SWP Research Paper Sinem Adar and Günter Seufert Turkey’s Presidential System after Two and a Half Years An Overview of Institutions and Politics Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Research Paper 2 April 2021, Berlin Abstract ∎ Turkey’s new Presidential System has failed to realise the goals that it was said to achieve with its introduction despite the disapproval of half the population. ∎ Contrary to the ruling party’s claims in favour of the new governance system, two and a half years after its introduction, parliament is weaker, separation of powers is undermined, the judiciary is politicised, institu- tions are crippled, economic woes are mounting and authoritarian prac- tices prevail. ∎ Despite the almost unlimited and unchecked power that the new system grants to the President over institutions, his space for political manoeuvre is, surprisingly, narrower than it was in the parliamentary system. ∎ Providing the otherwise divided opposition a joint anchor of resistance, the Presidential System unintentionally breathed life into the inertia of Turkey’s political party setting. ∎ The formation of splinter parties from the ruling party, primarily address- ing the same conservative electorate, alongside the changing electoral logic with the need to form alliances to win an election, poses a serious challenge to the ruling party and its leader – the President. ∎ Despite the oppositional alliance’s electoral victory in 2019 local elec- tions, it is at the moment unclear whether the forming parties share a common vision for steps towards democratic repair. ∎ Together with the institutional havoc caused by the Presidential System, the blurry outlook of the opposition requires caution about an easy and rapid positive transformation. -
How We Change the Political System to Change Society
ALL YOU NEED TO KNOW ABOUT A PROGRESSIVE ALLIANCE How we change the political system to change society Neal Lawson Foreword by Caroline Lucas, Clive Lewis and Layla Moran Published June 2021 by Compass By Neal Lawson About the author: Neal Lawson is Executive Director of Compass. Acknowledgements: The author would like to thank Marie-Caroline Wheatley, Frances Foley, Gabriel Everington, Caroline Lucas, Layla Moran and Clive Lewis for their comments on an early draft of this paper. All errors lie with the author. © Compass All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purpose of criticism or review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrievable system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of Compass. 2 All You Need to Know about a Progressive Alliance Please get in touch, join, support and work with us. Write to us at Freepost Compass Email us at [email protected] You can follow us on Twitter @CompassOffice To find out more about Compass, please visit our website: www.compassonline.org.uk/join About Compass and this project Compass is a platform for a good society, a world that is much more equal, sustainable and democratic. We build networks of ideas, parties and organisations to help make systemic change happen. Our strategic focus is to understand, build, support and accelerate new forms of democratic practice and collaborative action that are taking place in civil society and the economy, and to link that up with state reforms and policy. -
Local Elections in Turkey
THE MARCH 31 LOCAL ELECTIONS IN TURKEY NEBI MIŞ • HAZAL DURAN ANALYSIS MARCH 2019 NO.50 THE MARCH 31 LOCAL ELECTIONS IN TURKEY NEBI MIŞ • HAZAL DURAN COPYRIGHT © 2019 by SETA All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, without permission in writing from the publishers. SETA Yayınları ISBN: 978-605-7544-37-7 Layout: Hasan Suat Olgun Printed in Turkey, İstanbul by Turkuvaz Haberleşme ve Yayıncılık A.Ş., 2019 SETA | SİYASET, EKONOMİ VE TOPLUM ARAŞTIRMALARI VAKFI Nenehatun Cd. No: 66 GOP Çankaya 06700 Ankara TÜRKİYE Tel: +90 312 551 21 00 | Faks: +90 312 551 21 90 www.setav.org | [email protected] | @setavakfi SETA | İstanbul Defterdar Mh. Savaklar Cd. Ayvansaray Kavşağı No: 41-43 Eyüpsultan İstanbul TÜRKİYE Tel: +90 212 395 11 00 | Faks: +90 212 395 11 11 SETA | Washington D.C. 1025 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 1106 Washington D.C., 20036 USA Tel: 202-223-9885 | Faks: 202-223-6099 www.setadc.org | [email protected] | @setadc SETA | Kahire 21 Fahmi Street Bab al Luq Abdeen Flat No: 19 Cairo EGYPT Tel: 00202 279 56866 | 00202 279 56985 | @setakahire SETA | Berlin Französische Straße 12, 10117 Berlin GERMANY Tel: +49 30 20188466 THE MARCH 31 LOCAL ELECTIONS IN TURKEY CONTENTS ABSTRACT 7 INTRODUCTION 8 LEADING DYNAMICS OF THE MARCH 2019 LOCAL ELECTIONS 9 WHAT THE MARCH 2019 ELECTION MEANS TO POLITICAL PARTIES 12 VISIONS FOR LOCAL GOVERNMENT: FROM PAST TO PRESENT 15 CONCLUSION 25 setav.org 5 ANALYSIS ABOUT THE AUTHORS Nebi Miş Nebi Miş is the Director of Political Studies at the SETA Foundation.