ISSN 0267-0542 Planning History Bulletin

, 1986 Volume 8 Number 2

L.W\IN LN CON~W

From Louis Hellman Architecture for Beginners

Planning History Group -1-

CHAIRMAN'S COMMUNI CATION I am able to a nnounc e the res ult of our p r ocedures for filling pla ces CONTENTS o n the PHG Executive C ommittee . F our U. K. and f our non- U. K. pla ces we r e available , a s I i nd i cated i n PHB Vol. 8 No. 1; t hese were for a two -year spell of membership f r om Augus t 1986 . Chairman's Communication p . 1 Thr e e ret iring U.K . members have offered the msel ves for r e-election : Pla~ning Histo ry Group Balance Sheet p. 2 Professor G. E . Cher r y, Dr . J . Sheai l a nd P r ofessor A. R. Sutcliffe . N o No t1ces p. 3 o ther nom ina t ions were received so t h e three named are r e-elected ; Reports o f Meetings p. 8 t he r e is one U. K. vac ancy. Rece nt and Forthcoming Publications p. 12 Two no n-U. K. r e tiring members ha v e of f ered t he mselves for re-election: Research Report: P rofe ssor J .B. C ullingworth a nd Professor M. Sme t s. Two other ;rancis Ja~ie~ Monclus & Jose Luis Oyon n ominat i o ns we r e rec eive d: Dr. R. Freestone (Sydney) a nd Dr . M. Weiss The Agrar1an1st Tradition: Regional Planning (Unive r sity o f Illinois at Chic ago ) . The fou r n amed are elected and Rural Architecture in Spain" ••• p. 16 The E xecutive Commi ttee for 1986-88 wi l l ther efore be: Artic l es: No n-U.K . . Agus tin Rodriq ue z Bachiller "Planning U.K A. F . J. Artibise Ed u7 ati o ~ i ~ Euro r,e: An Inte rrupted Trans ition •• p. 22 G. E. Cherry (Chairman) M. J. Banno n I 7h1ro N ~sh1mura On the Teaching of Planning Patricia L. Garside (ex o f f i cio, H1 s t o ry 1n Japan" p. 31 B.A . Brownel l Membership Secr eta r y ) Christi ane Collins ~avi d Be tts " Planned Industria l Settlem~~~ D. W. Massey (ex off icio, Treasurer) 1n t he 1813-1920 J.B. Cullingworth p . 35 Gordon Ro ge r Harri s "A Medieval a nd a Mod~ ;n ••• G. R. F r eestone J.C. Hancock D. Hulchanski Ne w Town i n W ales: Comparisons and Contras t s p. 45 (Editor) M.J. Hebbert C. Silver R. J.B . Kain M. Smets J . Sheail s. watanabe A. R. Sutcl i ffe S . V. Ward (ex officio, Meeting Secretary) M. Weiss From Architecture for Beginners by Louis Hellman:- The second half o f t he 1980s is t hrowing up a number of important anniversaries. I n Br itain we remember from 40 years ago the New Towns Act (1946), t he Town and Country Plan ning Ac t ( 194 7) and the National Parks and Access to Countryside Ac t (1949 ), measures which helped to lay some of the foundations of Br itish Town Planning for the second hal f of the cen t u ry. Par t of the reaso n for t he rush of legislation at t hat time stems, of course, from the extr aordinary circumstances of the time when a combi nation o f idea l i sm, conviction a nd new-found political will prepared the ground for post- wa r reconstruction. We do well to l ook again at those heady years, not just in Britain but i n all coun tries sucked i n to the vortex of World War I I. The new determination to expr ess the hopes wher eby ci t ies and societie s would be built afresh, and to banish the earlier fears that the economic cond i tions of t he wo r ld h ad coll apsed , meant that planning had come of a g e . Planni ng historians for ty years o n w ill wish to study t hat r e markable i nternational e xcha nge of ideas which underpinned the principled of r econstruction. They will also go on to look at t he subsequent practice of r econstr uct i on and no doub t reflect , w ith T.S . Eliot , that : " Between the idea/And the r e a l ity/Between t he no tio n/ And t he a ct " The Arts and Crafts ideals spread throughout the new European /Fall s the s hadow." vernacular. Local democracies, where they drew on each country's own publicat ions o n t hese t hemes , which I h o pe and national variations developed in opposition to the Imperial neo­ We can expect a flurry o f Classical styles of the old regimes~· the Planning Hi s t ory Group will be able t o e ncourage in its vario us meet ings , seminar s and conferences. Gord on E . Cherry -2- -3-

PLANNING HISTORY GROUP Balance Sheet as at 31 December 1985 Bank Accounts £. p. Giro Account 49. 19 NOTICES General Fund Current Account 79. 63 General Fund Deposit Account 2103. 21 Planning History Group Meeting, April 1987 Seminar Current Account 4 . 92 Seminar Deposit Account 269. 71 This will be eo-organized with the Department of Geography , Queen Mary £ 2506. 66 College on the theme of Stat e Intervention in Interwar Britain. Represented by: Further details will appear in due course , but anyone interested should Accumulated Fund at 31.12.84 1192. 19 contact either: Excess Receipts over Payments 1314. 47 Steve Ward or Roger Lee £ 2506. 66 Dept. of Town Planning Dept. of Geography Oxford Polytechnic Queen Mary College Receipts and Payments Account for the Year Ended 31.12.85 Gipsy Lane Mile End Roa d Receipts £.p. Payments £.p. Heading ton London El 4N S Subscription for 1985 Bulletin Pdn Costs 910.13 Oxford OX3 OBp UK 1180.00 Membership Mailing 479.60 Overseas 1268.06 Admin. Charges 114.42 * * * 2448.06 * * * * Less: Refunds (68.15) Joint two day conference of the Regional Studies Association 2379.91 and Planning History Group Distr. of Publs'leaflets 205.62 September 17 - 18th, 1987: Un i versity of Salford Seminar Account Income 131. 29 The purpose of the confere nce British Regional ism 1900 - 200~ is Expenditure 76.00 55.29 Excess Receipts twofold: first, t o recount the history of regionalism and reg1onal over Payments 1314.47 reform, from t he early development of the regional idea by C.B. Interest on Dep. Ace. 117.80 Fawcett , G.D.H. Cole , Patrick Geddes and H. G. We lls, through the 2818.62 2818.62 pre-war and wartime experiments in re~ional planni~g _and AUDIT REPORT a dministration, to the c ul-de-sac of the K1lbrandon Comm1s_s1on _and _the I have audited the accounts of the Planning History Group. In my Regional Economic Planning Councils. And sec?nd, ~s the t~tle 1mp ~ 1es, opinion the accounts (which have been prepared on a receipts and the c onference will analyze the natur~ o~ reg1ona~1sm a~d 1ts c?nt1nued payments basis) give an accurate record of the bank balances at 31 pote ntial as a principle for reform w1th1n the Un1ted K~ng~om , 1n order December 1986 and of the transactions for the year ended. to look forward to emerging forms of government for Br1ta1n at the end M. Yorysz 12 September 1986. of the century . TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1985 Full details will be distributed early in 1987. Enquiries and offers 1. The year was marked by a number of changes in the Group's financial of papers, with titles and abstracts, should be addressed to either of arrangements including the appointment of a new Treasurer and the organizers:- Membership Secretary. The help of Members in making the transition to the new £10 subscription and Williams and Glyn's/The Royal Bank Dr. Michael Hebbert or Dr. Pat Gars1de of Scotland in making arrangements for the transfer of our bank Dept. of Geography Dept . of Civil Engineering accounts to Liverpool is much appreciated. London School of Economics University of Salford 2. In comparison with 1984 our receipts for 1985 approximately doubled Houghton Street Salford MS 4WT (substantially reflecting the subscription increase) and our London WC2A 2AE payments fell by a quarter. While in part this decrease represents revised arrangements for mailing the Bulletin, it also reflects the * * * * incidence of two rather than our usual three printing bills for the * * * Bulletin. (the third payment has been made in the current year and American Planning Historians ' Annual Luncheon w1ll thus appear in the 1986 accounts.) Nonetheless , even taking into account an allowance for this exceptional item, our accumulated The Sixth Annual Lunc heon of the Planning History Group will be held on funds carried forward to 1986 do show a reasonable increase to Saturday , April 4, 1987 at noon in the Wyndh?m Fra~kli n _ Plaz~ Hotel in provide a satisfactory base for the Group ' s activities. Philadelphia. The luncheon is being held 1n conJunct1on w1 th the 3. The Accounts for 1985 are presented in a new formate to include meeting of the Organization o f America~ Historians. Theor do_re separate coverage of receipts and payments and a balance sheet as at Hershberg, Universi~y of Penn sy~~ania, w1ll pr~sent a paper entttled , 31 December 1985. I am very grateful to Mrs. M. Yorysz for agreeing "Planning for a Reg1on: The Pol1t1cal P_roblems . . Sam B_ass Wa rner_, Jr. , to act as the Group's Hon. Auditor and for her advice on the Boston University, will chair the sess1on . Ttckets w1ll be ava1lable presentation of the Accounts. as part of the pre-reg i stration package. for tb~ OAH. m_eeting or at the David w. Massey, University of Liverpool 21 September 1986 OAH registration. As the number of ttckets 1s _1 ~m1ted, _ purcha~e through pre-reg istrat ion is encouraged. For add 1 t 1onal 1nformat1on, -5- -4- new Associatio n has been to .issue a Brownell , College of So cial and Behavioral Sciences, One of the first actions of the . be able to ga1n access contact: Blaine A. d holars Member s w1 11 Unive r s ity o f Alabama at Birmingham, Birmingham, AL 35294 , call tc;> all in~ereste se . • fellow-specialists thr.oug.h confe.rences 205-934-5643; or Mark H. Rose, The Prog ram in Science , Technology , and to an lnternatlonal co~munlty ~f b 11 tin containing blbllographleS of Soci ety, Michigan Te c hnol ogical Univers ity, Ho ughton, MI 49931, every 3 - 5 years, ana a regu ~ellu a: up-to-date information o n 906-487-2115. research work and books , as congresses and meetings . • • • * * • * All enquiries to: Planning History Group Meeting, Spring 1988 Yaacov Oved (Executive Direction, r . c.s.A.) This will be o n t he theme Women and Planning His tory, and will be organised by Alizo n Ravetz of Leeds Polytec hnic . The venue is not yet Yad Tabenkin Ramat Efal 52960 , I srael. fixed but wi ll probably be London. The organizer intends to start preliminary planning of the meeting s oon and would welcome suggestions * • and o ffers of contributions. She can be contacted at 15 Hanover • • • * * Square , Le e ds LS3 lAp. FINDING THAT BOOK I • * * * * * * · ' 1 ue c/86 published in September , has Booksell ~ r Vivian .wnght s ~~t~h~g plannin~ historian. He publ~sh~s BRIDGING THE GAP BETWEEN US AND THEM several ltems of. lnterest tl ith your enquiries , and speclallzes regular lists, wlll deal promp. y w A new journal was launched in September 1986. Entitled "Planning in architecture and town plannlng:- and Research" it is born of concern among British planners and Practice Vivian Wright academics about the divide between planning practice and planning education and r esearch. It is explicitly devoted to breaking down this Fennelsyre and will be published twice yearly. Raughton Head . d Tel: 069-96-431 barrier, Carlisle, Cumbrla CAS 7DU, Englan • The first i ssue , published in September 1986, has a theme which will be of special interest to member s of the PHG, namely " Taking Stock" . Articles will concentrate on changes in various aspects of planning and r elated fields since 1979, while also putting these in an historical FINDING THAT BOOK II perspe c tive. the former manager of the Planning Ro se Tanner, known to many as d 1 extensiv ely in old Subscriptions are : - Bookshop in Carlton ~ouse Terra~e , ndowto et~a~e titles. He r list is planning books. She lS always p ease UK - individuals £4; institutions £8 available from:- Overseas - individuals US $10; institutions US $20 (or equivalent) . OLD PLANNING BOOKS 47 Theobald Road, Cheques are payable to "Planning Practice and Research" , and they and Croydon CRo 3RN, . all enquiries should be addressed to:- * • • * * • C. Lambert , School for Advanced Urban Studies, Rodney Lodge, FINDING THAT BOOK I ll Grange Road, · · 1 f Inch's Book Catalogue No. 25 . More Bristol BS8 4EA, U.K. Cities of Tomorrow lS the tlt . et o s t to the planning historian are than three hundre? books. of l n er; Thomas Sharp' s works and a Thomas • * * * * * • available , inc~udlng a nlce set o good range of slum, garden city, Mawson collectlon , as \.,oell as aurban policy titles. INTERNATIONAL COMMUNAL STUDIES ASSOCIATION r econstruction and contempor ary

In May 1985 some 100 researchers and specialists in communal studies Inch's Books gathered under the auspices of Tel-Aviv University and Yad Tabenkin, 3 St. Paul ' s Square, the research institute of the united kibbutz movement. The success of York, Y02 4BD, England. this international encounter moved its participants to set up a * * permanent body for the promotion . a.nd dissemina~ion of research on * * * * * "communes ", international commun1t1es , collect1ve settlement, and PLANNING HISTORY kibbutz" . Its constitution and organizational framework will be AN AUDIO-VISUAL LIBRARY OF finalized at the next s uch conference. world Microfilms Public ations, based in London , have been steadily -6- - 7- expanding the Pidgeon Library of Tape-Sl i de Talks, initiated by Monica runs to a lOO talks by many of the Pidgeo n i n 1979. The catalogue now BRITISH NATIONAL PARKS - A HALF-CENTENARY l eading contemporary figures in arch i t ee tu re, art, design, landscape and urbanism. Each talk lasts on average 30 minutes (one side of an . . . ate in a coalition of interest groups audio- cassette) and is accompanied by 24 slides , printed in format ion The British Natlon~l .Parks orlgln hostellers, zoologists, climbers - and the speaker ' s photo , all contained in a clear plastic pack designed - rural p reservatlonlsts , youth . Committee for Nationals Parks in book format to stand on a shelf; the price per talk is between £45 which formed in May 1936 as t t~~ . s~~~~~ngof a central authority with and £50 - the cost of a visiting lecturer ' s fee and travel expenses. (SCNP) to lobby for the es a lS . landsca e areas. Within a few Titles include:- powers to designate and manage extenslve s worki~g within the Ministry years SCNP ' s pamphleteer , .John Dower 'th~a scheme into ef feet. By 19 57 Reyner Banham "Mythical Vernacular Movements" of Town and Count.ry. Plannlng l ~o tp~~ seventeen potential park areas had Serge Chermayeff "Environmental Design" ten of Dower's orlglnal long lS . from romotion of the idea of Henri Cir iani "Modern Space & Historic Space" been designated. SCNP's ~ole shl~;e~chieve:ent . In 1977 it became an Maxwell Fry "How Modern Architecture Came to England National Parks, to protectlo~ of. t e Council for National Parks. Erno Goldfinger "Par i s i n the Twe nties" independent voluntary organlZatlon, th the CNP has published a brief Oscar Niemeyer "Concrete Expression" Now , to celebrate the past halff-c~~~~dn~l Parks available at £1.50 Jack Pritchard "Lawn Road and the Thirties" historical booklet ~5~0~Y~e~a~r~s~~o~r~~~~~~~~~ Sir John Summerson "N ash ' s London" (incl. postage and packing) from:-

World Microfilms Publications also offer a major list of historic Council for National Parks , o n microfilm. archit ectural documen ts, drawings, books and journals 45 Shelton Street, These include notable materials from the Royal Institute of British London WC2H 9HJ. Architects and its Library and Archive:- * * * The Drawings Collection (Five phases so far i ssued) * * * * The Comprehensive Index to Architectural Periodicals (1956-1972) The Rare Books Collection (Five sections so far issued) Unpublished Manuscripts. Orders and enquiries to:-

Wo rld Microfilms Publications, 6 2 Queen's Grove, London NW8 6ER. * * * * * * * Bartlett International Summer School (1979-1985) Proceedings : The Product i on of the Built Environment

The Bartlett School of Architecture and Planning has held summer schools ann ually since 197Y and since 1983 they have taken place all around Europe, under an agreement with 14 participating institutions. Tending broadly towards a neo-Marxian framework, the proceedings of BISS contain several important papers on the political economy of land , construction and urban development, including much historical analysis of potential interest to readers of this Bulletin.

A full list of papers and order forms for BISS 1- 7 can be obtained from the organizers in London , who are currently offering the complete set of seven voluminous proceedings at a bargain price of only £37:- Bartlett International Summer School The Bartlett School, University College London 22 Gordon Street, London WClH OQB * * * * * * * - 8- -9-

town-expansio n practice for orderly suburbanisation beyond the REPORTS OF MEETINGS constriction of historic fortifications, a phenomenon hastened by the A ~eval~ation of the Garden Clty - Colloquium held at Delft Technical political stability following national unification . Once. again Un1vers1ty, 6-8 March 1986. interchange of German and British ideas was evident - Unw1n had commended Goeke as an undogmatic follower of Sitte , whilst the latter's Th~s ~o lloq uium, organised jointly by Franziska Bollerey of Delft, plan for Braunschweig showed distinct elements of Hampst~ad, Hartman of Braunschweig and Gerhard Fehl of Aachen, provided particularly the south west sector with its triple axis fram1ng the Kr1st1an~ session, Gerhard Fehl wonde red ample ev1dence o~ the . continued vitality of the Garden City as a topic central open space. Summing up this for sy s tem a ti~ h1stor1cal research and discussion. Its international whether universality of imagery was a good thing - were such mo dels flavo~r, ~lbe1t ~erman dominated, embraced Dutch, Belgian and Spanish "negative " in the sense of representing a misguided attempt t o apply contr ~but1ons,. Wlth myself as an English observer and discussant, Garden city theory and design principles irrespective of th~ part 1cular relat1ng cont1nental experience to the roots of the movement in the social and political context. Wa s Howard's "middle way" , 1n~er~osed d1st1nct work of ~owa~d an~ Unwin. It was clear from the opening that the between socialism and capitalism, thus lacking in its own Garden C1ty 1s st1ll very much alive , and each discussion session ideology, bland to the point of providing the rationale for both brought out further questions, often rhetorical, which further fuelled socialist and fascist "Garden Cities"? deba~e. At best, the interchanges evoked the pioneer international ernoon session. Marcel meet1ng ~ of ~he Internatio~al Garden Ci ties and Town Planning Some of these points sur faced during the aft Federat1on a no other gather1ngs where the concept was disseminated. Smets brought out the fact that Belgium had d ecentralised its The Delft me e ting had its own links with the past through Hans industrial population from the mid-ninet~enth .century, aided by an Indeed Kampffmey~r who vividly recounted his father' s contributions to the enlightened pricing policy by the d evelop1ng ra1l and tramways. movement 1n t he. e arly years of the century. The colloquium moved from Seebohm Rowntree reported in detail on Belgian experience as early as the formal s.e tt1ng o f a large seminar room at Delft Univers ity, through 1910 wh e n he noted that a balance had been struck between town and a giant th~ s moke-fllled rooms o f t h e delegates ' hotel on the coast at country without disrupting land tenure. "Be lgian is Garde~ Du1noord, t o the communi ty hall at Agneta Park one of Holland's first City" Smets remarked, not wholly tongue i n cheek. Ne v ~rtheless Be~g1um model ind ustrial v i l lages. enthusiastically embraced British ideas'· almost. slav 1shly foll?wlng Unwin's Town Planning in Practice. Belg~a n arch1tects ~ear?t d1~e~tly The ?rganisers had s tructured the e vent around a series of key topics, from their British colleagues during the1r enforced ex1le 1n Br1t1an during the First world War, wh ile post 1919 Belgian legislation aided rang 1ng ~r om t he g e neral to the particular, with widely drawn examples . the development o f co-o perative housing designed in the English mould. T~e ~p7 n 1 ng presen tat i on o f Thur s day morning by Peter Zlonicky took the iguez-Lo res presented the Madrid Ciudad Lineal as an S1~n1 f1cance of the G a r den C ity in p resent day planning theory. was it Juan Rodr alternative model which depended upon the unresoluble oppositi o n of st 1 ~ l of relev~n~e for today' s a rch i tects and planners? Were the soc1al a nd pol1t1cal d imens i ons e ssential adjuncts? Where and when town a nd country rather than their diffusion a nd integration. would t he next Garde n City be built? Like many of the participants he Tra nsportation was a key factor, but the lifestyle was clearly s uburban or co-operative action. ~as perh a ~s more adept at r a i sing t h a n answer i ng such questions. His with no inbuilt emphasis on self-sufficiency ~llu s t rat1o~s of New York suggested that a Garden City might be created The clarity of form allied to an infinite quality may expla i~ the 1ndoo~ s , wh1lst t he vie ws of the derelict East side suggested an revival o f interest in the concept in the 1950s and 1960s when 1nterest updat1ng of Howa rd' s vis i on of the me t ropolis transformed. in the Garden City itself was at a low ebb .

T~e n~ xt set of paper s t o ok a ser i es of German garden suburbs and The prolonged eve ning session raised problems of interpre tation of ~lghllght ed. t h e d~sp a ri t i es betwe e n ambitious plans and hesitant German experience a nd provoked heated debate. Wolfgang Voigt p r ese n.ted 1mplemen t a t1on . D1eter Scheeren described Karls ruhe-Rupurr in terms of the Garden City as a leading element i n Nazi hous ing and town plann1ng an enthusiastic beginning t urning alo ng a problematic path during the policy. The concept would, he claimed, be trace d back to the e uge nic period 19 07: 28. Here t~e Deutsche Gart~ n s tadt Gesellschaft (DGG) had Darwinism propou nded by Sir Francis Galton in 1910 - public health been determ1ned to p r o v1de a d emonstrat1on of practical socialism on aspects of fitne ss for military service were in any c ase related to the basis o f a n ambi tious plan by t he Kampffmeyers . The cottag'e housing policy in Britain from the turn o f the century. Allied to the des igns we r e palp ably similar to tho se by Parker and Unwin for emphasis o n a healthy race, Voigt cited the aes thetic reactio n against ~etch w orth , the first of many ins tances of the potency of the accepted Weimar modernism, in favour of a v o lkisch village pictures queness, 1conography o f Ga rden City d esign , often i rrespective of national which also owed as much to Town Plann i ng in Practice as to "pure" culture. Thi s was equal ly evident at Strasbourg-Stockfeld described German vernacular. Theoder Fritsch, in many ways a visionary - his by D.W. Dreyess e in t e rms of its r elationship to inner city housing Stadt du Zukunft appeared in 1896 two years before Howard's Tomorrow - improve me nts i n iti a t ed wh ile the c ity was under German administration became t he leading theorist and his periodical Hammer, with its from 1870-1918. The c a talyst was a housing co-operative which in 1907 Wagnerian heading, disseminated material promoting a nationalist was . a ss i ~ted ~y the municipality to acquire a site for development in lifestyle from 1902. The proposition that volk isch architecture cOnJunctlon w1th central slum clearance. The first phase of 457 represen ted fascism and reaction, modernismus democracy, socialism and houses , be gun in 1909, had distinctly English features grafted on to a progress, though appealing to the progressives of the 1930s is surely mansard:roo f f o rm of contin~ntal ~rovenance , whilst the layout plan too s implistic to accept wholeheartedly today. Could one draw a clear sho~ed lnflue nc e . both of ~am1llo S1tt: and Raymond Unwin in the spatial demarcation be tween social education and fascist control, or when did a des1gn and group1ng techn1ques. Turn1ng to Braunschweig , Gu ndul a Lemke concern with the elimination of tuberculosis become an obsession with presente d an ambitious project by Theodore Goeke which was to remain a racial improvement? In what respect were the Garden City or t own paper plan. This appeared to follow the late nineteenth century German planning to be regarded as absolutes in aesthetic terms, or were they -11- -10- 'd d shortly to be houses' now hemmed in by motorways on tw~caSlle egsa r~~n suburb ior which inextricably linked even in visual aspects with their immediate d emolished, to 1916-42, a ladrgeh . h featured Unwin-inspired poli~ical context? The next presen tation by Hans Kampffmeyer did 1 d architect an w lC · fh k to resolve matters. He took the postwar development of housing Berlage was the ea lng th most impressive was the Kle oe ~oth1ng elements in its layout. Perhaps den:e development in which Dutch Germany as a continuation of Garden Suburbs of the Weimar period, 1n Estate 1925-9 (J .J .P. Oud)' a t · ty w· th an architectural citing the vast Nordweststadt-Siedlung of Frankfurt-am-Main as .. 1 came to ma ur 1 ' 1 1 . f continuation of Ernst May's pioneering ROmerstadt and Niddatal. To most modernism, de stl) ' . . colour scheme evoking the qua lty o abstraction allied to a brhllll?nt had recently been refurbished a nd the observers the principles of layout and spatial hierarchy in May's work Mondriaan abstracts. The ouslng were conspicuous by their absence, and the result appeared simply to colour scheme restored. represent an e xample of comprehensive high rise housing development comparable with hundreds throughout Europe. Garden City design . . s held on Saturday at Agne ta Park' a principles had been diluted to the point where they were scarcely The final colloqun~m sessH;>~ ~=85 on an i nformal picturesque plan company village la1d 1 school. Here was the Dutch recognisable, in marked contrast to the controversial Nazi settlements ~ut presented earlier. remiscent of the Eng~lsh landscale nalism of the Cadbury and Lever;s equivalent of the e nllghtened ?ater f the ma)·or tributaries whlch · · work had prov1ded o ne o whose ploneerlng . f the Garden City movement. The next group of papers turned to biographical evaluation of seminal flowed i n to the malnstream o a rchitect-planners active in Germany during t he 1920s. Kristiana Hartmann took three key figures the Swiss Hans Bernouilli he or anisationa l forms which had Klaus Novy ranged broadly over 1 developments' and analysed (1976-1959), Otto Salvisberg (1882-1940) and Bruno Taut (1880-1938). ~ ~ed the Gar?en City an Trhei: set the scene for Gerhard F~hl and subjected characterised She described their major work in the housing field, reform as soclal refo.rm. (Hausgruppe) versus terraced hous ln~ approach t o an analytical framework scoring them for their housing their whose theme was grouped. houslng . 1 estate planning as ref l ected ln contribution to the emergence of planning as a process; Civic Design; (Reihenhaus) a s the basls for ratlonc;t 1920 The transition from and the co-operative ideal. Institutional Reform, Health and Hygiene; the work of Josep.h Rings in .Esset t~nr race .forms characterised the Salvisberg on Bernouilli was strongest on Institutional Reform, grouplngs. to . theor in the period of 1_910-20' elsewhere , whi 1st Taut picturesque ~atlOna Planning as a process with negligible scores evolution of Gard~n Clty Slte pl~nnl~g·onal ~locks in Nothing Galned by scored heavily on everything except Institutional Reform and was the epitomised in Unwln' s espousal o r~ 1 d this period in detai 1 a nd strongest all-rounder by far. The technique has inherent dangers of Overcrowd ing (1912) • Fehl has ana yse k b Theodor Fischer, Martin oversimplification, but it did serve to highlight the differences presented widely drawn exampleshf~~m wor Foflowing this Gunther Uhlig between, and strongest c ontributions of three professionals whose Wagner' Peter Behr.ens and Josep f City site layout and argued achievements are undervalued in the English speaking world, outshone by ~;;;e·n looked a~ the ~e s Lgn 7lements t '! 1 manipulative tec hniques, and even the emphasis still placed upon the Bauhaus prima donnas. All three that Unwln' s Slte desLgn, ~pa la . were o ld enough to have trained and developed their ideas in the co-operative ideals were stLll valld. crucial p re-war period which saw the rapid dissemination of the English Garden C ity, notably Unwin's version, but they remained flexible enough . t · c groupings of Garden City a new Garden City and had to adapt their ideas in the harsh post-war period and to the brief Mark Fester spoke of th7 c.harac{~~:: ~or flower ing Weimar Republic. layouts being used ~s bul.ldLng b in exam les found in Town prepared ~omprehe~slve dlagramsi ~~~~t Ra~burn fayout . Helmu~h ~ting Ernst May (1886- 1970) is better known and Ursula Weiss focussed on his Planning ln Pract.Lce and theb~r ~of relating historical bulldlng t Finally Otokar Uhl showed how radical, and arguably finest achievements as Frankfurt City Architect , likewise dealt w1th the pr~ em layouts to prese~t day requlhre~e~ e~~ refurbished wi th examples from drawi ng out his initial links with Unwin, for whom he had worked at several Garden C1ty estates a . Hamps t ead in 1909. The Frankfurt strategic programme of 1925 Karlsruhe, NOrnberg, Mannheim and Berl1n. strikingly embraced the Garden Ci t y concept applied to articulated development of suburbs as shown in Unwin's well known diagram included 0 ference was lively and often centred upon in Nothinfi Gained by Overcrowding in 1912. The Prauheim, ROmerstadt, Discussion throughout the ~ ~ h . h left an English observer bemused. Rotenbusc siedlungen all linked radical design t o a comprehensive semantic problems.of the kln ~ ~cto draw the threads together and to programme and were in turn to be developed further by May at Gerhard Fehl ~ero1cally.att~mp ~urther analysis. was the Garden City Magnetogorsk in the early 1930s . provide a ser le~ of topLcs or t ? - man of the papers had been . merely an archl t ectural conceph. t t myielf I could not resist puttlng By contrast JOrge n von Reuss described a land-based approach to the architect oriented: . (As an arc ~i~~cts had needed the Garden City, but ts?) Did the Garden City bring in the lean post-1918 period. forward the propo~1t1on that a~\ Garden City formulated by Leberecht Migge did the Garden C1 ty nee.d arc '7 ~c central city and how was it This took as its basis plots large e nough to promote self-sufficiency with mi nimum housing. Prototypes were developed at Berlin-SchOneberg emancipation . from th~ lndustr laand the co-ope;ative ideal? Were and Perlberg, near Hamburg in 1920-1. The architects Martin Wagner and integrated wlth houslng reform the Garden City? The answers to .bY set for the Autumn. Meanwhile it is Adolph Loos were both involved with t he concept, "organic" in all its today ' s urban problems soluble these must await a further sesslon h ·eh are of direct relevance to aspects and related to the philosophy of anarchist-utopianists such as 1 Kropotk in. hoped that the papers ,. many. of ~ s will be published in the English-speaking plannlng h~~t~~~a7christian-Verlag , Hamburg ) edited The afternoon tour focussed on model estates in ranging from excellent ~tadt-:-Planung. Gesc llc nin history conference material has the pioneering high density deck access flats at 1920-1 by Fehl, ln wh lch ea~l~e~v~n~n surgely needs a permanent record. (Brinkman), through the traditional charm of Witte Dorp 1922-4 (J.J.P. appeared. Such a rLc Dr. Mervyn Miller, Baldock, Herts. Oud), a development of single storey white rendered pantiled roofed -12- -13- RECENT AND FORTHCOMING P UBLICATIONS b t s e e r ' s grand pl a n for Ber l in This detailed asses sment of Al er bpb t ·o n of t he Nazi regime but · t a s note merely a n a era 1 .. con tends t ah l t w . . e scale, s elf-a ggrand1z1ng Peter Am brose (198 6) Wha t ever Happened to Pla nning? London : Methuen, in step with a tradltlon ofo ~ a r g t While the text e ncompasses 2 24 pp. £ 25.00 hardback I SBN 416 371 000 , £8 . 95 pa perback ISBN 416 371 authoritarian ventures of . the 2 f t . ~ey n i ~ ~~;t r ate d a nd accompanied by 40 1 08. only 107 page s , the work lS pro use p ages o f n o t es. Announced by the publi s hers a s an e xaminat i o n of "how the plan ni ng · · t s and c o untryside s y stem emerged in t he Second Wo r ld War a nd how it has been eroded d 1986 Nature ' s Place: conservat1on s 1 e W. M. A ams , ' . £ l5 00 paper back £ 5 . 95. since". The a uthor d e velo ps his a na l ys i s of the r i se and fal l o f town cha nge , A lle n a nd Unwln . PP• 209 • , a nd country planni ng through two c ontrasted case s tudies , one of the · f the s tate o f s ite protection in London docklands and the other of a green belt a r e a . This boo k ' offe rs an an~l y ~l S o . . . . e rha s a n unl ike ly sourc e f o r British nature conserv a tlon . (p. l ll) · hp p f ull and a u t horitat ive Gordon Stephenson , 1986. Plann ing f o r the University of We s t ern 1 t he planning i n tere Australia: 1914- 70 . hi s t~rian , . bt \ nw:~~t u :e~ r ~y a~~o s e s ted in t he A r ev iew of pas t plans a nd f utur e prospects, early chapters whlc h Wl 1 e r One covers t wo centur Lang ham Press, Nedla nds , 50 i es o f pp., pr i c e AS 8.95, I SBN 0 9589567 0 7 h i s t ory of c o':lntrys ~d e c hange . Chapte and l andscape. Chapter Two (copies obtainabl e f r om Univers i ty Bookshop , University of Western developme nts ln agrlc ulture , l and preservation. Aus tra lia , Nedlands 60 09 or Dept. of Civic Design , University of ~s~ou n try s id e Chapt e r Live r pool, PO Box 147 , Liver foc usse s o n the lobby f o ~ nature ~n r s ite r otect i on a nd Chapter pool , L69 3B X). Three looks at the ~ volyl ng machlnery f ?d Ac t pl981. Al l th i s , more Four a na lyses the Wlld llfe afndhCo~nt~ys~o~stit~ t e s a usefu l historical First a s planning consult a n t t o the State Gove rnment, and then as than ha lf t he wo rd length ~ t e oo , Professor of Arc hitec ture , the author pl ayed a key r ole i n planning the review for student consumpt1o n . d e velopmen t of the universit y campus during the pe r id of rapid expans i o n i n t he 1950s and 1960s. As well a s recounting the origins 1986 Wi th conscious Pu rpose: A H ist o r y A. Hutching s & R. Bu nke r , e d s . . ~ dilla s a • wa ke f ield Pr e ss PP · and i mplementation of the S t ephenson plan, mo r e ge ne ral o bservations of Town Plannin in South Austra 11a wa n • • • are made o n the general princi ples guiding campus planning. 136 A 24 .95 (over seas, post pai d A $ 29.95). Do nald N. Ro thbl att a nd · 1836 planned community t o implement Da niel J . Gar r , 1 986 . Suburbia: a n South Au s tralia was s e t tled l~ as a t u r B r iti sh reformers. Th is i nternational assessme nt. Cro om Helm, Beckenham, Kent, pr ice £19.95. 0 7 999 2258 2 . the utopian ideals o f ea: l y n lnet.et n ~~dcern C~lonel Wi 11 iam Light's d istinctive approach, f 1rs t ;'a~ 1 .;s began a strong tradition of Dra wi ng o n mater i a l f r om the U.S.A . , the Netherl a nds and Israel , the famous pa rklands plan f?r A e al e~ d s s t ematic manner . The autho r s a sse ss the e xtent to which the d ramatic growt h of suburbia i n d eve l oping settlements ~n anf o r 5a ~ ~ ~ : in far ly me tro po lit an Adelaide , the post-wa r period has enhanced the quality of l ife , and which f a ctor s c o ntr ibut ors t r ace ~h e r lSe o s u u d wh ich rivalled the American West>. the spr ead of front l e rs (at a have influenc ed that qual i ty. The implicat i ons for f uture me t ropolitan s?e e a nd u r ban e xpansions . T he book lS and t wentieth cent~ry . mode~ ~r~~e c~~yal Aust ralian Plann ing I nstitute . d e velo pment and for cross-national comparative u r ban r esearch a r e p ubl i shed in a ssoc 1at1on w1t e discus sed . Thomas Hall ( 1986 ) Pla n ning Europ'a i scher Ha upst'adte Zur Ent wicklung des Ma rtin Do ught y (ed . ), 1986. Building the i nd us trial city, Leicester St~dteb a u es im l 9 Jahrh undert S t ockho lm: Almqvist and Wicks e l l 386 pp. , University Press, 212 pp. , £27 . 50 , I SBN 7185 1238 3 . Swedish Kr. 220 , I SBN 91- 7402-16 56. I n t he p ublisher ' s series , 188 0 Themes i n Urban History, the vo lume focuss es This study of urban p~anning in cfaf/tt:eln a on the b u ild i ng indus try that c reated t he homes for t he urban Eu~~p~~~ c~=~~~a{ ~ , l~~~h- working - class i n t he n ineteenth century. The combi nes a short :evlew of each ts s uch as streets, sanitati on a nd 4 s tudies i nc luded in the comparative a nalys 1s of s and philosophi volume a re: Land d evelopment and ho use-build i ng in Huddersfield, p~an - elemen e s d u ring t he 1 770-1911 (Jane Spr ingett) ; Build i ng soci et i es i n t he Wes t Riding of i:~~:it~~~at~~~i~~ ~;:;;:~gpr~ri~~~~~~ial and modern c i t y p lanni ng. Yorkshire and their contribution to hous ing provis i on (M.H. Yeadall); The Wels h i nfl uence o n the bu ilding i nd ustry i n Vic t o rian Li verpool t · (1986) The Designation of Cumbernauld New (Thomas A. Roberts); The Vi c t orian building i ndustry and the housing of C. Ca r t er a nd M. Kea . lng al overnment relationshi ps in t he Scottish w o rking c lass (Richard Rodger) . Town : a c as~ stu~ y ~~ ce~[~~~~l~~ynei: the open university . Faculty Scotland dur1ng t e 1 0 s 99 £ 2 so of Social Sciences Wo rking Paper No . 2 . PP· • • Stephen D. Helmer , 1985 . Hi t l er's Be r l in : The S peer Plans for Reshaping · the Central City. Ann Arbo r, Michigan : VMI Re search Pre s s, XXVI, 336 The p r ogagonist in thls very l· nte res t ln· g p iece o f 1 p o lic y hibuts t o rtyhe is pp., $54.95 (cloth), I SBN 08-35-16821 . neit her cen tral nor l ocal gove rnment i n the us ua s ense, . . h Sco ttish Off i ce , Scotland ' s terr~~o~ ifi ~e~~~~me~~d b:~~fec~n ~~~n~~r g yet a ~ hintegrabll p~ ~ ~ ~; t~~e c:~tn:t a and f he P~ r liament of Westminst e r . Scott1s Assem Y i d t Cl d e valley Plan of The Scotti s h Of.fic e was tenaciously! comm tt~es th~ solut i on t o Glas gow's 1946 wh ich e nv l s a ged new t own d eve opmen . f 1 p r oblem of "o versp i l l " , i.e. population s urpl us t o capac1ty a t er s urn - 14- - 15- c learanc e . Cumbernaul d was to be t he l a s t and larges t of t h e overspill ne w towns . To get it bu ilt , the c ivil s ervan t s of the Scot tish Office . t e and packing) from:- had to manoeuvre t h e p roj ect through a hig hly complex series of Available at £2.00 (i nclud lng pos ag negotiations with the local aut ho rities o n t h e one hand , notably Glasgow Corporation, a nd Whiteha ll on t he othe r , meaning especiall y the or. Stefan Muthes ius , Treas ury , which was deeply suspicious o f Scottish housing finance as a Sc hool o f Art Histor y a ~d Music Univers ity of Eas t Ang lla who le a nd of the new t own corporations in par t icular. They succeeded , No rwi ch NR4 7 TJ Cumbernauld got its desi gnat ion a nd thirty y e ars later the backgr ound . for Beginners N.Y . : Wr ite rs a nd s t o r y of this policy coup by the Scottish office i s now lucidly Louis Hellman (1986) Ar chli~~t u r e£ I SBN o-04-720033- 2. researched and narrated by Carter and Keating. Reade rs, L o ndon : Methuen . PP 3 • 95 ' t in across fund amental ideas and Av ailable f r om: - Lou is He l lman ?as the k.nack of get o f g succ i nc t sen tences and a lar.g e issues in archl tecture ln a c~up~e. ghly ingen ious a nd wit ty' a nd hls Ric ha rd Ske l lington, Edit o r car toon . His use of colla ge lS ll recomme nd e d f o r the refer ence Fac ulty of Soci a l Services Wo rking Pape r Series captions are irresistable. Strong Y The Ope n Un i versit y library, or the loo, or both. Wa lto n Hall Milton Keynes, MK7 6 AA C . Bacon (1986} Coal Mining and the Hous ing Ques tion in Br itain METAPHOJ?- 1901-1939 Privately printed. 130 pp . £4.00 . ~ Reporting research funded by the Aneurin Bevan Me mo r i a l Foundation i n secu ro ty f el.te"'P•, l••t 1983- 6, Bacon describes the struggl e of min i ng communities to improve rp ~ •v·~~dcy poi..J ~r1v( thei r h o using conditions in the various coalfi elds of Eng l a nd , Scot land OWI1 e(Y\,p ~ nilR ~ e>cdv\.ve a nd Wales , and the national campa ign which played a sign ifi c a n t role in W~rMt h e ~ pe., ~( f stimulating wide r s tate involvement i n housing provisi o n after 1919. GJ Available from the author at : - 73 Roebuck Road, Sheffield S6 34Q. r Miles Ho rsey a nd Stefan Muthesius (1986} Pro vinc ial Mixe d Development: harcl the des i gn and constructi o n o f Norwich Council hous ing under Davi d Cold.. ~().t~ w ~"\ Percival 1955-1973 No r wi c h : privately publi s hed . 8lpp, £2.00 , ISBN 0 ( c alcv l~ t ; ,~ r.~c.h 9 511605-0-8 . bu~ ; "e ~\ I. ke r'"··~J;red;o"' iMpQr 5o,'\1 itl\r-:>A-'l t -17- -16- · d · ff nt kinds of proposals RESEARCH REPORT services in t he territory, gave ns~ to ~ e::lative dispersion of around the possible ~ecentralizatl on an their treatment of such housing , servic~s and lnfrastru ctu.re:~sch InQuevedo, Ridruejo or Soroa matters agronomlsts sue~ asltBa!~r c~nsider~tio n s into what we would now THE AGRARIANIST TRADITION: Francis Javier Monclus went far beyond mere agr1c u .ur REGIONAL PLANNING AND RURAL Jose Luis Oyon call rural environment plann1ng. ARCHITECTURE IN SPAIN Architects Dept. of Town · · · t · should be made of the Planning, Valles School of Besides the strictly agrar lan trtd~~lt~~nmeForlo~panish rural planning. Archit., Barcelona . ;~~o~~:~~~dooufs !~~o/t~f !~~~!~i~~:Fd t~~rt~I~:~~!~t~ur~:~t~;y t~:;t~~~ The historical development of a set of knowledge and techniques related territory from the seco!'l ~ maps of roads a nd population centres, to the shaping of the rural territory is complex and multiform. confined to the preparatlo n o of spatial survey was also related Several disciplinary traditions can be recognized in that process etc. A great part of that pr?cess d the elaboration depending on the countries and historical periods considered. to the development of agronom.lca.l re~ources, base ~~ a reeled lands' Of exhaustive descriptions, dlctlonarles, and maps ( p 'th the · ) Th' as for example, the case Wl On the o ne hand, there are a the literatures of landscape architecture geologica~, hydrologlc,: e~C: h no~s o~ly' measured the water volume . to and "gardening" that, in their different aspects, have had great "hydrologlcal survey s w .le h basin but pointed out interestlng importance, specially in the Anglo-Saxon world. On the other, the establish the resource~ ln eac h d, suggested global projects for spatial economy and the regional geography traditions, specially of aspects of each valley s geograp Y .an German and French origin, have for more than a century paid fundamental the transformation of the rural terr1tory. attention to rural areas, source of mos t recent regional planning of such studies during the issues. We can see very clearly the reformls· t t na ure i t. began to · h ew form of State nterven 10n twen~ies and thirt1e~, w en a n blic works projects, particularly To these traditions, never totally separated, we must add a third - be 1mposed on certa1n types of P~ d t An incipient 1 agrarianism. This aspect , though relatively neglected, has played a those related with the irr~gat;on. even~p~~; h drological became crucial role in many West European countries. The case of Italy and convergence between the agronoml~ts fl~~d ~onfederafions in the 1920s Spain is specially illustrative in this respect. Although in the the basis of .the work. of ~heG:~e:~ir~~ i~~ de Rivera, based upon the (from the end of the eighteenth century to the middle of the beginning sectorial char.acter, nineteenth century) there was a certain parallelism with the technical ~~~~~i.atttoen d;~t~;~~~~~p p~ans of inter embr~c;~g statements of English and French agrarianists of that time, our long housing and infrastructure, reforestation~ and agronom1c~l a~~ san 1t Y permanence in an agrarian phase of economic and historical development aspects, as well as the strictly hydrolog1cal aspect. (Flg. • led to the deepening of a specifically agrarianist tradition, which - PLAN AGRON6MICO in t he Spanish case - reached its climax as late as the 1940 - 1960 period.

From survey to rural territory planning

The interest in planning the rural environment is not a very recent phenomenon, as might be thought. We do not just mean that, as in the city, there has always existed a correspondence between territorial arrangement and the economic, political or cultural interests of each period. Instead we are referring to some lines of thought that, at first sight, have little to do with the traditional corpus of the planning culture. liCA AGRKOV. If we consider the development of Spanish agrarianism, from the • VIVIAOS FRVTAU~ programmes of the enlightenment to the successive projects of land ~ ~'AGEUS INOVSTAI4lf.S. reform in this century, we cannot fail to notice the almost obsessive • COlOt11l.ACION(S 4GRICOV.!. concern for the problem of the spatial distribution of rural population • CttiTAOS ~GRO - PtCVAA IO !i. and habitat. Jovellanos ' ideal of "rational settlement" , associated, 6 8RIGAD4S 0( NNUACION Dt FU1CAS as in Rousseau's theory, with antiurban focus and regional balance, was followed by the schemes of Fermin Caballero, t he great agrarianist of the second half of the nineteenth century, for the " encouragement of rural settlement" and the promotion of a uniform level of agrarian productivity by means of a homogeneous distribution of population, infrastructures and services elements. In the first third of the twentieth century, the problem of the physical distribution of Fig. 1 The Agronomical plan for the Ebro basin pr epared by the Confederacion settlement in areas with low density of population was the object of Hidrografica del Ebro in the 1920s. analysis. The question of the distance between the houses and the plot, the waste of time that this provoked and the distribution of -18- -19-

as to encourage family life and values among farm labourers. Frequently, the Confederat · 1 Confederacion Hidrografica d 1~0:b work (particularly that of the of the first and best k e ro - C.H . E.) has been compared to one By the end of the 1920s there already exist ed a relatively wide-spread T7nr:'ess~e Valley Authority ntTw; Aepisodes of Reg ional Planning, the aware ness that one of the impor tant elements in the improvement of Slmllarlty between them - H ••• ) , a nd there really exists a great rural condition wa s housing reform. Some initiatives of the State work of Lorenzo Pardo • d.owever , what d lS· t lngulshed· · the innovating already showed a n important shift of approach by comparison with importance attached to a'r :rector-manager of the C.H.E. , was the earlier years, as t he exhaustive report Contribucion al estudio d e la of "Planes de colo nizaci~n~r~~n alanning. For example, the elaboration casa rural (1919) pointed out. According to that report , t he housing tasks of the Agronomical s .an settlement plans) was o ne of the main problem was not a question that could be restricted to mere The impetus of such "h ~~v l~~ of th~ Con~ederations in each subzone. construction of aired rooms, with separation of sex, people and postwar period by the wo~k auf 1~h reg lC~ n allsm" w~s s ustained in the animals, but also it had to comprise a set of important needs centred (I .N.C.) 0 e Nat1onal Inst1tute of Colonization in the village where those houses we re sited. It was necessary to build public services of education, assistance, health and recreation that could enlarge the home place and thus complete a n a dequate Th: importance that the colonizing thud.of the century, certainl .programmes acquired in the second environment. The social and spiritual life of the agr icultor s hould plannlng problems of rural area%. stlmulated awareness of the pressing resemble that of the city. That led experts in the early t h ir t i es to of emphasise the theme of the village. As against the clear r u ralist a nd An~lo-Saxon planning culture ~~a~ontrast to the dominant tendency 1 establ1sh protectionist .virtually confines itself to antiurban objectives of Cabelleros tradition of the n ine t eenth 1 ter:ritory , some Italian anrdu se;anit~h avold the utilization of rur;al century, the new settlement models identified t he minimal c o nc entrati on po1nt should be located . planne~s thought that the startlng needed to group sanitary, educational and urbanistic services . Thus , sensibility for the pre~ lse ly ln agr1cultural product i on . such the village as service nucleus, as the minimal unity o f "urban" 1 originally limited to t:chann.nl.ng ~f the ~ural environment was not settlement in rural territory, turned out to be an essential part of was it just a consequence o~c~~ n s lnv~~ved ln agrarian colonization nor the different proposals of regional p lanning. of the Italian Fascism or in e t~ur~ lSm t.hat prevailed in the context Gas ton Bardet, devoted one of the r:ncolst autar;chy . For example, In the beginning of the thirties it is already possi bl e to see the post-war book to coun tr ~ c apters of hls small well known great importance given by agronomi cal handbo oks to small scale planning "), a phrase alr~ad plan~~ni or "ur~anisme rural" ( "rural settlement programmes. The 1933 c ompetition for villag e bui l ding in Guadalquivir and Guadalmella symptomatic that a section fory ru~l e y u~ed l n t~e 1930s. It is to areas was , without do ubt, one of the Congreso Na zionale de Urbanl· st . ~1 phlannl ng were lntroduced in the "I fundamental me eting point s betwee n agronomic and architectur al c I A 1ca t at took place i R technique in connection with this the me of r ural housing. Architects • • .M. o f Par i s (both celebrated . n ome , and the the part of the official planning ln 1~937). However, this int e res t on and .engine ers competed to desig n a programme of hous ing and ".Public serv1ces" thought out by an agronomis t . In i ts detailed basis we can technicians that were per sonall f:vo~:ed l~ter decayed , except am<:>ng 1 1 already see the embryo of many proje cts bui l t aft er the civil war: t h e reform a nd c o lonization. TheY ~ ~ p rogrammes of agrar an case of Jose Fonseca agronomist logic in is an example o f it . A me mber of the Plann ing the "Planes Gfinal l lmposltlon of an essentially Seminary of the Architecture during the 1950s was greatl f enera es de Colonizacion" elaborated Sc hool of Madr i d (19 32-1936) he w as Y avoured by the 1· 0 b . l.t . already worried about agrarian matte r s , and d ed i c ated all h is attention cu ltur e to offer a vision of its own. a l 1 y of plannlng to colonization problems in relation with rural housing. As w1 t h many agronomists in the study of rur a l est a tes , F onse ca understood housing From farm buildings to rural housing and village as an economic cost that should be c onnect ed with the development of the family plot, and closely related with i t s characteristi cs . Although s ome weak precedents existed the · · Housing, as the immovable c apital of the farm holding, was therefo handbook literature on farm building r e 'b d beglnnlng of Spanish susceptible to an ec onomic r easoning , o f a cost s t udy within t he nin~te e nth c e ntury, when articles becaann e ated to .the mi?dle of the agrlcultural magazines with the purpos~ f t~ .be. publlshed ln numerous accounting balance o f the family farm . condition o f rural housing in our to rlnglng up to date the poor Most of these i ssues and mea ns of cooperation among agronomists a nd English and French farm models trhy. by means o f the d iffusion of c~~n architects were semi-closed build ing faithfully g a thered wh en t he war was over. The f o rm was f~voured lS stage a type of closed o r competitions o f rural housing c o nvened by the Institute Naciona articles of the first third of th , though handbooks and magaz ine l de l a Vivienda (I.N.V.) and the Ordinanc e s o f that agenc y m ake eviden t the open design, coinciding with new i~s~=~t~ry sh~fte~ to favour a more special . and cattle specialization. Also, and agriculture se~si~ility .towar ds rura.l housing and villa ger s o handbo~~s sa nl ~atlon character1st1c 1n the h1story of Span1s h p lanning during the 1940s and others, began to dedicate specific s t. sue as that of Soroa or 1 950s. The historical exper i e nce o f "villages o f c o lonizat or rural workers who were comin ~c lOns to ~he housing of settlers ion" component of the new farm Theg a o be cons ldered as an essential embodi~d the .essence of. technique s about housing and rur a l p lanning 1n the prev1ous two dec ades , e s tabli marks an important shift the the consol1~ated s hing the c ul mi nating a~ begl~~:~:n~~ ~; . housing question synthes1s between to th.e reformers, the agronomical a nd architectonic technique, involving - prime condition desirabl ~s century. According to a greater degree than wa s 1 ts location in the farm where he w ked or the Is house ever befo r e o r s ince - architects wi th e vident wo r~er sens ibility towards the relations between reformers, the day laborer's estran ement e • . housing environment and ~ r Acc~o rdlng to the and. periods was both socially damag ingg and 1 famlly during long ~gro~omy~ agron~mis ts who th ~ ught carefully about the spatial ec~~m ~ls 1mpl1cat1ons, 1nclud1ng the aesthet1cs, of their programmes. s~cond necessary requirement was that th om l ca ly wa~teful. The s lngle-family or "independent" - using t h e aed. Jec rutr~l lVe ofhouslng the timemust - beso -20- -21-

Since the beginning of the 1960s the development of economic planning and regional economy has led to the displacement of interest towards urban problems. In the presence of a ruling spirit of economism and a doctrine of the "necessary unity of Regional Planing", rural environment planning came to be considered as a "false problem" of concern only to r uralists and technicians unable to understand the interrelation between urban and rural environments. Ins tead of developing the former tradition, the efforts of the planners who were worried about the subject, seemed to be directed almost exclusively to its integration with the regional economy. Whereas rural colonizatio n sustained a professional movement with common vocabulary, concepts and techniques in countries such as Holland or I srael (and to a lesser degree in Italy), in the Spanish case, the attempt to establish a convergence field between physical and a gronomical planning did not s urvive. Although today we cannot reactivate the old rural myths nor revi se the rural planning and rural architecture of the agr arianist tradition, a knowledge of that tradition can contribute to the construction of alternative methodologies of territorial intervention in rural areas.

NB The authors have developed this theme at g reater length in their forthcoming book : Colonizacion agraria en Espana (1855-1973). Politicas y tecnicas e n l a ordenacion del espacio rural. Some aspects have alr eady been shown in: F .J . Monclus y J . L. Oyon, "Colonizacion agraria y 'urbanismo rural ' en el siglo XX. La e xperiencia del Instituto Nacional de Colonizacion", Ciudad y Territorio no.57-58 , 1983 / I (Italian version in Storia Urbana no. 28, 1984), and "De la .A. ' I colonizacion interior a la colonizacion integral (1900-1936) . Genesis / y destino de una reforma agraria tecnica", in R. Garrabou (ed.), , Historia agraria de la Espana contemporanea (III), Critica, Barcelona, ' 1986.

For a f irst approach to similar experiences in other countries see: M.V. Hulten, "Plan and Reality i n the Ijsselmerpolders" Tydschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geographie LXI, 1969; J.O. Maos, "Land Settlement in the Mediterranean region: lessons gleaned from Italy, Spain and Israel" , Ekistics, 48, 1981; G. de lucca, "La politica Territoriale nell'esperienza di Riforma Agraria in Italia: l'Opera Valorizzazione Sila", Storia Urbana, 18, 1982.

Opposite:-

Fig. 2 San Lorenzo de l Flumen. A colonizat ion village designed by A. Bunuel for the Instituto Nacional de Colonizacion, Ebro region , 1954. -23- - 22-

THEORY/PRACTICE Integrated Practical Academic training training ARTICLES LEVEL training

Partial Hungary Planning Education in Europe: Agustin Rodriquez-Bachiller undergraduate An Interrupted Transition? Department of Town Planning France Italy Oxford Polytechnic Undergraduate We st Germany Introduction Netherlands specialisatio n Spain A. r .ecent survey of planning education undertaken by the author for the Italy Mlnlstry of Public Works in Spain (Rodiquez-Bachiller 1985) identified United States Full st Germany United Kingdom undergraduate West Germany We several main dimensions in the analysis of planning education: Netherlands United States 1 Postgraduate Spain Kingdom i Th~ PR?fESSIONAL IDEOLOGY dominant in planning: the conception of what Hungary France United P ann1ng 1s, the conception of what the planner is. Poland 2) The SOCIAL CONTEXT of planning education: the degree and type of professional control, and the type of market for the planning graduates. Though most countries usually display ~ dominant approach, even a ;~dThe gRGtNISAT~O~ of planning education: relationship between practica l aca em c tra1n1ng, and level at which educati on takes place. superficial survey (and a simplified table as above) shows today a certain diversity around the dominant form, sometimes j ust as little more than 4 t) d T .he RESOURCES of planning education and the1·r d istribution: length of s towards the future, s ometimes as a lternative !o~k ~e s , se 1 e ction of s tudents, student/ teacher ratio, type of student intentions or trend approaches competing wi th the dominant form. If we look first at t hose 5 ) .The CONTENT ~~ ~lanning education: degree of specialisation and dominant forms (we will come back to the diversity later), in our survey opt1onality, def1n 1t1on and location of the core · t found useful to identify some historical models of planning education synthes i s use of · t . , 1ns ruments of we study. , pro)ec s, lntegration of work-experience, type of final to be used as points of reference.

Each of these d imensions could generate a typology of different approache s 1. THE TRADITIONAL-TECHNICAL MODEL to planning education (or even of different countries). For instance, the This model identifies planning with another t echnical discipline (usua lly first dimension can generate the following typology of conceptions of architecture), taught in a long (5 years) undergraduate course with little planning: degree of specialisation (10% or less), with practical objectives, oriented towards a liberal professional practice i n a market dominated by PLANNING physical planning, the course being oriented towa rds design skills, Part of a design Extension of other ific With a spec , centered THE PLANNER discipline social disciplines core of its own organised in a very heavy curriculum in terms of class-hours around project work . This approach can be identified in Europe as the Specialist The architect- The ' partial' Inter- p lanner pla nner (tearn wo rk) disciplinarity 'starting point' from which most countries have developed historically , and the clearest example that we found i n our survey that still today Generalist ------;h ~- ~;~~~=~ f=~~~=---;h~-~~~~~;~~---- trades ' planner The 'manager' approximates this model is (somewhat paradoxically) Hungary, where, even if the planning profession is far from having a liberal market for its exercise, the organisation of training in this field is very much along The third dimension (the o rganisation of planning education) produces an the lines described. The 'main project' in the course mu st have elements interesting map of countries: of the five main fields of study (architecture, structure, construction, sercies, and building organisation), and planning can only 'sneak in' as an ex tens ion of some of these. To compensate for this scare i ty of - 25- - 24-

training in planning at university level, the Professional Association some 400 graduates per year nationwide, the majority entering the local organises periodically two-year 'Master' courses for professionals who public sector. We can also find general 'planning studies' courses, with in normal universities, have been in work for at least two years: these courses consist of no professional aspirations. On offer "academic 'pa i ring up ' apprentices with established professionals (the 'masters' ) particularly those without Master's courses. However, the for two ye ars on a part-time basis, at week-ends. On the other hand, the model" of the graduate course remains dominant. 'pa r allel progr am' in English ( 1) of specialisation studies i n arc hitec ture being organised at present in that country (open also t o 3 THE COMPREHENSIVE-INTEGRATED MODEL stude nts from different countries and backgrounds) will most probably This model, typical of Great Britain, is also social-science based , but introduc e fundame n t al changes moving away from this traditional model. starts from the undergraduate level in what is known as a '3+1 ' format, with three years for a Degree plus one more for the professional Diploma, In contras t with this model of planning as an aspect of technology or sometimes with a year of practice sandwiched in between: the curriculum design, the next two models result from the growing differentiation of usually starts with some foundation subjects and then moves on to a ~' traditio nal physi c al planning int o three d ifferent a spects: traditionally imposed by the professional organisation (and consisting o f 1) Disintegrat ion o f physical planning into different components, usually three areas; methodology, the physical environment, and the administative materialised into separate courses i n Architecture, Urban Design, and context), which gives a strong generalist flavour to the training . There Planning , the l atte r more concentrated o n socio-economic aspects o f is less specialisation than in the American model (about one third o f t he planning. 2) Di f f erentiation of training into separate levels (under and program), heavier emphasis on project work, and at the same time pos t-graduate). 3) Separation by different objectives, into education relatively low number of weekly contact-hours (about 20 ) . The educational or i e nted r espectively to t he training of po lic y analysts, and of practical objectives are mainly practical, serving a highly professionalised and planner s . The p rocess of diff erentia tio n has given rise to another two specific market of Local Government planning; no organisational r elatively 'pure ' m odel s , a s follows . differentiation is made between 'theoretical' and 'practica l' training , but both are attempted within the same structure, which also ext ends into 2 THE ACADEMIC MODEL the post-graduate level with Masters courses which are practically This model , f ound mainly in North America, i s based largely o n 'collapsed' versions (2 years) of the undergraduate programmes . post-grad ua t e c o urses ( 2 y e ars) whe re planning i s taught as a separate d i sci p line largely dependent o n s ocial sciences (with other separate The number of planning graduates per year has gone down, from around 1000 courses for a rchi tect ure a nd f o r u r ba n design) , in a 'cafeteria' system in the late 70s, to about 600 in the mid 80s (Thomas 1985). At with h igh level of o ptio nality (50% or more) and spec ialisation, oriented postgraduate level, universities still dominate (after the big growth of towards the oretical o b jectives aiming at the tra ining of ' thinkers' , the polytechnic sector in the 70s), while polytechnics attract the relatively uncon trolled by pro fes sio nal o rganisatio ns, and serving a very majority of part-time student; at undergraduate level, universities and d iverse job ma rket. Courses a re organised around a heavy program of polytechnics share the market (Healey 1983). Unemplo yment among planning indi v idual study (less than 10 contac t-ho urs/ week), with relatively little graduates is low (7 . 3%) compared to other professions, and increasing project wo rk (see Sawicki 1984). There are 77 s uch graduate schools, proportions of them find work in 'non-tradidional' planning jobs (Thomas producing some 1500 profes sionally qualified students per year. 1985), jobs where planning skills are needed, but not situated in the planning departments of Local Government. In addition t o t his do minant form of planning education, we find also in the United States planning educatio n a t undergraduate level in The historical evolution of the content of planning courses in the UK polytechn ics o r in less prestigious universities for professionals doing (probably a result of the 'generalist' emphasis) can be characterised by planning wor k in Local Authorities (Hankins et al. 1982). These courses the layer-cake approach (Batty 1984), a cumulation of subjects added on generally last 4 years . The 28 undergraduate school between them produce over time (but without any fundamental substitutions), with the overall -26- - 27- effect of a 'thinning out' of the different fields, decrease in depth of sciences, sometines technology or architecture, leading to subsequent their treatment, and the accompanying increase in dissatisfaction of specialisation& in planning. It is usually oriented towards a market of academics and professionals alike. physical planning, normally operating in a context of weak professionalisation of planning activity. The tendency in Europe has been 4 EUROPE towards this bifurcated model and, with time, towards the generation of If we consider now other countries in Europe and the variations they separated programmes for planning education, but these trends have represent with respect to these models, we can say that the general trend followed different paths and have reached differetn stages i n different has been to move from the traditional model towards o ne of t he o ther two, in different degrees according to different circumstances. Kunzmann countries. (1984) summarises the general trend that planning education has followed In Spain the 9 schools of architecture now offer a major specialisation in in most cou ntries in Western Europe into several typical 'stages'; 1) I n town planning, consisting of about half a dozen year-long subjects the first stage, architects and e ngineers discover the complexity of the constituting about 25\ of the teaching in the second half o f the course). urban syst em and introduce optional subjects in their courses wh i l e, s simultaneously, economists (and sometimes sociologists) discover the The curriculum embraces a great diversity of topics , from spatial analysi to design, legislation, social sciences and applied project work ( with spatial dimension and beg in also to introduce special options in their 'layer-cake effect' as i n the programmes of study. 2) In the second stage, planners wi thin architecture some evidence of the same the U.K.). The rest of t he t r aining and engineering departments beg in to ask for the separate teaching of generalist-comprehensive approach of planning and achieve, either the introduction of separate specialisations in planning in Spain is based on minor specialisations within social in those courses after a common base (the German model), or the creation science or engineering degrees, and some ad hoc post-graduate courses, of varying lengths (from a few days to of separate postgraduate courses i n planning (the American model). 3) I n usually on a part-time basis, and two years), but with no academic and only limi t ed professional the third stage, the growth of such courses and department leads to the establi hment of independent undergraduate courses in planning, except in recognition. tho~se t.ountr ies where the resistence of traditional disciplines is too Venice and Reggio Calabria offer strong, or where demand for 'generalist' planners is not sufficiently In Italy, only two schools Elsewhere, town planning is one high . 4) Finally, the continuation of ideological conflicts, the undergraduate town planning courses. may be pursued within the 17 reduction of the job market, and t he er is is of the idea of among a number of specialisms that Diploma structure follows the interdisciplinarity, lead in some countries either to a fragmentation of architectural schools. The standard bifurcated model, with a combination of general grounding in all aspects planning education and the return of 'sectorialisation', or in the of the discipline, and specialisation in just one. segregation of departments into separate groups ('physical' planners on the one hand, 'political' planners on the other). The situation in planning education in Italy is dominated by the system, produced by its enormous As we see (and our survey confirms it), the historical trend in Europe has inefficienc y of the higher education massification (it is common for a School of Architecture to have four or been first towards specialisation within traditional courses, and 'unoff i cially-part-time' nature (even subsequently the creation of various types of advanced specialist courses. five thousand students!) and by its officially, only 50\ of students are full-time), both producing an The transition from one type to the other has produced a distinctive in hybrid which we may call the ' bifurcated mod el'. 'impasse' from which different departments are trying to get out different ways. In Venice the planner s are now thinking of returning back 5 THE BIFURCATED MODEL to an educational programme of planning integrated with architecture, in ds Th is Y-shaped model of undergraduate education starts with a common base Milan or Turin they are thinking of ways of 'completing' the trend towar of varying length within a traditional discipline sometimes social independence initiated long ago. - 29- - 28-

In some socialist ocuntr ies like Poland, the • Y • model is quite well Germany is in a situation of coexistence similar to France: a bifurca ted established, not only in schools of architecture, but also in other model (2 years in common, 2 years planni ng, and a thesis) in 26 departments like economics (with a programme of 2 years in common, 2 years university departments, split equally betwee n a rchitecture, engineering, of specialisation, and a final year for the thesis), although the emphasis social sciences, and others, and a Britis h-s tyle model i n 6 universities in these social-science departments is more academic, and little or no use of more recent creation (Berlin, Dortmund, Kais erslautern ,· Kassel, if made of 'applied' work like projects. In architecture departments, by Hamburg, Oldenburg), with undergraduate p rogramme s o f 4 1 / 2 ye ars ( 2 contrast, the approach is more like the Hungarian model. Specific courses common, 2 of specialisation within planni ng a nd a thes i s) , e mp hasizing the on planning are only available at a post-graduate level and on a part-time practical aspects of planning and with a s ubstantial amo u nt of proj ect basis, org~nised by the (rather weak) professional association of work (up to SO% in Berlin), in a professional mil i e u still largely planners. dominated by architects: a total of about 265 g rad uates are p r oduced by these 6 schools every year (Dortmund , t he larges t, produces 80 , 6 OTHER TRENDS Kaiserslautern produces 10), of rather di fferent orientat i ons: Hamburg and As we have seen, some countries in Europe are still in the transition Kassel conc entrate on planning wh ile Ol denburg a nd Dor tmund are mo r e towards the 'Y' model in its fully-fledged form. Others, as we will now o riented towards 'policy' than t o wards p hysical planning . Also, in see, are past this stage, and moving towards one of the other two extreme Germany, there are professional s chools t hat t r a i n planners for p r actical models: j obs in very inte ns ive programmes of 4 years , almost exclusivel y b a sed on 'classroom learning' and practical sessions. At t he e nd of t he s e stud i es , In France, the three non-traditional models coexist, under different a s tudent c an go t o a university t o contin ue his educati on (in p l anning theoretical 'umbrellas', in a system characterised by an agreed 'division f o r ins t a nce), or he can enter the job market at a low l evel. While of labour' between planning schools: on the one hand, within the general planning at urba n l evel is largely dom inated by univerity-educ ated emphasis on plurisdisciplinarity characteristic of A.P.E.R.A.U. (national planners, l e vels above and below t hat of a city ( regions, ne i g h bourhoodsO association of 7 planning departments), we have the undergraduate approach are dominated by professionals f rom these schools (Kunzma nn a nd Muller of Tours, practical and generalist, but with a substantive focus (rural 1976) . problems and small towns) , or the theoretical and academic approach at Saint Denis in Paris (post-graduate doctoral programs with considerable 7 CONCLUDING COMMENTS degree of optionality and specialisation), on the other hand, under the There is nothing unusual about all t hese i n termedi ate sit uat i ons i n whic h classical view of planning as a specialisation, the standard bifurcated European c ountr i e s are , and most countries tha t n ow e xhibit some of the programme is present in the architecture schools. In addition, in France, 'pure' models have been through s imilar t r a nsit ional pha ses i n t he past. Local Government officials are trained in planning at m.unicipal It can be s aid that pl anning educ ation has t o a c e r tai n d egr ee evolved as professional training schools, providing a 'second level' of training in a respons e to changes in planning activity, whic h came t o be o r g anised in planning for Local government work. different c o untries of Europe a f t er t he second World War i n q u i t e s imilar fas hion (Williams 1984) • Since t hen , it can p r o babl y be sa id t hat the In Holland, planning courses at university level don • t originate from field has unde rgone in the sec o nd hal f of this century two funda mental technological or design disciplines, but from the social sciences changes, both of which originated i n Ame ric a n and were later 'diff use d ' to (geography, demography). As a result of the reform and shortening of Europe: these were the change from i ntuiti ve to rational p l a ns , a nd the higher education cycles in 1982, planning education changed from a clear change from plans to policies. 'bifurcated' model (3+2 years), to a variation of it (1+3, a 'Y' with a very short stem) which in practice became almost the same as a fully Both changes in planning, and cons eque ntly, i n p l anning education, undergraduate format of British style. happened in America in periods of relative econo mi c prosperity, the late fifties and the late sixties respective ly whereas in Europe they have - 30- -31- say occurred later and have come to be directly affected, one could of the public ON THE TEACHING OF PLANNING HISTORY Dr. Ichiro Nishimura 'interrupted', by the economic recession and the contraction Housing Science IN JAPAN Dept. of sector· Because in England the Labour government responded reasonably Nara Women's University Japan. soon to the challenge (in the mid and late sixties), it could model of planning 'consolidate' what today can be seen as a 'pure' n In Japan planning histo ry has been taught a t va rio us l evel s and i educatio n. In the rest of Europe, the new forms of planning and planning dis ciplinary s e t tings a s we l l . However , i n t his brief review I a second wave of various education were introduced only in the seventies, by when g will restric t myself to teac hing at uni versi ty level and in e ngineerin change was already working its way through planning's professional and arch itecture depa rtme nts , for which infor mation is currently ideology, and in some countries, the economic er is is was making itself was available. felt too: in fact, the need for a change from urban plans to policies ion really felt in many c ountries in Europe because of the economic recess c h group on t he ed ucati on of urban planning a nd design has been for A res ear and, it can be said, by then it was already 'too late'. So the need e reviewing the field. It published a report entitl ed 'A study of t h change in professional orientation and therefore in education in town deve l o pment of the educ ation of u r ban planning & design a nd i t s talen ts' planning wa s not perceived and dealt with in continental Europe when there 3 . This g roup wa s headed by Prof. Ohtan i and the members almost of in 198 were res ources available to carry out those changes, but in a period belonged to the Arc hitectural Institute of Japan (A I J). As their the public all er is i s of the Welfare State, of sea rei ty, of contraction of I report is the o nly useful g eneral accoun t on the theme at the moment, s ector, and to a certain e xtent, of lac k of trust in planning from which, first of all survey t he Japanese scene a s described by t h is report can shall s ome people s ay, we will never recover. It is because of this that we then draw upo n o the r sources t o p r ovide some representative examples of t a lk of an "interrupted trans ition" in planning educaton in Europe. the subje cts c oncerned . REFERENCES in BATTY M. ( 1984) Information Technology in Planning Education, Papers of Wales, Planning Research 80, Departme nt of To wn Planning, University Th e Oh tan i r e po r t covers 48 un iversities and colleges and 53 diff. Car t o about half of the total schools teaching HANKINS W., WUBNEH M. and REIMAN R. (1982) Guide to Undergraduate depart ments , amo unting Association of Collegiate e Education in Urban and Regional Planning, p lanning h i s t o ry in Japan. It is probable t hat the findings reflect th Schools of Planning, City Planning Program, Georgia Institute of Geor gia. general tendency of all schools. Technology, Atlanta, in HEALEY p., (1983) British Town Planning Education in the 70s and 80s, DAVIES H.W.E. and HEALEY P. : British Planning Practice and Planning schools involved the students could more or less study the Education, Working Paper 70, De partment of Town Planning, Oxfo rd In all y Polytechnic. his tory o f urban plann ing with in t he Bachelor • s degree of Technolog R.E. (1981) Contemporary Planning Education: Results of a KLOSTERMAN or B.Sc. in Br i tain ). It is not possible yet to s tudy Course Surve y, J o urnal of Planning Education and Research, Vol. 3, N. (s imilar t o B.A. e e level (Master and Doctor) in the old and famous 2, pp . 77-86. and it at highe r deg r KUNZMANN K.R. (1984) Educating Plannings in Europe: Trends s suc h as To kyo, Kyoto University and so on~ however, other requirements - An International Perspective, International conference unive rsitie of Liverpool on t he Future of Graduate Planning Education, University unive r s ities provi d ing higher degrees in the field are i nc r easing. (September). in KUNZMANN K.R. and MULLER S. (1976) Eine Bedarfsrechnung fOr Raumplaner e der Bundesrepublik Deuts chland, Bauwelt, pp. 1172-76. According t o t he report, l ectures on t he history of urban planning a r A. (1985) La Ensenanza del Urbanismo en Espana y en el ROORIGUEZ-BACHILLER in 19 departments . The likely conten t of such l ectures may be Extranjero, Instituto de Urbanismo y Accion Territorial, Ministerio de available Publicas u Urbanismo, Madrid, Spain. sugges ted by a r e prese ntative t e xt book . Obras and SAWICKI D. s. (1984 ) Guide to Graduate Planning Education in Urban Regi onal Planning, Associatio n of Collegiate Schools of Planning, city Georgia. Planning Program, Georgia Institute of Techn~logy, Atlanta, Consider the famo us t e xt book e ntitled " Urban (city) Planni ng ( • Toshi K. (1985) The Recruitment and Career Destinations of Town Planning THOMAS wr it ten by Prof. T. Higa s a w ho i s one o f the Students in the early 1980s, Working Paper 84, De partment of Town Keikaku • in Japa ne se) Planning, Oxford Polytechnic. representative s chol a rs in t he f ield i n J apan . A lthough t his text book WILLIAMS R. H. (1984) Planning in Europe, George Allen and Unwin, London. - 32- -33- i s no t exclusively historical, many pages are allocated to history. The Thoma s James waters wa s employed as a c hief a rch i t e c t. He i n troduced first chapte r is o n the development o f urban planning. In this chapter and applied a n E nglish Georgian s tyl e in the project which he 26 c harac teristic persons and i terns in the urban planning after the successful l y pl anned, the pro jec t itself being c o nstruc ted a fte r h is ck str eet. i ndus tr i al revo lution are explained briefly. They are as follows: (1) ret urn home. Un fortunately, we 1canno t see this f amo us bri J o hn Wood, (2) Claude Nicholas Ledoux , (3) Robert Owen, (4) F.M.C. But, a s Dr . Fu j i mori appreciates , his achieve ments a r e i mmorta l , B y the Fo urier , (5) J.S. Buckingham, (6) Model towns constructed by factory way, a fter lea v ing this project, T.J. Wate r s disappears from historical o wners (fo r e xample Krupp Colony, Bournville, Pullman, Port Sunlight and s t age, or at least from Japan . Our Briti s h col l eagues can r e port what Earswick), (7) Arturo Soria y Mata, (8) Camillo Sitte, (9) Sir Ebenezer became o f him. Howard, (10) garden suburbs, (11) Tony Garnier, (12) Canberra, (13) another large city, Os a ka , we see another ma jor figure satellite t owns , (14) Patrick Geddes, (15) Le Corbusier, (16) Clarence Now turning to S t ein, (17) Clarence Arthur Perry, (18) N.A. Milyutin, (19) Gottfried who co ntributed t o the development o f urban planning . T hat i s Haj ime Feder, (20) Frank Lloyd Wright, (21) Greenbelt Towns, (22) Chandigarh, Se ki who wa s o nc e a Mayor o f Osaka c ity. He i n i tiated t he construction (23) Team 10, ( 2 4) C.A. Doxiadis, (25) Brasilia, (26) Kevin Lynch. of the main s tree t, named Midohsu ji, on the mode l of the Champs Elysees Thereafter the book f ocuses on a histo rical explanation of the i n Paris . He a lso s et up t he unique academic departmen t o f Civics d evelopment of modern urban planning in we s tern countries (Britain, ( ' Shis eigaku ' i n J apanese) in Osa ka Municipal Un iversity in order to U.S.A. and West Germany) and Japan a s well. t a ckle the ur ban problems i n a comprehensive ma nner . Unfortunately a f t e r W o r ld Wa r I I this depar tment never con t i nued. I t would seem that These persons and items shown above and the explanat i o n of modern urban Haj i me Sek i was inf l uenced by Sir Patrick Geddes. Seki ' s works have ' planni ng in the t e xt book must be the e videnc e that the urban planning r ecently been rev iewe d and can be r e-appreciated by modern students of modern Japan after Meiji Revolution (1868) has been strongly t hrough h i s diary, recently published by Prof. K. Miyamot o and inf luence d by the we s t e rn world. Of course one can find other lectures associ a t es. conc entrate d o n the modern Japanese tradition itse lf. For example Prof. H. Kawakami gives a series of lectures on the history of urban planning Besides t he above-menti o ne d w orks which mainly focus on the process in mod e rn Japan. since 1 868 of e xc hange ( or rather import) between Japan and the western world , some o the r schol ars have been endevouring to make it clear that However, in r e c e nt years the complicated but vivid process through which Japanese urban plann ing has been based on the long indigenous tradition the thought and the ory of urban planning in the western world has been o f city cons t r ucti o n start i ng more than 1, 200 yea rs ago. This tradition Nara whic h were once a ncient introduce d has be come a major topic of concern for those interested in can s till be r ecogniz e d in bot h Kyoto and the h i sto ry of urban planning. Take, f o r example, the reforming of capitals of J a pan . I n these cities t he influence from ancient China is we r e Tokyo , Capital o f Japan, in Meiji era (1868-1912). Dr. T. Fujimori ve ry evident. Other cit i e s such as Sendai and Kanazawa which rece ntly published a fine study of this sub ject entitle d 'The Planning cons t ruct ed as castl e t owns in mediaeval era by feudal l ords retain to of To kyo i n M e iji Era' ("Meiji no To kyo Keikaku" in Japanes e). In the this day their or i ginal form. Kanazawa, for i n stance, is often compared openi ng chapte r h e des cribes the planni ng of Ginza Brick Street which to No rw i c h in England . W hen contemporary planners make master - plans in cities t o i mpr ove t he physical conditions it is especially was in a sense the symbolic project showing the attitude and power of these distincti ve Japanese urban Meiji New Government to the western world (although it was originally impo rtant that t hey should consider the n, planned against fire damaging the street in 1872). Brick building t raditi o n. Stud ies o f t h i s t radition o r urban planning in J apa without reinforcing still remains inadequate in Japan because of inlcud i ng t he As i a n Continent a l influe nce have been publi she d by ur ban earthquake risk. But at the early stage in Meij i era the construction h ist o rians. One seminal work i s ' The Stud y o n Urban History i n Japan ' of brick building was the symbol of 'entering to western world'. Then ('Niho n T osh i shi Ke nkkyu ' ) writte n by Prof. K. Nis h i ka wa. as Japan had little technology of brick construction an Englishman named - 34- - 35-

Meanwhile, a good deal of overseas planning history continues to b published in translation. Recently 'Pioneers in British Planning oavid Betts PLANNED INDUSTRIAL SETTLEMENT IN Whitelands College edited by Prof. Gordon E. Cherry was translated into Japanese by Prot THE NETHERLANDS 1813-1920 Putney S. Ohkubo and associates , and a lso famous key books such as 'Garde· London SWlS 3SN Cities to Tomorrow ' and •c1· t·1e s 1n. Evolution' were t 1 former was b M rans ated . T~ In many parts of Western Europe a precise pattern of urban development Y r. M. Choh and the latter was by my group. occurred during the course of the Industrial Revolution. Sequentially this pattern consisted of initially rapid and uncon trolled urban growth Some Japanese rese h arc ers write professional articles in Englis h, but which, by the middle of the nineteenth century was complic ated by they are still few. Dr. Shunichi Watanabe is one of th 1 squalor and disease, features which the n themselves were tempered by an r epresentatives, and his work w1·11 be known to many members of awa kening social conscience. Early i n the course of the Industrial Planning History Group. Revolution various attempts were made to plan i ndustrial settlements (Darley 1975) a nd , in Great Br i tian, France and Germany , a range of The scholars mentioned in this review might be called the plann small scale, but distinct, prototype planned industrial settleme nts historians. Th e P 1 ann1ng· historians defined strictly are very f ew evolved, often embracing planning elements from each other country. The the moment in Japan though their number is i ncreasing , and will conti Netherlands, partly because of its geographical position and partly to do so. Lastly, I would like to stress the importance of exchang i because of comparatively late industrialization, was influenced, in ideas as equal partners over the 1 anguage barriers. At some future da planning industrial settlements, by each of these three countries and we the Japanese might be able to export our planning theory based on yet was able to maintain a planning individuality appropriate to the existing tradition. Wl. th 1 uck this export will not cause tr Dutch tradition. This paper explores the development of the Dutch friction! planned industrial settlement , during the period 1813-1920, from the point of view of the historical geographer, and emphas ises, Refere nces: particularly , the diffusion of planning concepts within the Netherlands The research group headed by and the contribution of planned industrial s e ttlements to the Dutch

Prof. S. ?htani: T?e study on the development of the education settlement pattern. plann1~g & des1gn and its talents , 1983. Prof. T. H7~asa: Urban Planning (Toshi Keikaku), 1977 . Dr. T •. FU)lmore: The Planning of Tokyo in Meiji Era Socio Economic background Ke1kaku), 1982 . Two factors interrelated in the Netherlands in 18 13. First the Prof. K. Miyamoto and associates : Diary of Seki Ha)· i me Nikki), 1986. (Seki Haji accession of Willem lst to the throne which coincided with the emergence Prof. K. Nishikawa: The Study o n Urban History in Japan (Nihon Tosh1· s of new attitudes t owards the economic development of the country; the Kenkkyo) , 1972. second, the inherited class divisions derived from the period of French Dr. S. Watanabe: Garden city Japanese style: the case of Den-en Tos Company Ltd. 1918-28, 1980. (This article was written in English) . rule (1795-1813). The 'French' period had been characterized by a lack of internal business initiative with investment restricted to foreign Acknowledgements: I thank Or . M. Yamada for providing useful inf · · bonds and foreign industrial and commercial enterprises (Lambert 1971). Hebbert, editor of PHG Bul l etin and my oln fri~~~a~hlon,Ia nd Dr. Mlcha scholar · LSE f The result was that, in 1813, Dutch ind ustry was extremely limited in 1n , or prov1d1ng· . the chancer- to introduceen wasthe a Japaneresea scene. scale and was characterized by a few small firms. At the beginning of the nine t eenth century, for example, the largest fi r m in the Netherlands wa s Voomberg 's cloth business in Amsterdam wh ich employed 250 workers (Cipolla 1973). There existed also a small range of textile workshops many of which had been initiated by philanthropists and which continued the traditio n of the 'hofje' (the almshouse for the elderly, the pious -36- - 37-

or for orphans) which had originated in the Middle Ages and had evolved to meet new socioeconomic conditions (Grinberg 1982).

Willem 1st had been raised in England and was thus in contact with the British success of the early Industrial Revolution. His economic policy consisted of stimulating Dutch overseas trade, but he was unable to • assist greatly Dutch industry which found it virtually impossible to \ • compete with cheap British imports. Nevertheless by 1824, Willem had ) • set up the 'Netherlandsche Handel Mattschappij', a company which I • produced cheap cottons for export to the Dutch colonies. Situated in I • the district of (Fig.!) this embryonic textile industry was I • reinforced in 1830 by the movement north of some Belgian industrialists r·-.1 who were intent on retaining their share of the Dutch colonial markets ••> after the political separation of the two countries in the same year. ,.,,------\ ,' ·---·~ The Belgian textile industry used British equipment arising from the NIJVER~AL• eALMELO ! industrialist Lievin Bauwen's expedition to England in 1798, and Belgian :' HENGELOe ! factory owners were acquainted with early British attempts at planning ~ • .1 industrial settlements, particularly those of Robert Owen, the founder TWENTE/ -...... ------;:/ of New Lanark (de Meeus 1962). ( • ) • .;-•./ The Planned Industrial Settlment 1813-1902 •DELFT ~·--...... By the 1830s a range of small factories was developing in the ( .---. " ~ Nether lands of which a number consisted on planned industrial .....• settlements. In 1834 Thomas Ainsworth built Nijverdal - a small textile { • settlement in Twente which consisted of planned residential \ • accomodation based on the social hierarchy of the factory and, in 1837 GRIENDSVEENe I the Van Heek family founded a larger, similar • settlement at Enschede • eERICA (Fig. 1 and Hofstee 1981). These settlements accorded with John ..... \ • -•""• eaUDEL DORPLEIN• Burnett's definition of early planned industrial settlements 'a \,..·- l,...p (' ,... fashionable pastime for the enlightened' (Burnett 1978, p. 82) but they • • I ('•/ represent, never the less, the early international diffusion of planning • ( ·~ concepts as well as demonstrating the innate paternalism of Dutch _.~:-----~SOUTH LIMBURG industrialists. t ...... ---r COALFIELD • • 40mllee 0 "·"·""-· J. The second stage in the development of the planned industrial settlement 0 &Okm '·-. in the Netherlands commenced in 1860. Factories became more numerous Figure 1 and larger because of the introduction of steam powered machinery Planned Industrial Settlement Sites 1813 - 1902 (Admiralty Handbook 1944). In Twente, for example, 8 steam powered spinneries and 13 steam weaving mills arose in the 1860s (Hofstee 1981). Additionally, the simultaneous emergence of the Dutch railways assisted -38- - 39-

of workers wa s in the form of 'Mulhouse' blocks and indicates a French in the marketing of textiles as well as creating a demand for iron and influence; the paternalistic is illustrated by the provision of a steel products and engineering skills (Lambert 1971). With uncontrolled chapel, a Catholic school and by numerous improving i nstitutions. Also urban growth housing conditions deteriorated (Grinberg 1982) and in in the south , the South Limburg coalfield wa s opened up and a range of Twente concern arose at the condition of working class housing. In planned industrial settlements commenced (Fig.l). Starting in 1900 and Enschede 'The Enschede Association for the Provision of Housing for the continuing until 1925 these settlements illustrate the Working Classes' was founded in 1863 (Hofstee 1981) and, consequently, a hierarchical/paternalistic phase, tempered, in minor part, by the range of planned industrial settlements were built, not only in rece ntly acquired concepts of the garden city tradition. Enschede, but also in and Hengelo (Fig.l). An excellent example of this development was embraced in the work of the industrialist C.T. During the second half of the n ineteenth century there was substantial Stork in Hengelo (1866). The success of Stork's engineering works had populatio n growth in Dutch c ities , growth characterised by high and caused a housing shortage and Stork began to build dwellings to his own increasing population densities. Between 1850 and 1900 the number of design and to recruit labour from abroad. In the district of Twente good, inexpensive city houses built was very small (Grinberg 1982), and planned industrial housing owed something to the model cottages designed much urban housing was of poor construction , inadequately serviced and by Prince Albert and exhibited at the • Great Exhibition • of 1851, but set at a high rent. From 1848 there were sustained period of cholera other international influences in the sphere of planned industrial outbreaks. As a reaction to these conditions a range of housing settlements were evident in the Netherlands at this time. In Maastrict associations emerged commencing with 'The Association for the Assistance (Fig.l) the Mulhouse model the cite ouvriere - was used by the of the working Class • founded i n 1851 in Amsterdam and which produced industrialist Petrus Regout for the housing surrounding his pottery and planned, sanitary housing for the deserving working classes (Hofstee crystal factory. The residential bloc ks of the 'Mulhouse' model were 1981). The activity of the association, although small scale, spread to s ubdued and adpted in Delft (Fig.l) in 1885 by J.C. van Marken who built the Hague, Arnhem and other Dutch cities. As with philanthropic housing Agneta Park for workers of the Netherlands Yeast and Spirit factory. in Great Britain, the attitude of the Dutch associations was Additionally, Agneta Park was provided with various social and paternalistic a nd a high degree of social and moral control was recreationa l facilities together with a school, a grocery and a bakery. enforced. The design here reflects, in part, the British village green tradition illustrated, for example at Akroydon (1859) and Bromborough Pool (1853). The 1902 Housing Act The hierarchical nature of the Dutch planned industrial settlement is By the e nd of the nineteenth century the social conscience concerning further illustrated at Griendsveen, a peat processing village in the housing had emerged at the national level and there was major concern at Peel (Fig.l) - built by the Van der Griend brothers who owned additional the envir onmental conditions in the Dutch cities. Earlier effor t s at peat processing plants and constructed associated planned villages at control, as has been demonstrated, had been piecemeal even laissez Erica in Drenthe (Fig .1) and in the Peelstraat (Lambert 1971). A faire. Arising from the activities of interest groups, which had been feature of these villages was the barracks of the military police, a s tirred into action because of the cholera epidemics, a range of small concept introduced from Germany. planned settlements had emerged, some incorporating the garden village concept. The 1902 Ho u sing Act provided a basis for the review of these In the south of the country Belgian influence again asserted itself planning activities, whilst simultaneously an opportunity to consider during this period. The industrial village Budel Dorplein was built in wh a t had been accomplished abroad in housing reform. Thus from England, 1891 by • Societe Anonyme des Zincs de la Campi ne' (Fig .1). Budel the new and distinct phase of employer pl anned hou sing, as exemplified Dorplein illustrated the hierarchical and paternalistic tradition of the by Port sunlight, New Earswick and Bournville, could be considered. In planned industrial settlement. The hierarchical by the presence of these English settlement industrial life took place in a planned and several types of housing related to status - that for the lowest grade controlled e nvironment which, in many ways , provided a solution to the -41- -40- social problems of industrial society. Contact with Germany had evidence provided to th e compilers of the 1902 Act. Both Port Sunlight developed s ince the Mannheim Convention of 1868 (which had assured free and Hampstead Garden suburb were considered as prototypes by Dutch navigation to all vessels of the Rhine): not only had Rotterdam expanded planners and thei r design features are identifiable i n the range of city but there wa s a surge of planned industrial development in the Ruhr extensions which took place in the period up to 1920. Thus, H.P. (Sutcliffe 1981). In the Ruhr Mulhouse residential blocks had appeared Berlage's extension of southern Amsterdam demonstrated some British town initially but, by the turn of the century public competitions for town planning features. The first complete garden village in the British design were emerging drawing on the international experience in twon tradition was that of Het Lansink i n Hengelo, built betwee n 1911 and planning. Thus by 1902, the Nether lands were able to draw on the 1915 for the industrialist C.F. Stork (Hofstee 1981), Het Landsink planning experience of a variety of nations and adapt this experience to (Fig.2) had some design features attributable to Camillo Sitte and the the needs of the local situation. In particular, land in the housing style wa s that of the traditional Dutch worker's dwel l ing; the Netherlands was expensive - because of the high cost of reclamation - layout and design were British. The same planned industrial concepts and in short supply because of the high density of population - and the we re exhibited in the railway village of Elinwijk near Zuilen (Fig.2). country was unable to embark on large scale, low density , planned Older s tyles of planned industrial settlement persisted during this industrial settlements . period, notably the village at Gennep built by the North Brabant and German Railway Company and Heveadorp (Fig.2), built by the Netherlands The Garden City Tradition 1902-1920 Rubber Company at Renkum (Hofstee 1981) • Especially by means of a range of early twentieth century conference on town planning, the works of Ebenezer Howard became well known in the The combination of the two traditions - the paternalistic and the newer Netherlands. The concepts enshrined by Howard, particularly the garden city planned industrial settlement - was achieved in the various eradication of the existing urban network and its replacement by settlements used to extend Eindhoven (Fig . 2) in the period 1898-1920. distinct, socially and economically independent new towns became Phi lips' lamp factory had been established in Eindhoven in 1895 and somewhat diluted in the Netherlands (Sutcliffe 1981). First, the prospered subsequently because of the establishment of world wide Nether lands lacked the large British areas of urban decay since urban markets. By 1910 there were moves to expand Philipsdorp - the company growth there had been more recent: second was the scarcity of land on planned industrial settlement - as a reaction to the depressing old whic h to build new towns: third the infrastructure of new towns would industrial sector of Eindhoven, as well as to accommodate workers. In have been difficult and expensive to provide. Roads, sewers and mains 1911 the Burgmeester of woensel (the old part of the town) established a were ill adapted to the alluvium and peat of much of the country folkhouse construction society and an extent ion of Ph il ipsdorp along (Grinberg 1982). Additionally, most building materials had to be garden village lines resulted (Beekman 1982). Here the neighbourhood imported and were expensive; during the first world war they were also complex was emphasised and sport and recreation were particularly well difficult to come by. Fourth, Howard's concepts were partly catered for. In addition, the villa park at Tongel, in the north east overshadowed by the 1902 Housing Act. In the event, the concept of of Eindhoven , was constructed. In the expansion of Eindhoven the extension planning developed using principles evolved by Camillo Sitte concept of changing society was emphasised and was illustrated by a first in Austria and then in Germany. The French planner, Levy, was range of dynamic spatial components in the new settlements - commerce, also influential in town extension and had been attracted to Howard 's industry, recreation, health and general well being (van Oorschot 1982). ideas at a planning conference in Liege in 1904. In particular, the enhanced interior specifications of housing (bathrooms, kitchens, running water) assisted in the acceleration of Clearly therefore, Howard' s garden city concepts were susceptible to social change. By 1920 the first phase of ext ension planning was adaptation within the Netherlands. They were further modified to complete and, in many ways, Eindhoven had become a labo ratory for the incorporate the architectural style of the Dutch village tradition and planned industrial settlement in the Netherlands . The success of the by the Dutch emphasis on light, air and health which resulted from indus trial garden village, as demonstrated at Eindhoven, spread to other -43- - 42- pa r t s of t he country and it is e v ident, for e xa mple at Hilversum. conclusions

0 The study of t he growth of plan ned industrial settlements in the ~";, ,({ Netherlands during the period 1813- 1920 is an interesting essay in the c::? 0 • • ...... spread a nd application of ideas and innovations (Baker 1975). Taking \ place in a small cou ntry in which the communications systems, in its broadest sense, was strongly developed, and at a time when communications technology in adjacen t countries was rapidly advancing , • \ the Netherlands were able to seize new concepts regarding planned • ) i nd ustrial settlements and both aggregate and adapt these concepts to • of population I specific local situation. By 1920 , an unofficial policy • d i spersal was emerging, nurtured by the success of new settlement forms I • I (Hall 1965). In the period after 1945, the new settlement forms , ._J• proliferated, illustrated by Emmer loord, Lelystad and Almere (P inder population dispersal, within the confining ••> 1976). The policy of l parameters of a small, densely populated country, became strongly ...... ~ • developed (Keukels 1978). The study of planned industrial settlements \ . Netherlands during the period 1813-1920 is not only ( in the HENGELO• • but essentially spatial and is, therefore, of interest / interdisciplinary / to the historical geographer. r • ( • ) Acknowledgements • r' ·...... ,.. • ., Unpublished material was made available by Mr s . C.R.G. Hofstee lately of <.-..... " t he Rijkdienst voor de Monumentenzorg, Zeist. Maps have been drawn by GENNEP• ~• Miss Penny Watson of Roehampton Institute's Environmental and "- • Geographical Studies Department. ( • \ •EINDHOVEN • References L. / "'"'-• •/•'"'\. • I -· . • ·- \ • ..... Admiralty 1944, The Netherlands. London: Naval Intelligence Division \.-·""'. A. R. H. Baker, 1979, Historical Geography and Geographical Change, Newton Abbott, David and Charles. P. Beekman , 1982, Eindhoven: Stadsontwikkeling 1900-1960. Amsterdam Mierlo. c . Cipolla, 1973, Fontana Economic History of Europe, Volume 4, Part 1, London Collins G. Darley, 1975, Village of Vision, London Granada. A. De Meeus 1962 History of the Belgians. London , Thames and Hudson. D.I . Grinberg, 1982 , Housing in the Netherlands 1900-1940, Delft University Press. 0 OOkm P. Hall, 1966 , The World Cities, London, Weidenfeld and Nicholson . C. R. G. Hofstee, 1981, Housing Built by Industrialists i n the Figure 2 Netherlands. Zeist. Rijkdienst voor de Monumentenzorg . Planned Industrial Settlement Sites 1902 - 1920 T. Keukels et al, 1978 , Dutch Post War Plannint, Town Planning Review, p p . 119-1 62. -44- -45-

A.M. Lambert, 1971, The Making of the Dutch Landscape. London Seminar. A MEDIEVAL AND A MODERN NEW TOWN IN WALES : Dr. Roger Harrison D. Pinder, 1976, The Netherlands. London, Hutchinson. COMPARISONS AND CONTRASTS Crogloff A. A. Sutcliff, 1980, The Rise of Modern Urban Planning . London, Borth-y-Gest Mansell. Porthmadog J .M. P. van Oorschott, 1982, Eindhoven eeen samleving in verander ing Gwynedd LL49 9TW, WALES 1810-1920, Eindhoven Technical Institute.

i) Plantation of the new town s Seven hundred years after the foundation of a new town at Aberconway in North Wales the planned growth period of Runcorn new town in Cheshire was ending . Changes in t echnology and social patterns make comparisons difficult although not irrelevant. Pack horses have been superseded by trains and lorries but the importance of the rou tes along which people a nd goods travel is of equal importance to towns in a ny period of history. Similarly the relationship between people and their commun ity bears comparison despite the intervention of seven hundred years.

Both the Welsh new towns of Edward I and the modern new towns' programme were planned during war time . After Edward's victory in 1277 Flint and Rhuddlan were planted in north-east Wales on land ceded by Llewellyn and d uring a second bout of war in 1284 further new towns were planned to ring Snowdonia. Further rebellion in 1294 gave rise to the plantation of Beaumaris on Anglesey.

Modern British new towns were planned during the second world war and leaned heavily o n the experience gained at Letchworth and Welwyn after the f irst world war. By the preparation of plans during war time work was able to commence once hostilities had ceased. Conway was founded four months after the death of Llewellyn and Stevenage started just over one year after the end of the second world war.

Edward I's intention was to pacify through commerce rather than initiate permanent military occupation . His new towns were to be chartered boroughs with their own agricultural and trading economies and although defence was an important part of their function only a minority of the new population lived in or wa s dependent on the great new castles developed integrally with the boroughs. Similarly Lewis Silkin ' s new towns were not to be dormitory suburbs but self-con tained towns in which an expanding population could both live and work in conditions better t han those in over-crowded conurbations.

ii) Investment in new towns -46- -47-

The stimulus of regional economic growth was an important factor in the conservative government and declared that all new towns were to be wound decisions to found new towns on sites such as Runcorn or Washington. up by the end of the decade. It must be hoped that such cut-backs i n Edward I's considerable investment in North Wales also had the effect of public expenditure do not have the effect of leaving some new towns modernising a backward regional economy although his motivation for without essential elements of the i r infrastr ucture. Beaumaris had to doing so was undoubtedly different from that of modern democratic wait for over o ne hundred years for the construction of its town walls! government. Although small by modern standards, Edward's towns were at least equal in size to existing urban centres at Nefyn, Pwllheli and The introduction of large capital s ums into new town ne cessitated a Llanfaes. By comparison Runcorn was planned to be only one tenth the parallel importation of managerial and technical expertise. Edwadr I did size of its 'parent' city, Liverpool, and the influence of Conway in not trus t his investments to the hands of the native Welsh and modern relation to its regional economy is better likened to the effect of governme nts have not utilised existing structure of local government as Milton Keynes on the Buckinghamshire countryside. All of these medieval a channel for new t own investment. In both ages, although the capital and modern new towns were created by the importation of funding from asset s created were beneficial to the local community, the revenue from Initially Edward's expenditure in Wales outside their regions. would them returned to the king or to central government. The fee farm of the have benefi tted the new immigrants jur;;t as Londoners benfi tted from borough of Conway was paid to t he royal exchequer and int erest o n investment in Milton Keynes or Liverpudlians in Runcorn but, in the borrowed capital was paid by Runcorn new town development corporation to longer term, successive generations and the local economy would accrue the Treasury in London. the benefit of such investment. Within fifteen years of their f o undation both Conway and Runcorn contained a very high proportion of iii) Planning the new towns indigenous second generation settlers. Conway was planned for the king by James of St. George and Runcorn by Professo r Arthur Ling and the parameters within which each worked had At 1984 prices the public investment in Runcorn had amounted to £ 500M changed little. Neither man was responsible for the initial selection or £9 per person in the country. This was equivalent to around one of the new town sites which had a major influence on the subsequent quarter of a day's pay for a skilled manual worker. Expenditure of plans. In Conway the topography determined the land use allocation Conway apportioned nationally also equated roughly to a quarter of the between castle, town and agriculture. Slopes, bearing capacities of the five pence a day that a medieval skilled tradesman could earn. But if ground and external communication routes had to be considered in the investment in the new towns was apportioned, not amongst the national sequential arrangement of ditches, walls, castle and quays. Similary in population but the new town settlers, then Runcorn's £ 12,500 per head Runcorn such considerations affected the provision of land for industry , would compare with the equivalent of about £ 50,000 per head in Conway. housing and the internal communication of the town. Neithe r town was In real financial terms such comparisons mean little but they do granted an adequate amount of land for its requirements . Within fifteen illustrate the scale of Edward' s movement of resources into his new years of its foundation Conway was expanding o utside its walls and the towns. burgesses were petitioning the king for more agricultural land. Physical a nd political considerations constrained Runcorn within its The scale of his expenditure was such that it could not last and other designated boundar i es and lower than planned housing densities caused by priorities, such as wars in Scotland and France, precluded adequate physical constraints withi n the town will lead to an eventual population finance being made available for the completion of Carnarvon or some 1 5% less than originally planned. Additionally shortage of Beaumar is. By the end of his reign Edward was greatly in debt to the industrial land caused Runcorn's economic growth to stagnate dur ing its Italian bankers and foreign debts and military priorities have not been second decade just as Conway's had due to inadequate agriculturual land The economic squeeze without influence on modern new town programmes. being included within the town's boundaries. imposed on the Callaghan government in 1976 by the International By 1983 Monetary Fund reduced funds available to new towns. a Both Conway and Runcorn were planned for an immigrant population and -49- - 48- local people excluded from many of the benefits of the new towns. The the king's officials in a new regio nal centre in the new town of imposition of new populations on an existing social pattern created Carnarfon. At Runcocn the development of the town was governed by the tensions in the medieval and modern new towns. The English were foreign new towns act but the ongoing administration of the town was governed by to Wales and Liverpudlians were foreign to the existing population of the existing s truc ture of l ocal government . This division be t ween Runcorn despite being much more "local" than their medieval development and management result ed in very few representatives of the counterparts. Neither migration was spontaneous and inducements were immigrant population being either councillors or magistrates. The necessary to encourage people to move to the new towns. Burgess status situation was exacerbated by the 1974 reorganisation of local government and rent free periods were offered to medieval migrants just as which made Runcorn the smaller half of a new borough of Hal ton which subsidised housing and industrial grants were available to their modern itself was divided physically by t he river Mersey. Lack of identity was equivalents. Whereas advertising was used by Runcorn to inform and a problem in Runcorn that can never have occur r ed in Con way where the attract immigrants Conway's new population was recruited from the immigrant population were directly responsible for their o wn affairs. English estates of the king, his brother, cousins and other magnates of h is court. Then, as now, the motiviations for moving to a new town were vi) Markets and Trade complex but basically were either attraction to a new opportunity or Both Conway and Runcorn established new marketing centres but also escape from an uns atisfactory life-style. brought considerable new purchasing power into their r egions. At Conway the king required all within an eight mile radius to use the new market iv) Land in Conway and this caused great local protestations. The new town Both Conway and Runcorn are sited at strategic river crossings and took centre in Runcorn initially created a catchment area much larger than land for developme nt that was largely within a single ownership. The the town itself and also occasioned protests from both local authorities abbey of Aberconway wa s relocate d at Ma e nan and Conway was entirely and traders although, of cou rse, use of the new shopping centre was not built within the monastic lands utilising the abbey church as its new required by law! However as the population of both new towns grew their parish church. At Runcorn a great part of the site was in the ownership trading levels grew to be less dominant in t he local economy . As new of I.C.I. who had acquired it from the family who had held it since they marke ts were chartered i n the Welsh town s of Aber, Trefriw and Llanrwst, themselves bought monastic land after the dissolution of the monasteries Conway' s influence diminished. Similarly in Runcorn the upgrading of by Hnery VIII. Statutory compensation procedures governed the purchase shopping facilities in Chester, Northwich and Warrington Diminished the of I.C . I . land but not dissimilar principles were adopted by Edward I. s tatus of Runcorn' s town centre to that wh ich was originally planned. He paid for the relocation of Abe rconway Abbey and his policy of " e quivalent reinstate ment" would be recognised by modern valuers. vii) Social, economic and cultural aspects Tenants of land vacated for the new abbey were also compensated with The commercial activ ities of both Conway and Runcorn depended to a rented land from the forfeited demesne lands of Llewellyn . marked degree o n owner s who were not r esident int he town . Trading in Conway wa s dominated by merchants from Chester who had commercial v) Legislation and administration interests in many of the towns of North Wales . Similarly virtually all Although both Conway and Runcorn were each developed on the basis of a new shopping in Runcorn's town centre was operated by national multiple single statutory act the principles that governed the operation of the firms. In both cases the established merchants had the finance , newly new town within the pre-existing local government context were very transportation a nd supply sources to dominate these created different. Conway was granted a borough charter by the king which markets. required the mayor, bailiffs and coroners to be elected by the burgesses and to be responsible for the administration of the town. At the same A similar 'branch' economy wa s also characteristic of Runcorn's time the king reorganised the local government structure of North Wales industrial growth with the consequence that very few businessmen took on the English shire basis. The officials of Conway were responsible to part in the affairs of the town. · Both new towns were also dependent on -so- - 51-

the importation of building resources for their construction but, the ancient route from Cheste r to Bangor and Carnarfon was matc hed by whereas in Conway many building craftsmen settled in the town, Runcorn's Runcorn's on the electrified Liverpool t o London railway and the Ches ter building workers were brought in on a daily basis from Liverpool, to Manchester motorway . Manchester or Stoke. It was the craftsmen in Conway who became the elected officials of the town whereas in Runcorn local councillors were viii) The settled towns typically small shopkeepers or trade unionists. Conway e n joyed new town status for nearly 250 year s unti l suet t i me a s For the short but intense period of their construction architects and Henry VIII withdrew special suppo r t for Englis h res i dents and , i n engineers were recruited to Conway and Runcorn and brought ideas and theory, unified England a nd Wales within the l a w. Runcorn's special techniques with them that, for a period, moved the new towns into the status was largely withdrawn only sevente e n ye a r s a f t er d e signation b y mainstream of European technical culture. The work in both towns not the dissolu tion of the new town corporation a nd the t ake o ver of its only influenced future development of other new towns in their functions by a n eighbour ing, but neverthe l e ss absen t , c orporation. By respective programmes but also the indigenous technicians. Once, the time Conway lost its s t atus t he o rigina l r e a _ons for its foundation however, the intense building period was over, specialist skills had to ' had long since vanished wh e reas t he p roblems of L1verpool that Runcorn However the be imported into the towns for specific projects. Conway looked to was founded to help solve r emained intra ctable Chester for specialist craft skills such as boatbuilding as Runcorn did considerable i nvestme nt by central gover nmen t in Runcorn cont1nued to to Chester and Liverpool for professional skills such as architecture. make it a r e latively attractive location for new industry even after the planned i mm igrat1on per iod a nd an important element in the regeneration Conway and Runcorn were both essentially 'English' towns. The Welsh and programme f or Merseyside. The ~trategy of creating new town development Jews were precluded from residence in Conway whereas very few from corporatio ns in the M6 corridor at Runcorn, Warrington, Preston and ethnic minorities moved to Runcorn from Liverpool. Similarly the social Skel mers dale has undoubtedly reorientated industrial development i n structure of both new towns in their early years were characterised by a nor t h west Eng land and w1ll have a permanent effect on the urban form of large and well paid administratio n drafted in by central government to the reg ion . Whether t he effect w1ll be as permanent as the change ensure the realisation of the project. Both of these administrations effe cted by Edward 1 remains to be seen but , Conway, Carnarfon and enjoyed pay, status and, eventually, pensions that were well in advance Beaumar i s r emain amongst the most important towns in north west Wale s of those of their fellow immigrants. The importation of men and money even t oday. ' created local price inflation in both town s . In Conway excessive demand If any gene ral thesis concerning new towns can be drawn from th1s study for victuals necessitated importation from Chester, Shrewsbury or development sits uneasily w1th Ireland at inflated prices whereas in Runcorn, building costs escalated it i s t hat t he time scale of new town that o f g overnment. Kings were human and, therefore, by nature were as the work programme grew faster than the availability of building attentions elsewhere and away from labour. Similarly local prices in Runcorn 'old town' were much fickle and easily transferred their complained about by immigrants used to Liverpool prices until new the new towns they had created. Democratic government elected for a competition was introduced by the opening of the new town's shopping five year term is possibly even more fickle and impatient than kings . centre. Building cost inflation did not occur in Conway as the builders Now that t he post second world war plogramme of new town building is were direc tly employed by the king at the national going rate for craft virtually completed it would make sense to research t heir e&fect1veness work. as instrume n ts o f g overnment pol1cy. Th1s woul d cost only a small fraction of the towns the mselves h~ve cost and provide a basis o n wh ich Despite the change in technology over 700 years the economies of both future policy mi ght be formulated . Edward at least r ecognised t he towns were greatly influenced by their location within a regional wisdom of d r awing o n ac c umulated e xperienc~ when he called a parl iament communications network. Conway's site at an estuarine crossing point on to adv ise on t he est a blis hment of hi s last ne w town a t Berwick . It i s - 52- widely acknowledged that British postwar new town legislation a nd development led the world. The considerable volume of s k ill and PLANNING HISTORY GROUP experience that made this happen is still available and capable of Centre for Urban & Regional Studies providing directio n t o research into both the completed programmed and J.G. Smith Building possible future directions of policy. It does not appear pr obable , University of Birmingham Birmingham that the government now in power will call a parliament however, Bl5 2TT expressly to advise "how to devise, order and array a new town to the 021- 472 1301 ext . 2692 greatest profit of o urselves and merchants." Tel. PLANNING HISTORY BULLETIN

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