An American Place: Victoria Ocampo’s Editorial Politics, the Foundation of Sur, and Hemispheric Alliances
Gorica Majstorovic is Assis- n 1927, Argentine painter Xul Solar paints “Otro tant Professor of Spanish horóscopo Victoria (Ocampo).” This canvas depicts four at The Richard Stockton encircled spaces. The first space depicts a shape that re- College of New Jersey. Her I sembles the map of South America. The second space frames areas of expertise include a face with the Argentine flag coming out of it. The third late nineteenth and twenti- eth-century Latin American space contains another face, which overlaps the previous one. literature, particularly in The fourth space resembles a profile, next to which is written the context of migration “Victoria.” I invoke Solar’s painting at the beginning of this and national identity. Her essay for it visually prefigures the merging of Argentine and publications have appeared continental perspectives that will be announced as program- in Latin American Research matic in the first issue of Victoria Ocampo’s literary journal. Review, Profemina, and her For Ocampo and Solar, as well as for Jorge Luis Borges’s early current book manuscript is works, national criollismo (manifested in Solar’s painting entitled Cosmopolitanism through the representation of the Argentine flag) and inter- and the Nation in Argentine nationalism are not opposed notions. In fact, they merge in Literature (1920-1940): Reading the Tower of Babel the paradoxical union to which Beatriz Sarlo has referred as and Babylon Tropes. “national universalism” (“Fantastic”). At the beginning of 1931, three years after Solar’s painting was made, Victoria Ocampo founded Sur, a lite- rary journal that lasted 45 years and ran for 340 issues. It published Spanish American works and disseminated foreign texts in translation throughout Latin America and the world. Translation, in fact, was one of Ocampo’s lifelong interests, to such a degree that Beatriz Sarlo has referred to the whole production of Ocampo’s literary magazine Sur as “a transla- tion machine” (La máquina 93–195). Translation is a survival of the living after and beyond the life of the original text, as Walter Benjamin writes in his 1926 seminal essay on the task
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of a translator. It is to be understood, Bella back she received was mostly supportive, Brodzki points out, “not as an extension but getting involved in publishing was a of life but as an infusion, a transfusion, of courageous project for a woman of her time otherness” (207). and social class. At the end of the 1920s and Since the foundation of Sur, Victoria beginning of the 1930s, not surprisingly, Ocampo was not only the main agent of this Ocampo’s own father was arguably the kind of “transfusion” into Latin America, strongest opponent to her project. When but also a constructor of the cosmopolitan she informed him of her plans to use the “bridge” between the Argentine literary family’s economic means to publish the production and that of the world. Sur journal, he replied sternly: “Estás abocada a greatly informed Latin American cultural la catástrofe, a la ruina” (Ayerza de Castilho circuits about literatura universal, as world 132).1 literature is called in Spanish. The most Despite her father’s objections, Ocam- celebrated Latin American writers of the po decided to persevere and launch Sur. so-called “Boom” unanimously recognize At its foundational moment, however, that their key literary influences were those Ocampo’s otherwise wide cosmopolitan they had read about first in the pages of reaching out to the world (she had written Sur. Julio Cortázar thus reads Sur as a on the Tower of Babel trope and on Dante) significant component of the patriotism was more modest in scope. At the begin- in one of his Argentine characters. That ning of the 1930s, it was the ideals of a one country’s cultural patriotism could so continental union—represented visually in significantly rely on a literary magazine is Solar’s painting—together with the desire not an insignificant accomplishment on to forge ties with North American culture Victoria Ocampo’s part. In the story “Lucas, that provided the main inspiration for the su patriotismo,” Cortázar recalls “la lectura first issue of Sur. de Sur en los años dulcemente ingenuos” In 1929, Ocampo visited the United (232). Despite the comment’s slightly States for the first time. There she engaged ironic connotations, it clearly acknowledges in conversations with the North American Sur’s capital importance for the intellectual writer Waldo Frank, whom she had met in formation of Cortázar’s generation of writ- Buenos Aires. Frank was already immersed ers. No other literary journal in Spanish in making plans for publishing a new liter- America, not even Vuelta, edited in Mexico ary journal with another Argentine intel- by Octavio Paz, has ever reached the scope lectual, Samuel Glusberg. John King points of influence Sur had generated. Paz himself out that Frank and Glusberg immediately acknowledged in 1962 that what Ocampo “began discussing a magazine to be called accomplished had never before been ‘Nuestra América,’ which would have a Pan- achieved in Latin America (279–80). American, continental perspective” (42).2 The preparations for the launching of Glusberg, who later in his literary career Sur consumed a number of years. Through- adopted the pseudonym Enrique Espinoza, out this period, Ocampo persistently con- had published the Spanish translation of sulted fellow intellectuals in Europe and Waldo Frank’s Our America.3 Glusberg North America about the risks involved in also sponsored Waldo Frank’s lectures in publishing a new literary journal. The feed- Buenos Aires (1929–1930). These were Gorica Majstorovic 173 the lectures that had provided Ocampo the mountains, and the other falls with the opportunity to meet Frank, who bruised and limp upon the lowlands then subsequently offered much needed of the world. His need is great, and support for the creation of Sur. However, what moves across his eyes is univer- Ocampo was not interested at all in work- sal. But his tongue is tied [...]. The problem is not to force America to ing with Glusberg “whom she had found speech [...]. The problem is rather ideologically and socially unacceptable” to lift America into self-knowledge (qtd. in King 42). that shall be luminous so that she Despite the difficulties, the journal may shine, vibrant so that she may was launched. Following Glusberg’s and be articulate. (4-5) Frank’s initial idea for Nuestra América, Ocampo initiated a similar quest for an Frank’s thoughts, not different from those “America of secret treasures.” This quest was of many other intellectuals of the time, both to be at the core of the first four issues of Latin American and foreign, resonate with her journal. She expressed the necessity for what Spivak calls “the imperialist project such a quest in a letter to Frank. In hom- which had to assume that the earth that is age to the North American writer, Ocampo territorialized was in fact previously unin- wrote Frank a letter. She then published scribed” (1). This is not to say that Waldo this letter as the opening essay of Sur. This Frank, a renowned leftist, exemplifies an im- gesture of conversion—of private affairs into perialist ideology in this passage. However, public matters—exemplifies a whole set of it is worth pointing out the way in which Ocampo’s personal alliances turned public. the gender of Frank’s America undergoes a If cosmopolitanism is defined as reaching significant shift. When Frank first envisions out to the world, then Ocampo’s version of America as a giant, he portrays it as male: it it is certainly a personal enterprise, aggran- is a giant and therefore masculine, although dized as a set of affairs of communal, if not mute. Subsequently, Frank’s America does of national and continental, importance. It not appear as a male giant but rather as a is in the same vein that Waldo Frank writes feminized body in need of major improve- his 1919 book Our America to friends. In ments. This feminized America can only be- doing so, he writes it for himself and for come articulate by feeding her giant mouth America: “So it is, my friends, that writing with words of interpretation. And this this book for France, I write it for America” process of “feeding” can only be achieved (4–5). He goes on to explain America, first on the condition that the intellectuals of to a French reading public and then to an Frank’s time assume the responsibility to American audience. In a 1929 Spanish follow his prophecy. translation, he addresses a South American Victoria Ocampo is one of the first public as well. Frank’s definition of America South American intellectuals to respond to reads as follows: Frank’s prophetic call. The impact of Frank’s proposal on Ocampo reads from the first America is a turmoiled giant who pages of Sur: cannot speak. The giant’s eyes wan- der about the clouds: his feet are Ha querido usted explicar a sus ami- sunk in the quicksands of racial and gos por qué es América un gigante material passion. One hand grasps inquieto pero todavía sin palabras, y 174 Arizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies
ha escrito un libro. Sur testimonia su portrayal of the indigenous, the ideological admiración por esa obra, mi absoluta position between those who select the pho- adhesión a lo que la inspiró [...]. tographs and those being photographed, Cada uno, según las fuerzas respecti- is, in fact, further separated. Hence, the vas, nos pondremos a la búsqueda de photographic gaze and its conditioning in América, de esa América del oculto Sur tesoro. (1-4) the first issues of underscore a parallel distance to that which foreign travelers to Frank’s passage and his crucial influence America experienced at the time. Sur’s edi- on Ocampo to start publishing an Ameri- tors thus perpetuate an ideological distance canist literary journal are in many ways they themselves were often subjected to, as paradigmatic of other intellectual efforts of Alfonso Reyes remarked, in the course of the time to establish hemispheric alliances. their own travel through Europe (119). Sur is founded in 1931, the year that the The third essay in the journal’s first is- celebration of the Pan-American Day takes sue, “Carta a unos desconocidos,” belongs to place throughout the Americas. the French writer, Pierre Drieu La Rochelle. Following Ocampo’s opening letter to In contrast to other writer/travelers of the Waldo Frank, the first issue of Sur contains journal’s first issue, he declares himself an Frank’s own essay, “La selva,” about his travels anti-traveler. In his letter to the desconocidos in Brazil. Jules Supervielle’s essay “Notas de of South America, La Rochelle feels that viaje a Ouro Preto” is also set in Brazil. The he does not have to travel since everyone first issue is illustrated with the photographs comes to Paris, where his own writing takes of Tierra del Fuego, the Cataratas de Iguazú, place. And yet, La Rochelle engages in an El Tupungato, “Paisaje de las Pampas,” and imaginary visit to the south of the South “Paisaje de Brasil,” among others. The photo- American continent. La Rochelle’s essay graphs of “Inscripciones de carros” in Buenos could thus be positioned within, as Clifford Aires accompany Borges’s note “Séneca en las put it, the writing of “traveling in dwell- orillas.” This note is a part of Borges’s 1930 ing” (99). Ricardo Güiraldes’s text “De un book on the turn-of-the-century Argentine epistolario,” in a letter dated April 22, 1921, poet Evaristo Carriego. Borges had read contains a note indicating that Xaimaca (his Evaristo Carriego’s poems while he lived in travelogue to Jamaica) is almost finished. Geneva (1914-1918). Interestingly, during “De un epistolario” also announces that that time, Joyce and Lenin (as Piglia remarks Don Segundo Sombra, a celebrated novel the interdependency between the aesthetic that Güiraldes would publish in 1926, “va and the ideological) walked the same streets. a entrar en período de actividad” (Sur 119). Carriego would remain a strong influence Waldo Frank is certainly not alone in on Borges’s works in the 1920s. his attempt to articulate America. His effort The American photographs included is, in fact, only a part of a series of texts in- in the first four issues of Sur are of a para- vested in feeding “the giant’s mouth” with doxical nature in that they incorporate both words of interpretation. Oswald Spengler’s acts of approximation and of separation. 1917 The Fall of the Occident is the first While their incorporation into the pages book that turns to America as a continent of Sur claims an approximation to the “au- of salvation from the European malaise thenticity” of American identity through the after World War I. Keyserling follows this Gorica Majstorovic 175 ideological line of thought in his essay “Pers- tor Ortega y Gasset’s advice on advancing pectivas sudamericanas.”4 Ocampo chooses financial prosperity for the journal through it as the opening essay of the second issue of book publishing. Sur. Keyserling’s larger work on the subject, Sur’s second issue contains three po- Meditaciones sudamericanas, published in ems by the American poet of the Harlem 1932 and soon thereafter translated into Renaissance, Langston Hughes. The poems Spanish, is yet one more example of ideological are translated into Spanish by Jorge Luis and rhetorical strategies that Carlos Borges and published bilingually. Langston Alonso has called “master narratives Hughes’s poem “I, too” reads as follows: of futurity” (8). Writing about America as “the narrative of newness” in the period of I, too, sing America. the Spanish imperial expansion, Alonso I am the darker brother later replaced it by “a narrative paradigm They send me to eat in the kitchen in which America occupied a position When company comes. of futurity vis-à-vis the Old World” (8). But I laugh The rhetorical strategies being employed And eat well thus created conditions for a permanent And grow strong. Tomorrow I’ll eat at the table exoticization of the New World: “Safely When company comes. enclosed in an always postponed future,” Nobody’ll dare Carlos Alonso points out, “America could Say to me become the object of a ceaselessly regenerat- “Eat in the kitchen” ing discourse of mystification and perpetual Then. promise” (8). Besides they’ll see how beautiful I am The perpetual promise of America And be ashamed— is not only read as mute and inarticulate, I, too, am America. (164) as in Frank’s view, but also as blind, as is stated in Keyserling’s observations. Eduardo The publication of Hughes’s poems in Sur Mallea in his 1935 essay “Conocimiento y is also paradigmatic—in its expression of expresión de la Argentina” shares Frank’s claims of inclusion—into both the politics interpretation in that his main objection to of representation and the politics of cultural Keyserling is precisely “hacer de un conti- alliances. Unlike Langston Hughes and his nente mudo un continente ciego” (Mallea position in North American dominant 70). Furthermore, Mallea’s theory of an literary circles, Sur’s collaborators were by autochthonous destiny for the New World no means “subaltern” in relationship to the fits Waldo Frank’s view of the Americas as Argentine national milieu, but they were in- a new continent that should not imitate the deed so with regard to European culture. respective Anglo-Saxon or Hispanic-Medi- As many European and other foreign terranean cultures. Mallea’s “Conocimiento writers visited Argentina in the first half y expresión de la Argentina” was one of the of the twentieth century, Latin American first works to be published by Sur. Victoria writers, too, continuously traveled to Ocampo also founded a publishing house Europe and to other parts of the world. with the same name as her journal: Sur. She While abroad and upon their return, their initiated this project following fellow edi- interconnected textual histories of travel and 176 Arizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies
displacement engage in the making of what she conveys this paradox in the following James Clifford has termed “traveling cul- terms: tures” (97). Twentieth-century ethnography and, by extension, its literature, “has become Hombres y mujeres que sufrimos increasingly wary of certain localizing strate- del destierro de América porque gies in the construction and representation llevamos todavía en nosotros Europa, y que sufrimos del ahogo de Europa of cultures” (Clifford 97). Alfonso Reyes’s porque llevamos ya en nosotros essay published in the second issue of Sur América. Desterrados de Europa en reacts precisely to these “localizing strate- América; desterrados de América en gies” by examining the permanent exoticiza- Europa. (Testimonios 56) tion of Latin American writers in Paris. In this essay, Reyes objects to the fact that in The ambivalence of Ocampo’s standpoint is Paris and in other parts of Western Europe clearly undermined by class privilege, and in “el verdadero problema de la literatura his- her specific case, that of belonging to a fam- panoamericana […] se reducía a esto: allá ily of Argentina’s national founders. In the sólo piden al hispanoamericano que sea families of her social status, French was the pintoresco y exótico” (Sur 150).5 language of daily communication. It is in this Victoria Ocampo’s essay “La aventura light that Ocampo announces her “home- del mueble” recounts yet another travel coming” to Spanish and to Latin America, experience: her visit to New York and the in an essay titled “Palabras francesas.” This invitation to Stieglitz’s Manhattan apart- essay was first published in Sur, in which ment. On the apartment’s door is written a red arrow on the magazine’s cover page “An American place.” Ocampo is eager here pointed directly toward the South of the two to reunite her vision of the hemispheric continents. Europe and America converge cultural alliances with the pronounced again (if uncomfortably) in this essay as they “Americanness” that is inscribed on the embody the paradox of American/European celebrated photographer’s door. Clifford’s exile announced in Ocampo’s text on her examination of “interconnected cosmo- visit to Stieglitz’s apartment. Furthermore, politanisms” is pertinent here in the light the exile she writes about is confounded on of these bonding and celebratory tendencies two levels. On the one hand, the exile from between South and North America that, Europe refers to both her Spanish colonial following Clifford’s analysis, may be called and thus criollo ancestry (as opposed to the interconnected Americanisms. The Mexican newly arrived poor European immigrants to review Cuadernos Americanos grew out of a Argentina), and to her French upbringing, similar spirit of Americanism, but unlike common in her social class. On the other, Sur’s later, wider set of cosmopolitan alli- the American exile implies objections to the ances, Cuadernos Americanos remained more exoticization of Latin Americans in Europe in focused on Latin America. the same vein as expressed in Alfonso Reyes’s Unlike the straightforward announce- essay. But this type of exile also resonates with ment of Americanness inscribed on the Ocampo’s class and ethnicity markers that, door of Stieglitz’s apartment, Ocampo’s in contrast to those of American indigenous later declarations of Americanness are based populations, do not possess the same levels on an inherent paradox. In one instance, of desired “authenticity.” Gorica Majstorovic 177
As we have seen in the passage on the while comparing her use of this language in ideological decoding of American photo- Argentina to that of foreign travelers, who graphs in the first issues of Sur, even though resort to it at railway stations or in hotels. Latin American writers in many instances The American images in Ocampo undergo an exoticization in Europe, they in are thus first born in a foreign language: turn apply the same exoticizing strategies French. But it is only through the use of to the indigenous peoples of America. One her transitory Spanish that Ocampo will aspect of Ocampo’s American exile may be allowed to trespass into the spheres of thus refer to this very distance a person of American “authenticity.” Moreover, this her social class would perceive with regard trespassing gesture is significantly rebellious, to the indigenous and therefore more “au- as writing in French was both expected of thentic” peoples. It seemed as if someone of and socially acceptable for a woman of her her social class had no exit but to be exiled time and social status willing to write in Ar- from America “back to” Europe. This was gentina. Paul Groussac, a French intellectual to become one of Ocampo’s constant preoc- and the director of the Argentine National cupations throughout the ten volumes of Library at the time, advised Ocampo to her Testimonios. write in Spanish, and only on personal The first of Ocampo’s Testimonios matters. Groussac’s advice to Ocampo is appears in 1935. It is published by Revista exemplary not only of the underestimation de occidente, a prestigious journal edited in that a Latin American writer (especially a Madrid by the Spanish philosopher Ortega woman) was subjected to, but also of the y Gasset. In Testimonios: 1920–1934, male hegemony involved in every cultural Ocampo’s essay “Palabras francesas,” writ- matter of the period. ten in 1931 and included in the third issue Another example of Ocampo’s tres- of Sur precedes “Babel,” which was written passing gesture from writing in French to much earlier, in 1920. Ocampo’s strategic writing in Spanish, manifested later in the transposition of texts, with “Babel” and “Pa- translation practices of Sur, can be found labras francesas” playing a significant part in in the account of her first encounter with this process, is especially important in order Ortega y Gasset: to highlight ideological strategies through which this transposition inscribes itself, and Sólo en 1916, cuando el primer viaje in doing so, inflects Americanism and other de Ortega, después de haber conver- universalist tendencies of the time. sado largamente con él, advertí mi tontería [...]. Pero este descubrimien- “Palabras francesas” is an essayistic to llegaba demasiado tarde. Hacía ya account of the curious mix of Ocampo’s mucho tiempo que era prisionera del French upbringing and her Americanism. francés. (19) Here the Argentine writer and editor fears that if she manages to extract all the French A captive of French, she only expresses words from her memory, she would also ex- repentance and experiences release when tract her most beloved images, those that are she first encounters Ortega y Gasset’s use the most authentic and the most American of Spanish. Ocampo thus ascribes the need that she possesses (33). Furthermore, she to explain herself for her Americanness, and highlights her estrangement with Spanish her choice of language, to her social class. 178 Arizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies
Although inter-American alliances Joaquín Torres-García, upon his return stopped being at the forefront of Ocampo’s from Europe to Montevideo claims: “Our journal, they continued to provide provocative North is the South. For us there must not perspectives on the political and aesthetic be a North, except in opposition to our agenda in the 1930s and especially in the South” (Bazzano Nelson 72-86).7 This claim 1940s. In fact, Sur returned to Americanism is visually represented in Torres-García’s once again, although now within a context well-known image of the inverted map of of the pressing political issues during World South America. Interestingly, Torres-García War II. In issue 86, the editors raised a is studied in art history as a representative debate around the question: “¿Tienen las of universalism. In fact, “universalismo Américas una historia común?” The fol- constructivo” is the term he chooses to refer lowing issue, published in December 1941, to his art. In another universalist vein (al- came out in the aftermath of the Pearl Har- though never detached from the “national bor attack. In that issue, titled “Guerra en universal” paradox), Xul Solar, who once América,” Ocampo and her editorial board walked the streets of Paris dressed in an Ar- declared their support for the United States gentine flag, will later depart from his 1927 and for its concept of Pan-Americanism. In Americanism in search of more “universal” the spirit of antifascism, which had been approaches.8 From 1939 to 1940, Diego Sur’s forceful orientation throughout the Rivera painted in San Francisco a mural that 1930s, Ocampo announced from the pages he calls “Pan-American Unity.”9 Eight years of Sur’s issue 87: “América, por primera vez prior, Ramón Gómez de la Serna’s essay desde que la soñó Bolívar, empieza a sentirse “Riverismo” appeared in the second issue of indivisible, desde el estrecho de Behring Sur. This essay, which acknowledges Rivera’s hasta el Cabo de Hornos” (7-9). John King growing fame, is accompanied by photo- points out that: graphs of Rivera’s murals from the Mexican Secretaría de la Educación Pública. Also in [a]t a time when Sur discovered hemispheric solidarity, the geopoliti- 1939, Ocampo co-founded, with Catalan cal planners in the Argentine army Antonio López Llausás, the Sudamericana feared Brazilian aggression in the publishing house, which was to publish in Southern hemisphere. (107)6 1967 Gabriel García Marquez’s Cien años de soledad.10 Shortly after the foundation of The editors of Sur reacted to this threat by Sudamericana, Ocampo left this publishing publishing “a speech by Vargas on Brazil’s house but she continued publishing books entry into the Second World War exhorting at her own Editorial Sur.11 the American continent to stand together Although Americanism stopped being against a common threat” (King 107). at the core of Ocampo’s literary journal, as As both an artistic and ideological the main editor at Sur she remained strongly tendency of the time, Americanism con- interested in North American literature, tinued its active participation in search selections of which she later had translated of new cultural alliances not only for into Spanish and incorporated in Sur. The Argentine but also for many other Latin journal also presented critical essays on American intellectuals and artists. In 1934, North American art and literature. Lewis in neighboring Uruguay, celebrated painter Mumford’s “El arte en los Estados Unidos,”
Gorica Majstorovic 179
and Gorham Munson’s “La novela norteam- 4 For a discussion of Keyserling’s conflictive ericana de post-guerra,” which appeared in presence in the pages of Sur and of other aspects the third and fourth issues of the journal, of Americanism, see chapter 4, “La problemática mark the inauguration of this long-lasting americana” (91-139) in Maria Cristina Parodi interest. Lisi’s El proyecto cultural de la revista “Sur.” 5 For a discussion of Alfonso Reyes’s Ameri- Notes canism, see Robert T. Conn’s “Americanismo 1 Ayerza de Castilho’s book offers an exhaus- Andante.” tive study of the preparations for the publication 6 of Sur. For a discussion of Sur’s special issue in September 1942 entitled “Homenaje a Brasil,” 2 King’s study provided inspiration for this essay in innumerable ways. The only shortcom- see John King’s Sur (107–10). ing of King’s book may arguably be found in 7 The quotation from Torres-García’s Uni- its assessment of Sur in the 1960s. It seems versalismo constructivo (2 vols. Buenos Aires: as if King announced a “premature death” of Editorial Poseidón, 1944) comes from Florencia Sur, when, in fact, it continued to be a crucial Bazzano Nelson’s article “Joaquín Torres-García literary journal in Latin America throughout and the Tradition of Constructive Art.” the 1960s. 8 See Mario H. Gradowczyk’s “El universo 3 Soon after the foundation of Sur, Glusberg de Xul Solar.” (the main editor at the publishing house Babel 9 For an analysis of the political implications and one of the founders of SADE, Sociedad Ar- of Rivera’s Pan-American mural, see Elizabeth gentina de Escritores) left Argentina for Chile. Fuentes Rojas. 10 On Sudamericana’s affiliation with the German editorial group Bertelsmann, see Matilde Sánchez. 11 The name forSur was initially going to be “Nuestra América.” Whose America was it going to be, and whose Sudamericana it was to become, are different questions altogether.
Works Cited Alonso, Carlos J. The Burden of Modernity: The Rhetoric of Cultural Discourse in Spanish America. New York: Oxford UP, 1999. Ayerza de Castilho, Laura and Odile Felgine. Victoria Ocampo. Trans. Roser Berdagué. Barcelona: Circe, 1998. Bazzano Nelson, Florencia. “Joaquín Torres-García and the Tradition of Constructive Art.” Latin American Artists of the Twentieth Century. Ed. Waldo Rasmussen. New York: The Museum of Modern Art, 1993. 72-86. 180 Arizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies
Brodzki, Bella. “History, Cultural Memory, and Ocampo, Victoria. “Palabras francesas.” Testi- the Tasks of Translation in T. Obinkaram monios: 1920–1934. Madrid: Revista de Echewa’s I Saw the Sky Catch Fire.” PMLA Occidente, 1935. 19–41. 114 (1999): 207-21. ———. Testimonios: Series primera a quinta. Clifford, James. “Traveling Cultures.” Cultural Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 1999. Studies. Eds. Lawrence Grossberg, Nelson Paz, Octavio. “De Octavio Paz.” Testimonios Cary, and Paula Treichler. New York: Rout- sobre Victoria Ocampo. Buenos Aires: n.p., ledge, 1992. 97. 1962. 279-80. Conn, Robert T. “Americanismo Andante: Al- Parodi Lisi, Maria Cristina. El proyecto cultural fonso Reyes and the 1930s.” Latin American de la revista ‘Sur’ (1931–1970) en la obra Literary Review 23.46 (1995): 83-98. literaria de Victoria Ocampo. Berlin: Dar- Cortázar, Julio. Cuentos completos/2 (1969– mstadt, 1987. 1982). México: Alfaguara, 1997. Reyes, Alfonso. “Un paso de América.” Sur 1-4 Frank, Waldo. Our America. New York: Boni (1931). Nendeln, Liechtenstein: Kraus and Liveright, 1919. Reprint, 1976. Fuentes Rojas, Elizabeth. Diego Rivera en San Sánchez, Matilde. “El imperio del libro: Los Francisco: Una historia artística y documen- nuevos dueños de Babel.” Clarín 6 May tal. Guanajuato: Gobierno del Estado de 2001 (Suplemento Zona)