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Millennial Archaeology. Locating the Discipline in the Age of Insecurity

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Millennial Archaeology. Locating the Discipline in the Age of Insecurity Archaeological Dialogues http://journals.cambridge.org/ARD Additional services for Archaeological Dialogues: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here Millennial archaeology. Locating the discipline in the age of insecurity Shannon Lee Dawdy Archaeological Dialogues / Volume 16 / Issue 02 / December 2009, pp 131 - 142 DOI: 10.1017/S1380203809990055, Published online: 05 November 2009 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S1380203809990055 How to cite this article: Shannon Lee Dawdy (2009). Millennial archaeology. Locating the discipline in the age of insecurity. Archaeological Dialogues, 16, pp 131-142 doi:10.1017/S1380203809990055 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/ARD, IP address: 128.148.252.35 on 24 Jan 2016 discussion article Archaeological Dialogues 16 (2) 131–142 C Cambridge University Press 2009 doi:10.1017/S1380203809990055 Millennial archaeology. Locating the discipline in the age of insecurity Shannon Lee Dawdy Abstract This discussion article responds to a forum question posed by the editors of Archaeological dialogues: ‘is archaeology useful?’ My response initially moves backward from the question, considering whether archaeology ought to be useful, how it has been useful in the past, and the millennial overtones of the question in our present climate of crisis. I critique the primary way in which archaeology attempts to be useful, as a dowsing rod for heritage through ‘public archaeology’. While European archaeology has long been aware of the dangers of nationalism, in the Americas this danger is cloaked by a focus on indigenous and minority histories. I then move forward through the question and urge colleagues to embrace an archaeological agenda geared towards the future rather than the past. My hope is that transatlantic dialogue will be politically useful in reorienting archaeological research towards supranational problems such as climate change, hunger and population stress. Keywords crisis; public archaeology; future When I first responded to the invitation to this provocative forum, the global economic meltdown was not yet visible. But there is nothing prescient about the preliminary title I bounced back. Our recent financial panic is just one more layer over a global mood that has prevailed since at least the late 1990s. We seem to be going through a long fin de siecle` moment, a computer- driven version of that European intellectual movement of ca 1880–1914 characterized by a mixture of decadence and dread on the cusp of major change. Appropriate to the scale of a millennium rather than a century, the global mood today seems exponentially deeper than it did a century ago, with millennial preoccupations stemming from 9/11, global warming, disasters, new wars of religion, food shortages and growing neoliberal inequalities. It is fair, and important, to ask, where does archaeology belong in this perceived time of crisis and exigency? The simple question ‘is archaeology useful?’ seems to me to embed three component questions. The first is ‘should archaeology be useful?’; the second, ‘is archaeology threatened with its own end-time?’; the third, ‘can archaeology save the world?’ With intentionally broad strokes, I am going to tackle each http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 24 Jan 2016 IP address: 128.148.252.35 132 discussion of these in turn while trying to bring in both a temporal and a spatial perspective. Spatially, I want to note that some of the political, practical and intellectual challenges of making archaeology useful vary according to regional context, which I will attempt to show with quick examples from Europe, North America and Latin America (seizing the privilege of the role of the critic, I will warn you that my own subfield of historical archaeology in North America will come in for the harshest criticism since naturally I know it best). Temporally, I thought it would be helpful to look back at the status of archaeology during other moments of crisis. In approaching these questions, I pursue an anxiety that has troubled me for a long time, which is not that archaeology is not useful, but that it often has been, and continues to be, useful for the wrong reasons, and for the wrong ends. The opportunity to think through this issue has convinced me all the more that archaeology needs, in some sense, to stop trying to do heritage. It needs to stop obsessing about tradition and worry more about the future. Public archaeology and community archaeology are ultimately more self-serving than helpful, and may even be dangerous – at least if the very claims that archaeologists make about the power of the past are to be taken seriously. I realize that these are provocative statements and will be controversial in some quarters, but the question leading us into this forum invites brutal honesty and a chance for substantial debate. Should archaeology be useful? Since the turn of the last century, archaeology has made several attempts to ‘be useful’ to contemporary society – from V. Gordon Childe’s Marxism to the disastrous nationalism of Kossinna. In fact, it is the latter’s haunting legacy to archaeology which makes this an existential question. Is there any safe way to apply archaeology to contemporary social or political conditions without the risk that it will be harnessed for ill? The 1990s burst of studies on nationalist archaeology (e.g. Diaz-Andreu and Champion 1996; Graves- Brown, Jones and Gamble 1996; Kohl 1998; Kohl and Fawcett 1995; Meskell 1998) continues to give us pause over this question. Once we open the door, accepting that archaeology should be useful, can we control the uses to which it is put, and by whom? This is the Pandora’s box problem that causes many to retreat into a space of objectivism and detachment. Others try to walk an odd line of being politically engaged with the past, but disengaged from the present. It hardly seems necessary to rehearse Gustaf Kossinna’s contribution to archaeological nationalism and racism. Although archaeologists may still guardedly recognize his contribution to ‘settlement archaeology’, Kossinna blatantly used archaeological materials to promote ideologies taken up by the Nazis. Specifically, he argued that there was once a coherent Germanic ‘fatherland’ that extended over the borders of Germany into Poland, among other soon-to-be-invaded territories, and that the reunification of this prehistoric Germany was key to the restoration of 20th-century Germany. Further, it was the archaeologist Kossinna who introduced the idea of a superior Aryan race in European antiquity, holding it above even Rome and http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 24 Jan 2016 IP address: 128.148.252.35 Millennial archaeology 133 claiming it had been unjustly overlooked. These were ideas he published for a general public from the 1920s up until his death in 1931 (Arnold 2006; Arvidsson 2006). Under the Nazis, Kossinna’s archaeological approach became the Party line, and archaeology benefited, institutionally at least, with an eightfold increase in academic chairships (Hodder 1991, 206). The Nazis were scornful of archaeological research that was not explicitly useful for their agenda and, at the same time as they expanded the field, purged it of any who disagreed with Kossinna’s theses or who attempted to maintain a safe scholarly distance. It is no wonder, then, that in the long hangover from the Sceond World War, many European archaeologists remain not only allergic to archaeological questions of race or ethnicity, but also averse to agendas that aim to make archaeology useful. Still, simultaneous with the rise of Nazi archaeology, the career of the grand figure of European archaeology, V. Gordon Childe, was starting to rise. Like Kossinna, Childe was interested in the Aryans and their archaeological culture, writing The Aryans. A study of Indo-European origins in 1926. However, he vehemently protested Nazi claims of Aryan superiority (not to mention purity of roots) during and after the war. Childe’s Marxist leanings in both politics and intellectualism are well known (Trigger 1980). While he did not explicitly advocate that archaeology should be useful, it is worthwhile to note that Childe thought it important to communicate his ideas to a general audience through publications such as Man makes himself (1936). As Ruth Tringham says, ‘he was a highly political person; he was aware of the world about him, felt strongly about political issues and, throughout his career, incorporated these feelings into his choice of what he wrote and where he published it’ (Tringham 1983, 89). However, the Marxist components of his analysis were largely ignored in Western Europe and Great Britain, while his public outreach efforts were imitated by few until the late 20th century. The legacy of his work in Eastern Europe was different. But there, another problem arose, in that as in the Nazi case, archaeology had to be useful and had to be Marxist in Soviet-style academia. Childe came by his convictions – both political and archaeological – on his own, whereas most Soviet archaeologists were given no choice. They were told by political authorities that archaeology should be useful. And generally they complied. Soviet-era archaeologies are replete with narratives of ethnos, evolutionary progress, and class analysis that helped to naturalize and give moral dignity to the socialist platform in each of its nationalist iterations (Slav, Czech, German and so on). This forced marriage between archaeology and politics has added to the European allergy towards what elsewhere gets called public archaeology. In North American archaeology, there are at least two academic cultures at work, the prehistoric and the historic. Until recently, the first has rarely openly oriented itself towards being ‘useful’ or public. Several critics have noted how this very stance of detachment and a reluctance to connect living indigenous people to archaeological ancestors helped to rationalize the removal and expropriation of Native Americans from their lands (Trigger 1986; Fowler 1987).
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