The Foreign Policies of Mandela and Mbeki: a Clear Case of Idealism Vs Realism ?
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South Africa and the African Renaissance
South Africa and the African Renaissance PETER VALE* AND SIPHO MASEKO On May , immediately prior to the adoption of South Africa’s new con- stitution,Thabo Mbeki, Nelson Mandela’s chosen successor, opened his address to the country’s Constitutional Assembly with the words ‘I am an African!’. In an inclusionary speech, symptomatic of post-apartheid South Africa, Mbeki drew strands of the country’s many histories together. His words evoked great emotion within the assembly chamber, and later throughout the country: across the political spectrum, South Africans strongly associated themselves with the spirit of reconciliation and outreach caught in his words. South Africa’s reunification with the rest of the continent had been a significant sub-narrative within the processes which led to negotiation over the ending of apartheid. That South Africa would become part of the African community was, of course, beyond doubt; what was at issue was both the sequence of events by which this would happen and the conditionalities attached to its happening.The continent’s enthusiasm for the peace process in South Africa was initially uneven: the Organization of African Unity (OAU) summit in June decided to retain sanctions against South Africa although the Nigerian leader, General Ibrahim Babingida, expressed an interest in meet- ing South Africa’s then President, F.W.de Klerk, if such an occasion ‘would help bring about majority rule.’ The political prize attached to uniting South Africa with the rest of the continent explains why South Africa’s outgoing minority government, despite energetic and expensive diplomatic effort, was unable to deliver its own version of South Africa in Africa. -
South Africa╎s Post-Apartheid Foreign Policy Towards Africa
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Iowa Research Online Electronic Journal of Africana Bibliography Volume 6 South Africa’s Post-Apartheid Foreign Policy Article 1 Towards Africa 2-6-2001 South Africa’s Post-Apartheid Foreign Policy Towards Africa Roger Pfister Swiss Federal Institute of Technology ETH, Zurich Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.uiowa.edu/ejab Part of the African History Commons, and the African Languages and Societies Commons Recommended Citation Pfister, Roger (2001) "South Africa’s Post-Apartheid Foreign Policy Towards Africa," Electronic Journal of Africana Bibliography: Vol. 6 , Article 1. https://doi.org/10.17077/1092-9576.1003 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Iowa Research Online. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Journal of Africana Bibliography by an authorized administrator of Iowa Research Online. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Volume 6 (2000) South Africa’s Post-Apartheid Foreign Policy Towards Africa Roger Pfister, Centre for International Studies, Swiss Federal Institute of Technology ETH, Zurich Preface 1. Introduction Two principal factors have shaped South Africa’s post-apartheid foreign policy towards Africa. First, the termination of apartheid in 1994 allowed South Africa, for the first time in the country’s history, to establish and maintain contacts with African states on equal terms. Second, the end of the Cold War at the end of the 1980s led to a retreat of the West from Africa, particularly in the economic sphere. Consequently, closer cooperation among all African states has become more pertinent to finding African solutions to African problems. -
Africa at LSE: Book Review: Thabo Mbeki by Adekeye Adebajo Page 1 of 2
Africa at LSE: Book Review: Thabo Mbeki by Adekeye Adebajo Page 1 of 2 Book Review: Thabo Mbeki by Adekeye Adebajo Nicodemus Minde says this book offers not only Thabo Mbeki’ s story but the history of the nationalist and anti- apartheid struggle movement of the African National Congress. Adekeye Adebajo, the director of the Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation at the University of Johannesburg writes a short and succinct biography of former South African President Thabo Mbeki. For a writer who has extensively written and commented on the African agency in various books and commentaries, he successfully simplifies the complex figure of Thabo Mbeki. The book meticulously captures the thoughts, personality and idiosyncrasies of a man whose legacy in South Africa and abroad is mixed. The book’s central thesis is the juxtaposition of Thabo Mbeki’s intellectualism viewed in his nationalistic, Pan-African and African renaissance vision with other African personalities (p.11). Departing from other biographies of Mbeki, the book offers a careful analytical balance between Mbeki’s domestic policy and foreign policy. Drawing from Mbeki’s illustrious career in politics, the book captures the life and times of an important African figure of his generation. The book employs a consistent juxtaposition style throughout. It begins with a philosophic introduction where Thabo Mbeki is juxtaposed with Kwame Nkrumah, the great Ghanaian leader. Mbeki’s intellectual thoughts and visions are compared to Nkrumah, one of the earliest African thinkers of the Pan-African movement. Through what the author terms as “Africa’s philosopher-kings”, Nkrumah and Mbeki’s romanticism around the idea of African unity is highlighted. -
The Burundi Peace Process
ISS MONOGRAPH 171 ISS Head Offi ce Block D, Brooklyn Court 361 Veale Street New Muckleneuk, Pretoria, South Africa Tel: +27 12 346-9500 Fax: +27 12 346-9570 E-mail: [email protected] Th e Burundi ISS Addis Ababa Offi ce 1st Floor, Ki-Ab Building Alexander Pushkin Street PEACE CONDITIONAL TO CIVIL WAR FROM PROCESS: THE BURUNDI PEACE Peace Process Pushkin Square, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Th is monograph focuses on the role peacekeeping Tel: +251 11 372-1154/5/6 Fax: +251 11 372-5954 missions played in the Burundi peace process and E-mail: [email protected] From civil war to conditional peace in ensuring that agreements signed by parties to ISS Cape Town Offi ce the confl ict were adhered to and implemented. 2nd Floor, Armoury Building, Buchanan Square An AU peace mission followed by a UN 160 Sir Lowry Road, Woodstock, South Africa Tel: +27 21 461-7211 Fax: +27 21 461-7213 mission replaced the initial SA Protection Force. E-mail: [email protected] Because of the non-completion of the peace ISS Nairobi Offi ce process and the return of the PALIPEHUTU- Braeside Gardens, Off Muthangari Road FNL to Burundi, the UN Security Council Lavington, Nairobi, Kenya Tel: +254 20 386-1625 Fax: +254 20 386-1639 approved the redeployment of an AU mission to E-mail: [email protected] oversee the completion of the demobilisation of ISS Pretoria Offi ce these rebel forces by December 2008. Block C, Brooklyn Court C On 18 April 2009, at a ceremony to mark the 361 Veale Street ON beginning of the demobilisation of thousands New Muckleneuk, Pretoria, South Africa DI Tel: +27 12 346-9500 Fax: +27 12 460-0998 TI of PALIPEHUTU-FNL combatants, Agathon E-mail: [email protected] ON Rwasa, leader of PALIPEHUTU-FNL, gave up AL www.issafrica.org P his AK-47 and military uniform. -
The Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture
The Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture Contents Page 3 | The Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture Page 4 | President Thabo Mbeki Page 18 | Wangari Maathai Page 26 | Archbishop Desmond Tutu Page 34 | President William J. Clinton The Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture | PAGE 1 PAGE 2 | The Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture 2007 PAGE 2 | The Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture he Nelson Mandela Foundation (NMF), The inaugural Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture was through its Centre of Memory and held on 19 July 2003, and was delivered by T Dialogue, seeks to contribute to a just President William Jefferson Clinton. The second society by promoting the vision and work of its Founder Annual Lecture was delivered by Nobel Peace Prize and, using his example, to convene dialogue around winner Archbishop Desmond Tutu on 23 November critical social issues. 2004. The third Annual Lecture was delivered on 19 July 2005 by Nobel Peace Prize winner, Professor Our Founder, Nelson Mandela, based his entire life Wangari Maathai MP, from Kenya. The fourth on the principle of dialogue, the art of listening Annual Lecture was delivered by President Thabo and speaking to others; it is also the art of getting Mbeki on 29 July 2006. others to listen and speak to each other. The NMF’s Centre of Memory and Dialogue encourages people Nobel Peace Prize winner, Mr Kofi Annan, the former to enter into dialogue – often about difficult Secretary-General of the United Nations, will deliver the subjects – in order to address the challenges we fifth Annual Lecture on 22 July 2007. face today. The Centre provides the historic resources and a safe, non-partisan space, physically and intellectually, where open and frank This booklet consolidates the four Annual Lectures discourse can take place. -
1. INTRODUCTION “ Unless Something New and Radical Is Done
1. INTRODUCTION “ Unless something new and radical is done, Africa will not achieve the International Development Goals (IDGs) and the 7% annual Growth Domestic Product (GDP) growth rate” 1 The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) is not only the newest and most fashionable game on the African continent, but also the latest in the efforts by African political leaders to deal collectively with the countless national, regional and continental political, socioeconomic problems and development challenges facing the continent. As much as a growing number of African political leaders enter the arena to declare their commitment to the agenda of Africa’s economic upliftment in the new millennium, there is very little civil society understanding of and support for a continental project such as NEPAD. The absence of meaningful and organic participation by civil society is the most vexatious of all the concerns that could mar the otherwise commendable vision of African sustainable development that NEPAD invokes. It is this absence of participation by civil society in the lives of their communities that has led to the failure of most commendable projects undertaken by African leaders since the early days of independence. In the words of the NEPAD document, what is now known as NEPAD is a merger of the Millennium Partnership for Africa’s Recovery Programme (MAP) and the Omega Plan. This was finalised into a new document and framework called the New Africa Initiative, (NAI) on 3 July 2001 in Lusaka, Zambia. The NAI was then approved by OAU Summit Heads of State and Government on 11 July 2001 (Declaration 1 (XXXVII)). -
Failed Promises: an Analysis of Post-Apartheid Land Reform Amy
Failed Promises: An Analysis of Post-Apartheid Land Reform Amy Cohen Global Studies Department The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill April 2019 Approved by: 푇ℎ표푚푎푠 퐾푒푙푙푒푦, 퐴푑푣푠푒푟 푅표푏푒푟푡 퐽푒푛푘푛푠, 푆푒푐표푛푑 푅푒푎푑푒푟 Table of Contents Acknowledgements………………………………………………………….2 Prologue……………………………………………………………………...4 Chapter One: Introduction…………………………………………………6 I. Colonial history……………………………………………………………………………6 II. 20th century land policy…………………………………………………………………...8 III. Post-apartheid land policy………………………………………………………..………10 IV. Why does this matter? …………………………………………………………………...13 V. Research question……………………………………………………………………..…14 VI. Methodology……………………………………………………………………………..16 VII. Chapter roadmap. ………………………………………………………………………..18 Chapter Two: Literature Review…………………………………………19 I. Forced migrations.. ……………………………………………………………………...19 II. The importance of land.. ………………………………………………………………...22 III. Expectations versus reality………………………………………………………………24 IV. Racial divide……………………………………………………………………………..25 V. Rule of law……………………………………………………………………………….28 VI. Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………….30 Chapter Three: Legal and Political Overview…………………………...31 I. Land across politics………………………………………………………………………31 II. Urban land………………………………………………………………………………..36 III. Land claims………………………………………………………………………………38 IV. Transition to the real consequences……………………………………………………...41 Chapter Four: Real Consequences for South Africans………………….44 I. Personal accounts of the case…………………………………………………….………44 II. Introduction to Imizamo Yethu…………………………………………………………..47 -
Polokwane Conference
No. 87 January 2008 POLOKWANE CONFERENCE- Searchlight on Highlights 1. The Rowdiness at the Conference 2. “My Comrade, my brother….my Leader.” 3. Purge in the National Executive Committee 4./…. 1 4. Dr Dube and Zuma 5. “Umshini Wami” 6. Large number of Votes for the NEC does not always mean Power 7. Newly elected NEC gives Pride of Place to Fraudsters and Thieves 8. A Plague on both their Houses APDUSA VIEWS e.mail: [email protected] P.O. Box 8888 website: www.apdusaviews .co.za CUMBERWOOD 3235 2 1. The Rowdiness Toward Senior ANC members The rowdiness exhibited by a large section of the ANC conference towards Minister Lekota was a measure of the hostility the Zuma supporters showed towards the Mbeki faction symbolised by Lekota as its chief spokesman in the battle against the Zuma faction. According to Mbeki, the image that behaviour “conveyed to the country, the continent and the world was a bad image.”1 In his closing speech, Zuma described the behaviour as “a negative”. According to Mbeki: “The matter was addressed and delegates were told that their behaviour was unacceptable and indeed the behaviour improved.”2 Those of us viewing these “disturbing” scenes on television would have noticed that that behaviour was being exhibited in the very presence of Jacob Zuma. The question on everybody lips is: Why did Jacob Zuma not get up from his seated position and direct/instruct /request his supporters to stop behaving in that unacceptable manner? There appears to be only one answer: It was orchestrated rowdiness which had the full approval of Jacob Zuma! Postscript. -
African Identity and an African Renaissance
AFRICAN IDENTITY AND AN AFRICAN RENAISSANCE By Philani Jili Submitted in partial fulfilment of the academic requirements for the degree of Masters in Political Science in the discipline of Political Studies School of Human and Social Studies University of Natal, Pietennaritzburg December 2000 Declaration I declare this thesis to be entirely my own work except where otherwise stated in the text. .Sl!!t..t= ....= ....~~ ........ ~. Philani Jili Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisor, Alison Jones, and my co-supervisor, Jabulani Sithole for their guidance and encouragement. I am also grateful to the School of Human and Social Studies Manager, Dawn Fowle, for her assistance with computer skills during the preparation of a research proposal. I am also grateful to Laurence Piper whose suggestions and comments were very helpful. My thanks are also due to the Director of Political Studies, Dr. Ufo Okeke Uzodike and Tahir Fuzile Sitoto for lending me some material on African philosophy and for their comments, motivation and support. Lastly, my thanks goes to Nsizwa Dlamini and Zwelihle Memela whose insights were very helpful. Table of Contents Page Introduction a) Hypothesis and objectives of the dissertation, and brief chapter summaries 1 b) Research methodologies and sources 4 Chapter One : Issues of African Identity: Cultural and Philosophical Debate 7 1.1 Introduction: General Themes and Questions 7 1.2 Ethnophilosophy and its Critics 8 1.2.1 An example of ethnophilosophy 14 1.2.2 Hountondji's critique 16 1.2.3 Wiredu's critique -
South Africa Tackles Global Apartheid: Is the Reform Strategy Working? - South Atlantic Quarterly, 103, 4, 2004, Pp.819-841
critical essays on South African sub-imperialism regional dominance and global deputy-sheriff duty in the run-up to the March 2013 BRICS summit by Patrick Bond Neoliberalism in SubSaharan Africa: From structural adjustment to the New Partnership for Africas Development – in Alfredo Saad-Filho and Deborah Johnstone (Eds), Neoliberalism: A Critical Reader, London, Pluto Press, 2005, pp.230-236. US empire and South African subimperialism - in Leo Panitch and Colin Leys (Eds), Socialist Register 2005: The Empire Reloaded, London, Merlin Press, 2004, pp.125- 144. Talk left, walk right: Rhetoric and reality in the New South Africa – Global Dialogue, 2004, 6, 4, pp.127-140. Bankrupt Africa: Imperialism, subimperialism and financial politics - Historical Materialism, 12, 4, 2004, pp.145-172. The ANCs “left turn” and South African subimperialism: Ideology, geopolitics and capital accumulation - Review of African Political Economy, 102, September 2004, pp.595-611. South Africa tackles Global Apartheid: Is the reform strategy working? - South Atlantic Quarterly, 103, 4, 2004, pp.819-841. Removing Neocolonialisms APRM Mask: A critique of the African Peer Review Mechanism – Review of African Political Economy, 36, 122, December 2009, pp. 595-603. South African imperial supremacy - Le Monde Diplomatique, Paris, May 2010. South Africas dangerously unsafe financial intercourse - Counterpunch, 24 April 2012. Financialization, corporate power and South African subimperialism - in Ronald W. Cox, ed., Corporate Power in American Foreign Policy, London, Routledge Press, 2012, pp.114-132. Which Africans will Obama whack next? – forthcoming in Monthly Review, January 2012. 2 Neoliberalism in SubSaharan Africa: From structural adjustment to the New Partnership for Africa’s Development Introduction Distorted forms of capital accumulation and class formation associated with neoliberalism continue to amplify Africa’s crisis of combined and uneven development. -
Ahmed Timol Was the First Detainee to Die at John Vorster Square
“He hung from a piece of soap while washing…” In Detention, Chris van Wyk, 1979 On 23 August 1968, Prime Minister Vorster opened a new police station in Johannesburg known as John Vorster Square. Police described it as a state of the art facility, where incidents such as the 1964 “suicide” of political detainee, Suliman “Babla” Saloojee, could be avoided. On 9 September 1964 Saloojee fell or was thrown from the 7th floor of the old Gray’s Building, the Special Branch’s then-headquarters in Johannesburg. Security police routinely tortured political detainees on the 9th and 10th floors of John Vorster Square. Between 1971 and 1990 a number of political detainees died there. Ahmed Timol was the first detainee to die at John Vorster Square. 27 October 1971 – Ahmed Timol 11 December 1976 – Mlungisi Tshazibane 15 February 1977 – Matthews Marwale Mabelane 5 February 1982 – Neil Aggett 8 August 1982 – Ernest Moabi Dipale 30 January 1990 – Clayton Sizwe Sithole 1 Rapport, 31 October 1971 Courtesy of the Timol Family Courtesy of the Timol A FAMILY ON THE MOVE Haji Yusuf Ahmed Timol, Ahmed Timol’s father, was The young Ahmed suffered from bronchitis and born in Kholvad, India, and travelled to South Africa in became a patient of Dr Yusuf Dadoo, who was the 1918. In 1933 he married Hawa Ismail Dindar. chairman of the South African Indian Congress and the South African Communist Party. Ahmed Timol, one of six children, was born in Breyten in the then Transvaal, on 3 November 1941. He and his Dr Dadoo’s broad-mindedness and pursuit of siblings were initially home-schooled because there was non-racialism were to have a major influence on no school for Indian children in Breyten. -
Harmony and Discord in South African Foreign Policy Making
Composers, conductors and players: Harmony and discord in South African foreign policy making TIM HUGHES KONRAD-ADENAUER-STIFTUNG • OCCASIONAL PAPERS • JOHANNESBURG • SEPTEMBER 2004 © KAS, 2004 All rights reserved While copyright in this publication as a whole is vested in the Konrad-Adenauer- Stiftung, copyright in the text rests with the individual authors, and no paper may be reproduced in whole or part without the express permission, in writing, of both authors and the publisher. It should be noted that any opinions expressed are the responsibility of the individual authors and that the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung does not necessarily subscribe to the opinions of contributors. ISBN: 0-620-33027-9 Published by: Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung 60 Hume Road Dunkeld 2196 Johannesburg Republic of South Africa PO Box 1383 Houghton 2041 Johannesburg Republic of South Africa Telephone: (+27 +11) 214-2900 Telefax: (+27 +11) 214-2913/4 E-mail: [email protected] www.kas.org.za Editing, DTP and production: Tyrus Text and Design Cover design: Heather Botha Reproduction: Rapid Repro Printing: Stups Printing Foreword The process of foreign policy making in South Africa during its decade of democracy has been subject to a complex interplay of competing forces. Policy shifts of the post-apartheid period not only necessitated new visions for the future but also new structures. The creation of a value-based new identity in foreign policy needed to be accompanied by a transformation of institutions relevant for the decision-making process in foreign policy. Looking at foreign policy in the era of President Mbeki, however, it becomes obvious that Max Weber’s observation that “in a modern state the actual ruler is necessarily and unavoidably the bureaucracy, since power is exercised neither through parliamentary speeches nor monarchical enumerations but through the routines of administration”,* no longer holds in the South African context.