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Non-Offensive Defence in the Middle East?
UNIDIR/98/23 UNIDIR United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research Geneva Non-Offensive Defence in the Middle East? Bjørn Møller Gustav Däniker Shmuel Limone Ioannis A. Stivachtis UNITED NATIONS New York and Geneva, 1998 NOTE The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. * * * The views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations Secretariat. UNIDIR/98/23 UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATION Sales No. GV.E.98.0.27 ISBN 92-9045-129-7 Table of Contents Page Preface—Ioannis A. Stivachtis .................................. vii List of Acronyms............................................ xv Part I Chapter 1 Non-Offensive Defence in the Middle East Bjørn Møller ............................................. 3 I. The Basic Idea of NOD ................................ 3 II. The Middle East and Europe Compared................... 34 III. Common Security and NOD for the Middle East? ........... 49 IV. The Role of External Powers ........................... 80 V. Perspectives ........................................ 87 Part II Chapter 1 Non-Offensive Defence in the Middle East: Necessity versus Feasibility Ioannis A. Stivachtis ...................................... 93 I. NOD and Related Concepts ............................ 93 II. NOD in the Middle East: Is it Feasible? .................. 106 III. Conclusion ........................................ 113 v vi Non-Offensive Defence in the Middle East? Chapter 2 Cooperative Security and Non-Offensive Defence in the Middle East Gustav Däniker ......................................... 115 I. NOD and the Middle East Challenge ................... -
The Role of People-To-People Programs in the Current Israeli-Palestinian
The Power of Possibility: The Role of People-to-People Programs in the Current Israeli- Palestinian Reality Forum Israel Shira Herzog and Avivit Hai ECF economic cooperation foundation © 2005 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Israel Office P.O.Box 12235 Herzliya 46733, Israel Editor: Hermann Bünz Layout: Jaffa Cohen Printing: Ra'ayon All rights reserved. Editorial The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung is a non-profit organisation with ideological roots in the German and international labour movement. Out of a profound commitment to social justice and peaceful coexistence both within societies and between nations, the Friedrich- Ebert-Stiftung office in Israel contributes to - Strengthening German-Israeli relations - Facilitating the peace process and regional co-operation - Improving labour relations - Working for gender equality and women's empowerment - Democracy education for youth - Policy consulting and information Together with its partners, the Israel office of the Friedrich-Ebert- Stiftung regularly holds public forums and workshops which address the above-mentioned topics. Authoritative representatives from the political, social, economic, and academic worlds are invited to take part in these encounters. Lectures and addresses given at these events, as well as conference summaries, are reproduced in this series of brochures, entitled "Israel Forum". The series is also intended for the presentation of policy analyses and research results which constitute the backdrop to such public forums. www.fes.org.il Opening Note The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) and the Economic Cooperation Foundation (ECF) are pleased to support this publication, "The Power of Possibility – the Role of People-to-People in the Current Israeli-Palestinian Reality." The last few months have seen dramatic changes in the Israeli-Palestinian relationship. -
Turkey and Iraq: the Perils (And Prospects) of Proximity
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT I RAQ AND I TS N EIGHBORS Iraq’s neighbors are playing a major role—both positive and negative—in the stabilization and reconstruction of “the new Iraq.” As part of the Institute’s “Iraq and Henri J. Barkey Its Neighbors” project, a group of leading specialists on the geopolitics of the region and on the domestic politics of the individual countries is assessing the interests and influence of the countries surrounding Iraq. In addition, these specialists are examining how Turkey and Iraq the situation in Iraq is impacting U.S. bilateral relations with these countries. Henri Barkey’s report on Turkey is the first in a series of USIP special reports on “Iraq The Perils (and Prospects) of Proximity and Its Neighbors” to be published over the next few months. Next in the series will be a study on Iran by Geoffrey Kemp of the Nixon Center. The “Iraq and Its Neighbors” project is directed by Scott Lasensky of the Institute’s Research and Studies Program. For an overview of the topic, see Phebe Marr and Scott Lasensky, “An Opening at Sharm el-Sheikh,” Beirut Daily Star, November 20, 2004. Henri J. Barkey is the Bernard L. and Bertha F. Cohen Professor of international relations at Lehigh University. He served as a member of the U.S. State Department Policy Planning Staff (1998–2000), working primarily on issues related to the Middle East, the eastern Mediterranean, and intelligence matters. -
Peace Between Israel and the Palestinians Appears to Be As Elusive As Ever. Following the Most Recent Collapse of American-Broke
38 REVIVING THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN PEACE PROCESS: HISTORICAL LES- SONS FOR THE MARCH 2015 ISRAELI ELECTIONS Elijah Jatovsky Lessons derived from the successes that led to the signing of the 1993 Declaration of Principles between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization highlight modern criteria by which a debilitated Israeli-Palestinian peace process can be revitalized. Writ- ten in the run-up to the March 2015 Israeli elections, this article examines a scenario for the emergence of a security-credentialed leadership of the Israeli Center-Left. Such leadership did not in fact emerge in this election cycle. However, should this occur in the future, this paper proposes a Plan A, whereby Israel submits a generous two-state deal to the Palestinians based roughly on that of Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert’s offer in 2008. Should Palestinians find this offer unacceptable whether due to reservations on borders, Jerusalem or refugees, this paper proposes a Plan B by which Israel would conduct a staged, unilateral withdrawal from large areas of the West Bank to preserve the viability of a two-state solution. INTRODUCTION Peace between Israel and the Palestinians appears to be as elusive as ever. Following the most recent collapse of American-brokered negotiations in April 2014, Palestinians announced they would revert to pursuing statehood through the United Nations (UN), a move Israel vehemently opposes. A UN Security Council (UNSC) vote on some form of a proposal calling for an end to “Israeli occupation in the West Bank” by 2016 is expected later this month.1 In July 2014, a two-month war between Hamas-controlled Gaza and Israel broke out, claiming the lives of over 2,100 Gazans (this number encompassing both combatants and civilians), 66 Israeli soldiers and seven Israeli civilians—the low number of Israeli civilians credited to Israel’s sophisti- cated anti-missile Iron Dome system. -
Iraq: Differing Views in the Domestic Policy Debate
Order Code RL31607 Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Iraq: Differing Views in the Domestic Policy Debate October 16, 2002 name redacted, Meaghan Marshall, name redacted Research Associates Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division name redacted Specialist in National Defense Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Iraq: Differing Views in the Domestic Policy Debate Summary The debate over whether, when, and how to prosecute a major U.S. military intervention in Iraq and depose Saddam Hussein is complex, despite a general consensus in Washington that the world would be much better off if Hussein were not in power. Although most U.S. observers, for a variety of reasons, would prefer some degree of allied or U.N. support for military intervention in Iraq, some observers believe that the United States should act unilaterally even without such multilateral support. Some commentators argue for a stronger, more committed version of the current policy approach toward Iraq and leave war as a decision to reach later, only after exhausting additional means of dealing with Hussein’s regime. A number of key questions are raised in this debate, such as: 1) is war on Iraq linked to the war on terrorism and to the Arab-Israeli dispute; 2) what effect will a war against Iraq have on the war against terrorism; 3) are there unintended consequences of warfare, especially in this region of the world; 4) what is the long- term political and financial commitment likely to accompany regime change and possible democratization in this highly divided, ethnically diverse country; 5) what are the international consequences (e.g., to European allies, Russia, and the world community) of any U.S. -
Military Activism and Conservatism During the Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction
Soldiers and The Use of Force: Military Activism and Conservatism During The Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction Are soldiers more prone and likely to use force Are soldiers more prone to use force and initiate conflicts than civilians? To bring a and initiate conflicts than civilians? new insight to this question, this article compares The traditional view in the civil- the main arguments of military activism and military relations literature stresses that military conservatism theories on Israeli policies during the First and Second Intifadas. Military professional soldiers are conservative activism argues that soldiers are prone to end in the use of force because soldiers political problems with the use of force mainly are the ones who mainly suffer in war. because of personal and organizational interests Instead, this view says, it is the civilians as well as the effects of a military-mindset. The proponents of military conservatism, on the who initiate wars and conflicts because, other hand, claim that soldiers are conservative without military knowledge, they on the use of force and it is the civilians most underestimate the costs of war while likely offering military measures. Through an overvaluing the benefits of military analysis of qualitative nature, the article finds 1 action. In recent decades, military that soldiers were more conservative in the use of force during the First Intifadas and Oslo conservatism has been challenged by Peace Process while they were more hawkish in a group of scholars who argue that the the Second Intifada. This difference is explained traditional view is based on a limited by enemy conceptions and by the politicization number of cases, mainly civil-military of Israeli officers. -
The Iranian Dilemma Challenges for German and American Foreign Policy
THE IRANIAN DILEMMA t CHALLENGES FOR GERMAN AND AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY Washington, D.C. 21 April 1997 Conference Repor American Institute for Contemporary German Studies The Johns Hopkins University Conference Report THE IRANIAN DILEMMA CHALLENGES FOR GERMAN AND AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY Peter Rudolf Geoffrey Kemp Washington, D.C. 21 April 1997 American Institute for Contemporary German Studies The Johns Hopkins University The American Institute for Contemporary German Studies (AICGS) is a center for advanced research, study, and discussion on the politics, culture, and society of the Federal Republic of Germany. Established in 1983 and affiliated with The Johns Hopkins University but governed by its own Board of Trustees, AICGS is a privately incorporated institute dedicated to independent, critical, and comprehensive analysis and assessment of current German issues. Its goals are to help develop a new generation of American scholars with a thorough understanding of contemporary Germany, deepen American knowledge and understanding of current German developments, contribute to American policy analysis of problems relating to Germany, and promote interdisciplinary and comparative research on Germany. Executive Director: Jackson Janes Research Director: Carl Lankowski Director of Development: William S. Stokes IV Board of Trustees, Cochair: Steven Muller Board of Trustees, Cochair: Harry J. Gray The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies. ©1997 by the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies ISBN 0-941441-21-0 Additional copies are available from the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies, Suite 420, 1400 16th Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. -
American Policy and Changing Alignments in the Middle East
American Policy and Changing Alignments in the Middle East Adam Lammon American Policy and Changing Alignments in the Middle East Geoffrey Kemp, John Allen Gay, Adam Lammon Center for the National Interest The Center for the National Interest is a nonpartisan public policy institution established by former President Richard Nixon in 1994. Its current programs focus on American defense and national security, energy and climate security, regional security in the Middle East, and U.S. relations with China, Japan, Europe, and Russia. The Center also publishes the bimonthly foreign affairs magazine The National Interest. The Center is supported by foundation, corporate and individual donors, as well as by an endowment. Copyright 2018. Center for the National Interest. All Rights Reserved. American Policy and Changing Alignments in the Middle East By Geoffrey Kemp, John Allen Gay, Adam Lammon Center for the National Interest 1025 Connecticut Ave, NW, Suite 1200 Washington, D.C. 20036 Phone: (202) 887-1000 E-mail: [email protected] www.cftni.org Cover design by Gabriella Turrisi Photographs from Reuters: From top (front to back): Yannis Behrakis, Reuters, Erik de Castro, Azad Lashkari Acknowledgments This study was supported by a grant from the Smith Richardson Foundation and with encouragement from the Center for the National Interest’s Executive Director, Paul J. Saunders. The Center for the National Interest would like to thank Henri Barkey, Fiona Hill, Dennis Ross, James Dobbins, Steven Szabo, and Charles W. Freeman for their participation in a series of seminars that were invaluable in structuring the research and argumentation, as well as the Center’s former Program Assistant, Luke Hagberg, and interns Bradley L. -
Nuclear Iran.Indd
ABOUT THE AUTHORS GENEIVE ABDO has reported from numerous Islamic countries for a decade. She is currently the religion writer of the Chicago Tribune. Before that, she worked for the Boston Globe and was the correspondent in Iran for The Guardian and a frequent contributor to The Economist and the International Herald Tribune. She is the author of No God but God: Egypt and the Triumph of Islam (Oxford University Press, 2000) and most recently, with Jonathan Lyons, of Answering Only to God: Faith and Freedom in Twenty-First-Century Iran (New York: Henry Holt Company, 2003). PATRICK CLAWSON is deputy director of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy and senior editor of Middle East Quarterly. He has published numerous scholarly articles on the Middle East in Foreign Affairs, International Economy, Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics and Middle East Journal. Also, he has published opinion articles in the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, and Washington Post. Mr. Clawson was co-convenor of the Presidential Study Group organized by The Washington Institute, which published its recommendations to the new Bush administration in the form of a monograph, Navigating Through Turbulence: America and the Middle East in a New Century (The Washington Institute, 2001). His most recent authored and edited works include: How to Build a New Iraq after Saddam, editor (The Washington Institute, 2003) and The Last Arab-Israeli Battlefi eld? Implications of an Israeli Withdrawal from Lebanon, co-editor (The Washington Institute, 2000). MICHAEL EISENSTADT is a senior fellow at The Washington Institute. He is a specialist in Persian Gulf and Arab-Israeli security affairs and has published on U.S. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science
The London School of Economics and Political Science Normalizing the Israel Asset. The Reagan Administration and the Second Cold War in the Middle East: Leverage, Blowback and the Institutionalization of the US-Israel ‘Special Relationship’ Andrea T. Dessí Thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, May 2018 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 107,560 words. This work was supported by the Economic and Social Research Council (grant number 1510562) I confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language and grammar by Carol Ross of Hyperlife Editing Services. 2 Abstract The US-Israel relationship reached a critical, institutionalizing juncture during the 1980s. Measurable in qualitative and quantitative terms, the Reagan administration had a transformative impact on bilateral ties, institutionalizing ad hoc forms of cooperation while modifying prevailing discourse to recognize Israel as an ‘ally’ and a ‘strategic asset’ in the Cold War. -
2019 Overview
2019 Overview Since its founding in 1981, the Middle East Policy Council (MEPC) has dedicated its programs and publications to improving American understanding of the politics and societies of the Arab world and the broader Middle East, and to promoting thoughtful discussion and debate about American interests and U.S. policies in the region. The Council has a strong reputation for supporting balanced, unbiased and intellectually rigorous discussion and analysis of the Middle East and of U.S. national interests there, and for promoting mutual understanding and partnership to strengthen U.S. relations with the peoples and countries in the region. Due to the wide distribution of our educational materials, and the broad media coverage of our programs, the Council’s impact is particularly strong beyond the Washington, DC, community and in the region. In 2019 MEPC achieved several new milestones in its core programs, special events, and outreach efforts. The Council’s quarterly Capitol Hill Conferences, quarterly journal Middle East Policy, TeachMideast program for students and educators, media engagement, and digital platforms all reached new heights in 2019. Following is an overview of MEPC’s 2019 activities and achievements. Capitol Hill Conferences The Council is unique in having a several-decades-long history of convening conferences dealing with the Middle East on Capitol Hill. These programs foster engagement with members of Congress and their staffs as well as executive-branch officials, opinion leaders, journalists, academics, diplomats, and members of the business community. Our four 2019 Capitol Hill Conferences – our 95th, 96th, 97th, and 98th such events – took place in the Russell Senate Office Building on January 16th, April 12th, July 19th, and October 25th. -
Iran and Iraq Months
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT I R AQ A N D I T S N EIGHBO RS Iraq’s neighbors are playing a major role—both positive and negative—in the stabilization and reconstruction of “the new Iraq.” As part of the Institute’s “Iraq and Its Neighbors” project, a group of leading specialists on the geopolitics of Geoffrey Kemp the region and on the domestic politics of the individual countries is assessing the interests and influence of the countries surrounding Iraq. In addition, these specialists are examining how the situation in Iraq is impacting U.S. bilateral relations with these countries. Geoffrey Kemp’s report on Iran is the second in a series of USIP special reports on “Iraq and Its Neighbors” to be published over the next few Iran and Iraq months. Next in the series will be a study on Saudi Arabia by Joseph McMillan of the National Defense University. The “Iraq and Its Neighbors” project is directed by Scott Lasensky of The Shia Connection, the Institute’s Research and Studies Program, who is also the author of the project’s forthcoming report on Jordan. Soft Power, and the Nuclear Factor Geoffrey Kemp is the director of regional strategic programs at the Nixon Center in Washington, D.C. He was senior director for Near East and South Asian affairs on the National Security Council staff during the first Reagan administration. Prior to his current position, he was a senior associate at Summary the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, where he was director of the Middle East Arms Control Project.