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The Radical Feminist Manifesto As Generic Appropriation: Gender, Genre, and Second Wave Resistance
Southern Journal of Communication ISSN: 1041-794X (Print) 1930-3203 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rsjc20 The radical feminist manifesto as generic appropriation: Gender, genre, and second wave resistance Kimber Charles Pearce To cite this article: Kimber Charles Pearce (1999) The radical feminist manifesto as generic appropriation: Gender, genre, and second wave resistance, Southern Journal of Communication, 64:4, 307-315, DOI: 10.1080/10417949909373145 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/10417949909373145 Published online: 01 Apr 2009. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 578 View related articles Citing articles: 4 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rsjc20 The Radical Feminist Manifesto as Generic Appropriation: Gender, Genre, And Second Wave Resistance Kimber Charles Pearce n June of 1968, self-styled feminist revolutionary Valerie Solanis discovered herself at the heart of a media spectacle after she shot pop artist Andy Warhol, whom she I accused of plagiarizing her ideas. While incarcerated for the attack, she penned the "S.C.U.M. Manifesto"—"The Society for Cutting Up Men." By doing so, Solanis appropriated the traditionally masculine manifesto genre, which had evolved from sov- ereign proclamations of the 1600s into a form of radical protest of the 1960s. Feminist appropriation of the manifesto genre can be traced as far back as the 1848 Seneca Falls Woman's Rights Convention, at which suffragists Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Lucretia Coffin Mott, Martha Coffin, and Mary Ann McClintock parodied the Declara- tion of Independence with their "Declaration of Sentiments" (Campbell, 1989). -
Sisterhood and Feminism1
Woven Lives: Sisterhood and Feminism61 Eunice Barbara C. Novio2 Abstract The study explores the lives of seven sisters; the Cabrera sisters namely: Lorena, Abcede, Penelope, Minerva, Nelfa, Nemesia and Lualhati through the stages of their lives from childhood, adolescence, adulthood and through their old age. These women were born between 1920 & 1940. They survived the Second World War and witnessed the changes in their society until the present time. Their stories reflect the struggles and changes in the women’s movement both in the Philippines and in the world in general. Oppression and discrimination happen in all institutions of society: family, Church and educational institutions. Throughout the women’s lives, they experienced oppression from the simplest forms to the worst. In the family, in many societies, particularly in Asia, sons are favored over daughters. Sons are given more responsibility in decision-making because they are believed to be the pillars of the families, while daughters are just seen as reproduction vehicles only since they cannot carry the name of their fathers upon marriage. At the workplace, sexual harassment and other name-calling is mostly experienced by women. In schools, service-oriented courses like nursing, 1 The research was originally written in Filipino and submitted as a Master’s Thesis for the degree Women and Development at the University of the Philippines in Diliman, Quezon City. Titled in Filipino as Hinabing Buhay: Kwento ng Magkakapatid na Cabrera Paglalahad mula sa Peministang Pananaw (Woven Lives: The Life Stories of the Cabrera Sisters from a Feminist Perspective). 2 Faculty of Humanities, Naresuan University, Thailand. -
The Early Years 1965-1974
Pioneering of the Simon Fraser University Daycare: The Early Years 1965-1974 by Barbara Bates M.A. (Liberal Studies), Simon Fraser University 2012 B.A. (Anthropology), Simon Fraser University, 2008 Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Gender, Sexuality, and Women’s Studies Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences © Barbara Bates 2019 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Spring 2019 Copyright in this work rests with the author. Please ensure that any reproduction or re-use is done in accordance with the relevant national copyright legislation. Approval Name: Barbara Bates Degree: Doctor of Philosophy Title: Pioneering of the Simon Fraser University Daycare: The Early Years 1965-1974 Examining Committee: Chair: Helen Leung Professor Lara Campbell Senior Supervisor Professor Dara Culhane Supervisor Professor Department of Sociology and Anthropology Ellie Stebner Internal Examiner Associate Professor Department of Humanities Eryk Martin External Examiner Faculty Member Department of History Kwantlen Polytechnic University Date Defended/Approved: December 13, 2018 ii Ethics Statement iii Abstract Simon Fraser University opened in September 1965 and from the very beginning, a significant number of students arrived with their children in tow. Children present on university campuses was not the norm in the 1960s and this phenomenon presented administrations with unexpected challenges. At Simon Fraser University the arrival of preschool children needing daycare, accompanied by parents, some of whom were political and part of the burgeoning student movement, some of whom were liberationists and part of the campus women’s movement, some of whom were faculty arriving with the promise of childminding, and some of whom were simply student/parents desperately in need of daycare; but not just any daycare. -
'The Only Position for Women in SNCC Is Prone'
‘The Only Position for Women in SNCC is Prone’ 29 ‘The Only Position for Women in SNCC is Prone’: Stokely Carmichael and the Perceived Patriarchy of Civil Rights Organisations in America 1 Sabina Peck Second Year Undergraduate, 1 University of New South Wales There is the danger in our culture that because a person is called upon to give public statements and is acclaimed by the establishment, such a person gets to the point of believing that he is the movement ... There are those, some of the young people [of SNCC] especially, who have said to me that if I had not been a woman I would have been well known in certain places, and perhaps held certain kinds of positions. – Ella Baker, 19702 Until relatively recently, historiography concerning the Civil Rights movement and its organisations has been fairly devoid of the study of the participation of women, focusing instead on certain charismatic, notably black male individuals such as Martin Luther King Jnr., Stokely Carmichael and Malcolm X.3 Steven Lawson, for example, has traced the evolution of 1 Note the following abbreviations are used throughout the article: CORE- Congress of Racial Equality MFDP – Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party NAACP – National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People SCLC – Southern Christian Leadership Conference SNCC – Student Non-violent Co-ordinating Committee 2 Ella Baker, Developing Community Leadership, Taped interview with Gerda Lerner (December 1970) paragraphs 15 and 14, respectively. 3 Joan C. Browning explores the extent to which women’s activities have been glossed over in Civil Rights Historiography in her article, ‘Invisible Revolutionaries: White Women in Civil Rights Historiography’ Journal of Women’s History, Vol. -
Working Class
A NEW WORKING CLASS Students for a Democratic Society and the United Auto Workers in the Sixties Amanda L. Bullock A NEW WORKING CLASS: Students for a Democratic Society and the United Auto Workers in the Sixties by Amanda Leigh Bullock A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelors of the Arts with Honors Department of History University of Michigan March 27, 2006 Advised by: Professor Matthew D. Lassiter © 2006 Amanda Leigh Bullock TABLE OF C ONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS II INTRODUCTION: STUDENTS, MIDDLE AMERICANS, AND CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS 1 DEMOCRATIC DISSENT 4 HISTORIOGRAPHY 7 CHAPTER ONE: NATURAL ALLIES? 15 THE LEAGUE FOR INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY 17 THE PORT HURON STATEMENT: “AN AGENDA FOR A GENERATION” 19 THE “OLD” LEFT 23 THE NEW LEFT: THE NATURAL ALLIANCE OF THE LABOR AND CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENTS? 27 STUDENTS AND LABOR 30 AUTONOMY 36 CHAPTER TWO: THE WAR ON POVERTY AND THE NEW INSURGENCY 42 THE CITIZENS’ CRUSADE AGAINST POVERTY 46 INSURGENCY TO THE WAR ON POVERTY 53 FROM FAYETTE COUNTY TO THE GHETTO 56 “AN INTERRACIAL MOVEMENT OF THE POOR” 60 THE FAILURE OF ERAP 67 FAILURE: THE CAMPUS VERSUS THE COMMUNITY 67 FAILURE: THE IMPOSSIBILITY OF AN EXPERIMENTAL PROJECT 71 FAILURE: THE ESCALATION OF THE VIETNAM WAR 73 THE LEGACY OF THE ECONOMIC RESEARCH AND ACTION PROJECT 75 CHAPTER THREE: IMPLOSION 79 THE ANTI-WAR MOVEMENT: SDS OUTGROWS ITSELF 81 STUDENTS FOR A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY’S 1968 WORK-IN 90 THE 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 94 THE DEATH OF SDS 101 THE TROUBLED AMERICANS 106 PRIMARY SOURCES 113 BIBLIOGRAPHY 115 ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First, I am indebted to Professor Matt Lassiter, without whose guidance and patience I never could have accomplished this. -
The Commune Movement During the 1960S and the 1970S in Britain, Denmark and The
The Commune Movement during the 1960s and the 1970s in Britain, Denmark and the United States Sangdon Lee Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds School of History September 2016 i The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement ⓒ 2016 The University of Leeds and Sangdon Lee The right of Sangdon Lee to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 ii Abstract The communal revival that began in the mid-1960s developed into a new mode of activism, ‘communal activism’ or the ‘commune movement’, forming its own politics, lifestyle and ideology. Communal activism spread and flourished until the mid-1970s in many parts of the world. To analyse this global phenomenon, this thesis explores the similarities and differences between the commune movements of Denmark, UK and the US. By examining the motivations for the communal revival, links with 1960s radicalism, communes’ praxis and outward-facing activities, and the crisis within the commune movement and responses to it, this thesis places communal activism within the context of wider social movements for social change. Challenging existing interpretations which have understood the communal revival as an alternative living experiment to the nuclear family, or as a smaller part of the counter-culture, this thesis argues that the commune participants created varied and new experiments for a total revolution against the prevailing social order and its dominant values and institutions, including the patriarchal family and capitalism. -
From Civil Rights to Women's Liberation: Women's Rights in SDS
From Civil Rights to Women’s Liberation: Women’s Rights in SDS and SNCC, 1960-1969 Anna Manogue History 4997: Honors Thesis Seminar 6 May 2019 2 “I had heard there was some infighting in the Women’s March between Jewish women and Black women, and I’m a Native American woman and I think it’s ridiculous that we’re dividing ourselves like this. We’re all women,” proclaimed Barbara McIlvaine Smith as she prepared to attend the third annual Women’s March in January of 2019.1 Smith’s comments succinctly summarized the ideological controversy over the intersection of race and gender— known since 1991 as intersectionality or intersectional feminism—that has plagued feminist activism since the emergence of the Women’s Liberation Movement in 1968.2 The concept of interactions between racial and sexual forms of oppression first emerged in the early 1960s, when women in the Civil Rights Movement began to identify similarities between the racial oppression they were fighting and the unequal treatment of women within their organizations. Many women asserted that their experiences as civil rights activists refined their understanding of gender inequality, improved their community organizing skills, and inspired their support of feminism.3 Historians have long acknowledged that women in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) first contemplated the connection between women’s rights and civil rights in the early 1960s and ultimately inspired their fellow women in the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) to instigate the Women’s Liberation Movement in 1968.4 During the 1960s, SNCC and SDS both gained reputations as staunchly democratic organizations dedicated to empowering students and creating a more equal society. -
Women's Liberation and Second-Wave Feminism: “The
12_Gosse_11.qxd 11/7/05 6:54 PM Page 153 Chapter 11 WOMEN’S LIBERATION AND SECOND-WAVE FEMINISM: “THE PERSONAL IS POLITICAL” Objectively, the chances seem nil that we could start a movement based on anything as distant to general American thought as a sex-caste system. —Casey Hayden and Mary King, “Sex and Caste,” November 18, 1965 Women are an oppressed class. Our oppression is total, affecting every facet of our lives. We are exploited as sex objects, breeders, domestic servants, and cheap labor. We are considered inferior beings, whose only purpose is to enhance men’s lives. Our humanity is denied. Our prescribed behavior is enforced by the threat of physical violence.... We identify the agents of our oppression as men. Male supremacy is the oldest, most basic form of domination. All other forms of exploitation and oppression (racism, capitalism, imperialism, etc.) are extensions of male supremacy; men dominate women, a few men dominate the rest . All men receive economic, sexual, and psychological benefits from male supremacy. All men have oppressed women. We identify with all women. We define our best interest as that of the poorest, most brutally exploited woman. The time for individual skirmishes has passed. This time we are going all the way. Copyright © 2006. Palgrave Macmillan. All rights reserved. Macmillan. All rights © 2006. Palgrave Copyright —Redstockings Manifesto, 1969 Van, Gosse,. Rethinking the New Left : A Movement of Movements, Palgrave Macmillan, 2006. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/unistthomas-ebooks/detail.action?docID=308106.<br>Created from unistthomas-ebooks on 2017-11-17 13:44:54. -
Emmie Schrader Adams, Casey Hayden
Constance Curry, Joan C. Browning, Dorothy Dawson Burlage, Penny Patch, Theresa Del Pozzo, Sue Thrasher, Elaine DeLott Baker, Emmie Schrader Adams, Casey Hayden. Deep in Our Hearts: Nine White Women in the Freedom Movement. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2000. xv + 400 pp. $29.95, cloth, ISBN 978-0-8203-2266-7. Reviewed by Jennifer Ritterhouse Published on H-SAWH (June, 2001) Telling Their Own Stories civil rights organizations during the frst half of Joan C. Browning, Dorothy Dawson Burlage, the1960s. Each woman expresses her deep faith in Penny Patch, Theresa Del Pozzo, Sue Thrasher, the values of equality and human fellowship that Elaine DeLott Baker, Emmie Schrader Adams, and characterized the student movement's early Casey Hayden years, as well as her gratitude for having once been part of a beloved community. And each dis‐ Deep in Our Hearts: Nine White Women in the cusses her response to SNCC's ideological shift Freedom Movement recounts the "costly times" of away from interracialism and toward Black Pow‐ the civil rights struggle that the book's nine co-au‐ er. For some, this transformation and the eventual thors "wouldn't have missed for the world" (xiii). expulsion of whites from the organization were >From intimate personal essays, we learn how a devastating. But most had left SNCC before inter‐ handful of very young white women from varied nal racial tensions reached the breaking point, regional, cultural, and class backgrounds crossed and several managed to remain active in social racial boundaries and defied social conventions justice efforts through other organizations and in by dedicating their lives to a movement to eradi‐ other areas. -
Political Process, Activism, and Health Dissertation
POLITICAL PROCESS, ACTIVISM, AND HEALTH DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Anne E. Haas, M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 2005 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Vincent Roscigno, Advisor Professor Timothy Curry ________________________ Professor Steven Lopez Sociology Graduate Program ABSTRACT Conventional women are saturated with mass media images depicting very thin, attractive women. These images impose ideals that are impossible for most women to meet in a healthy way. This study examines the substantive issue of women's body appearance, aging, and related health outcomes, including eating disorders, and how these might be mediated and improved by activist political process. Concepts from social movements and social-psychological perspectives are integrated into what I call the political process model—a model that delineates how activists become socialized and immersed in alternative political networks that influence subsequent activities, ideas, and identities. I use this model to test the ability of activists to sustain commitment to their causes, including those that relate to women’s bodies, over time. The process that connects the concepts in this model (i.e., pivotal events, collective identity, pivotal departures, empowerment, and health) provides the conceptual framework to which my analytic strategy derives. I address four research expectations using triangulated quantitative and qualitative methods, and draw original data sources. Original survey data on female activists and non-activists are used to test whether the two groups differ in their politics, daily routines, and several dimensions of health (e.g., use of conventional versus non-conventional medical care, eating habits, etc.). -
Read Anna Chulak's Paper
HOW, AND TO WHAT EXTENT, DID THE NATURE OF CIVIL RIGHTS ACTIVISM PERPETUATE GENDER OPPRESSION AND HINDER THE WORK OF BLACK FEMALE ACTIVISTS IN THE MOVEMENT? Research Paper for History 344: US Social Movements Anna Chulack Chulack 1 Examining interracial relations is of great pertinence when analysing U.S. history since understanding how people of colour are perceived, as well as the difficulties that they face, today requires being aware of the long-lasting influences of slavery and segregation. The Civil Rights Movement is an important turning point in the history of the black freedom struggle, as it gave black people the chance to participate politically (through nonviolent protest) in a mass campaign to end Jim Crow. Sadly, however, the women of the movement have, for the most part, been overlooked or forgotten in the larger context of contemporary activism. At the time, they made up “a powerful, yet invisible network”i that has continued to be “invisible” today. This lack of recognition has occurred despite that black women oftentimes carried out essential activities in propelling the movement forward.ii We can attribute this injustice to gender oppression, which was prevalent in all aspects of the movement. The perpetuation of sexism by the black church, male activist attitudes and actions towards female activists, and the male-dominated hierarchy of many civil rights groups all worked to discourage the activism that women undertook, as well as disable women from being promoted to positions of official leadership in the movement. The role that the black church played in the Civil Rights Movement is important to assess in order to analyse why the oppression of black women within the church so greatly affected how women engaged with the movement and the roles that they took up. -
In This Issue © John Smock
The Women’s Review of Books Vol. XX, No. 7 April 2003 74035 $4.00 I In This Issue Smock © John I In her first novel, Korean American Caroline Hwang tells the story of Ginger Lee, the comically rebellious daughter of Korean par- ents: Christine Thomas reviews In Full Bloom,p.14. I Indian activist Arundhati Roy speaks out around the world against the evils of globalization: now, in “Come September,” an essay written to mark the first anniversary of September 11, she reflects on the multiple, interconnected anniversaries that fall on that date, p. 6. I Is it true that writers of children’s books are really children who never grew up? In her review of Girls and Boys Forever, Elizabeth Bobrick takes issue with Alison Lurie’s claim, p. 8. I In The Country Under My Skin, Nicaraguan poet Gioconda Belli looks Caroline Hwang, author of In Full Bloom. back on her life as a feminist in the heart of the Sandinista revolution: Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz reads her poignant recollections of the triumph and defeat of a dream, p. 12. Out of the rubble I What is it like to be a foster par- by Amy Zalman ent? Kathy Harrison’s Another Place at the Table offers an unusual glimpse of Competing perspectives on the the satisfactions and tribulations that lives of Afghan women come with the job: Edith Milton I reviews her account of caring for “an hen the United States made its of Afghan women from Taliban rule endless succession of abused and neg- opening gambit in the war against occurred as a by-product of the U.S.-led lected children,” p.