Emmie Schrader Adams, Casey Hayden
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The First Section of This Document Narrates Southern Resistance to Integration from 1964 to 1967
q. # DOCUMENT RESUME ED 033.18 . VD 009..1,54. IMO . .. By-Bartley. Glenda: And Others Lawlessness and Disorder: Fourteen Years of Failure in Southern School Desegregation. Special Report. Southern Regional Council. Atlanta. Ca. Pub Date 1681 Note-66p. EDRS Price MF -$0.50 HC -$3.40 Descriptors -*Civil Rights Legislation. Discriminatory Legislation. Federal Government. Free Choice Transfer Programs. Integration Litigation. Law Enforcement. RacialIntegration. School Integration. School Segregation. Southern Attitudes. Southern Schools Identifiers-Alabama. Civil Rights Act of 1964 Title VI. Jefferson County. Macon County. U S Congress The first section of this document narrates Southern resistance to integration from 1964 to 1967. and the second relates the weakening of civil rights legislation through the influence of Southern Congressmen and other moderates in Congress. A detailed discussion of the Macon County and Jefferson County (Alabama) school desegregation decisions is presented in the Appendix. Charts are included. (KG) ANL 11111 OM_ SOUTHERN REGIONAL COUNCIL 5 Forsyth Street, N.W., Atlanta 3, Georgia LAWLESSNESS AND DISORDER Fourteen Years of Failurein Southern School Desegregation U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION & WELFARE OFFICE OF EDUCATION THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRODUCED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROM THE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIGINATING IT.POINTS OF VIEW OR OPINIONS, STATED DO NOT NECESSARILY REPRESENT OFFICIAL OFFICE OF EDUCATION POSITION OR POLICY. LAWLESSNESS AND DISORDER Fourteen Years of Failure in Southern School Desegregation Thou hypocrite, first cast out the beam out of thine own eye; and then shalt thou see clearly to cast out F. the mote out of thy brother's eye. --Matthell, 7:5. Introduction. This report is the third in a period of four yearsin which the Southern Regional Council has attempted totell the nation of the deplorable degree of failurein the South to comply with the law of the land againstracial discrim- ination in education, and to suggest the terribleimplica- tions of this failure. -
The Radical Feminist Manifesto As Generic Appropriation: Gender, Genre, and Second Wave Resistance
Southern Journal of Communication ISSN: 1041-794X (Print) 1930-3203 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rsjc20 The radical feminist manifesto as generic appropriation: Gender, genre, and second wave resistance Kimber Charles Pearce To cite this article: Kimber Charles Pearce (1999) The radical feminist manifesto as generic appropriation: Gender, genre, and second wave resistance, Southern Journal of Communication, 64:4, 307-315, DOI: 10.1080/10417949909373145 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/10417949909373145 Published online: 01 Apr 2009. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 578 View related articles Citing articles: 4 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rsjc20 The Radical Feminist Manifesto as Generic Appropriation: Gender, Genre, And Second Wave Resistance Kimber Charles Pearce n June of 1968, self-styled feminist revolutionary Valerie Solanis discovered herself at the heart of a media spectacle after she shot pop artist Andy Warhol, whom she I accused of plagiarizing her ideas. While incarcerated for the attack, she penned the "S.C.U.M. Manifesto"—"The Society for Cutting Up Men." By doing so, Solanis appropriated the traditionally masculine manifesto genre, which had evolved from sov- ereign proclamations of the 1600s into a form of radical protest of the 1960s. Feminist appropriation of the manifesto genre can be traced as far back as the 1848 Seneca Falls Woman's Rights Convention, at which suffragists Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Lucretia Coffin Mott, Martha Coffin, and Mary Ann McClintock parodied the Declara- tion of Independence with their "Declaration of Sentiments" (Campbell, 1989). -
Will the Circle Be Unbroken?" Program Files and Sound Recordings, 1956-1999 (Bulk 1983-1998)
SOUTHERN REGIONAL COUNCIL "Will the Circle Be Unbroken?" program files and sound recordings, 1956-1999 (bulk 1983-1998) Emory University Stuart A. Rose Manuscript, Archives, and Rare Book Library Atlanta, GA 30322 404-727-6887 [email protected] Descriptive Summary Creator: Southern Regional Council Title: "Will the Circle Be Unbroken?" program files and sound recordings, 1956-1999 (bulk 1983-1998) Call Number: Manuscript Collection No. 934 Extent: 35 linear feet (55 boxes) and 82.7 MB born digital material (457 files) Abstract: Program files and sound recordings from the award winning radio documentary, "Will the Circle Be Unbroken?: An Audio History of the Civil Rights Movement in Five Southern Communities and the Music of Those Times," produced by the Southern Regional Council (SRC). The collections consists of interview transcripts, audiovisual materials, born digital materials, scripts, program research files, and production files. Language: Materials entirely in English. Administrative Information Restrictions on Access Access to processed born digital materials is only available in the Stuart A. Rose Manuscript, Archives, and Rare Book Library (the Rose Library). Use of the original digital media is restricted. Terms Governing Use and Reproduction All requests subject to limitations noted in departmental policies on reproduction. Special restrictions also apply: The collection contains some copies of original materials held by other institutions; these copies may not be reproduced without the permission of the owner of the originals. Use copies have not been made for the audiovisual materials at this time. Researchers must contact the Rose Library in advance for access to these materials. Emory Libraries provides copies of its finding aids for use only in research and private study. -
The Early Years 1965-1974
Pioneering of the Simon Fraser University Daycare: The Early Years 1965-1974 by Barbara Bates M.A. (Liberal Studies), Simon Fraser University 2012 B.A. (Anthropology), Simon Fraser University, 2008 Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Gender, Sexuality, and Women’s Studies Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences © Barbara Bates 2019 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Spring 2019 Copyright in this work rests with the author. Please ensure that any reproduction or re-use is done in accordance with the relevant national copyright legislation. Approval Name: Barbara Bates Degree: Doctor of Philosophy Title: Pioneering of the Simon Fraser University Daycare: The Early Years 1965-1974 Examining Committee: Chair: Helen Leung Professor Lara Campbell Senior Supervisor Professor Dara Culhane Supervisor Professor Department of Sociology and Anthropology Ellie Stebner Internal Examiner Associate Professor Department of Humanities Eryk Martin External Examiner Faculty Member Department of History Kwantlen Polytechnic University Date Defended/Approved: December 13, 2018 ii Ethics Statement iii Abstract Simon Fraser University opened in September 1965 and from the very beginning, a significant number of students arrived with their children in tow. Children present on university campuses was not the norm in the 1960s and this phenomenon presented administrations with unexpected challenges. At Simon Fraser University the arrival of preschool children needing daycare, accompanied by parents, some of whom were political and part of the burgeoning student movement, some of whom were liberationists and part of the campus women’s movement, some of whom were faculty arriving with the promise of childminding, and some of whom were simply student/parents desperately in need of daycare; but not just any daycare. -
'The Only Position for Women in SNCC Is Prone'
‘The Only Position for Women in SNCC is Prone’ 29 ‘The Only Position for Women in SNCC is Prone’: Stokely Carmichael and the Perceived Patriarchy of Civil Rights Organisations in America 1 Sabina Peck Second Year Undergraduate, 1 University of New South Wales There is the danger in our culture that because a person is called upon to give public statements and is acclaimed by the establishment, such a person gets to the point of believing that he is the movement ... There are those, some of the young people [of SNCC] especially, who have said to me that if I had not been a woman I would have been well known in certain places, and perhaps held certain kinds of positions. – Ella Baker, 19702 Until relatively recently, historiography concerning the Civil Rights movement and its organisations has been fairly devoid of the study of the participation of women, focusing instead on certain charismatic, notably black male individuals such as Martin Luther King Jnr., Stokely Carmichael and Malcolm X.3 Steven Lawson, for example, has traced the evolution of 1 Note the following abbreviations are used throughout the article: CORE- Congress of Racial Equality MFDP – Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party NAACP – National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People SCLC – Southern Christian Leadership Conference SNCC – Student Non-violent Co-ordinating Committee 2 Ella Baker, Developing Community Leadership, Taped interview with Gerda Lerner (December 1970) paragraphs 15 and 14, respectively. 3 Joan C. Browning explores the extent to which women’s activities have been glossed over in Civil Rights Historiography in her article, ‘Invisible Revolutionaries: White Women in Civil Rights Historiography’ Journal of Women’s History, Vol. -
Working Class
A NEW WORKING CLASS Students for a Democratic Society and the United Auto Workers in the Sixties Amanda L. Bullock A NEW WORKING CLASS: Students for a Democratic Society and the United Auto Workers in the Sixties by Amanda Leigh Bullock A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelors of the Arts with Honors Department of History University of Michigan March 27, 2006 Advised by: Professor Matthew D. Lassiter © 2006 Amanda Leigh Bullock TABLE OF C ONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS II INTRODUCTION: STUDENTS, MIDDLE AMERICANS, AND CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS 1 DEMOCRATIC DISSENT 4 HISTORIOGRAPHY 7 CHAPTER ONE: NATURAL ALLIES? 15 THE LEAGUE FOR INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY 17 THE PORT HURON STATEMENT: “AN AGENDA FOR A GENERATION” 19 THE “OLD” LEFT 23 THE NEW LEFT: THE NATURAL ALLIANCE OF THE LABOR AND CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENTS? 27 STUDENTS AND LABOR 30 AUTONOMY 36 CHAPTER TWO: THE WAR ON POVERTY AND THE NEW INSURGENCY 42 THE CITIZENS’ CRUSADE AGAINST POVERTY 46 INSURGENCY TO THE WAR ON POVERTY 53 FROM FAYETTE COUNTY TO THE GHETTO 56 “AN INTERRACIAL MOVEMENT OF THE POOR” 60 THE FAILURE OF ERAP 67 FAILURE: THE CAMPUS VERSUS THE COMMUNITY 67 FAILURE: THE IMPOSSIBILITY OF AN EXPERIMENTAL PROJECT 71 FAILURE: THE ESCALATION OF THE VIETNAM WAR 73 THE LEGACY OF THE ECONOMIC RESEARCH AND ACTION PROJECT 75 CHAPTER THREE: IMPLOSION 79 THE ANTI-WAR MOVEMENT: SDS OUTGROWS ITSELF 81 STUDENTS FOR A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY’S 1968 WORK-IN 90 THE 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 94 THE DEATH OF SDS 101 THE TROUBLED AMERICANS 106 PRIMARY SOURCES 113 BIBLIOGRAPHY 115 ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First, I am indebted to Professor Matt Lassiter, without whose guidance and patience I never could have accomplished this. -
The Commune Movement During the 1960S and the 1970S in Britain, Denmark and The
The Commune Movement during the 1960s and the 1970s in Britain, Denmark and the United States Sangdon Lee Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds School of History September 2016 i The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement ⓒ 2016 The University of Leeds and Sangdon Lee The right of Sangdon Lee to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 ii Abstract The communal revival that began in the mid-1960s developed into a new mode of activism, ‘communal activism’ or the ‘commune movement’, forming its own politics, lifestyle and ideology. Communal activism spread and flourished until the mid-1970s in many parts of the world. To analyse this global phenomenon, this thesis explores the similarities and differences between the commune movements of Denmark, UK and the US. By examining the motivations for the communal revival, links with 1960s radicalism, communes’ praxis and outward-facing activities, and the crisis within the commune movement and responses to it, this thesis places communal activism within the context of wider social movements for social change. Challenging existing interpretations which have understood the communal revival as an alternative living experiment to the nuclear family, or as a smaller part of the counter-culture, this thesis argues that the commune participants created varied and new experiments for a total revolution against the prevailing social order and its dominant values and institutions, including the patriarchal family and capitalism. -
From Civil Rights to Women's Liberation: Women's Rights in SDS
From Civil Rights to Women’s Liberation: Women’s Rights in SDS and SNCC, 1960-1969 Anna Manogue History 4997: Honors Thesis Seminar 6 May 2019 2 “I had heard there was some infighting in the Women’s March between Jewish women and Black women, and I’m a Native American woman and I think it’s ridiculous that we’re dividing ourselves like this. We’re all women,” proclaimed Barbara McIlvaine Smith as she prepared to attend the third annual Women’s March in January of 2019.1 Smith’s comments succinctly summarized the ideological controversy over the intersection of race and gender— known since 1991 as intersectionality or intersectional feminism—that has plagued feminist activism since the emergence of the Women’s Liberation Movement in 1968.2 The concept of interactions between racial and sexual forms of oppression first emerged in the early 1960s, when women in the Civil Rights Movement began to identify similarities between the racial oppression they were fighting and the unequal treatment of women within their organizations. Many women asserted that their experiences as civil rights activists refined their understanding of gender inequality, improved their community organizing skills, and inspired their support of feminism.3 Historians have long acknowledged that women in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) first contemplated the connection between women’s rights and civil rights in the early 1960s and ultimately inspired their fellow women in the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) to instigate the Women’s Liberation Movement in 1968.4 During the 1960s, SNCC and SDS both gained reputations as staunchly democratic organizations dedicated to empowering students and creating a more equal society. -
1964 Community Relations Reports.Pdf
AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE CoMMITTEE, Incorporated, 160 NoRTH 15TH STREET, PHILADELPHIA 2, PA. To: Jean Fairfax Date: May ll, 1964 From: Constance Curry REPORT NO. l Subject: REPORT ON TRIP TO NORTH CAROLINA, April 23 - 30, 1964 ~·~ .. ··· (Y Thursday, April 23 I arrived in the High Point Office of AFSC around 3:00 in the afternoon. Tartt Bell suggated that I sit in on the High School Committee Meeting, after which Tartt and I talked for a short time on plans for my week's stay in No. Car. The School Desegre gation Committee was having a supper meeting that evening, and I stayed for that to meet the members and to learn a little about the regional program on school desegre gation. I was interetPto hear Charles Davis and Bill Bagwell report on Greenville, South Carolina and say'that progress made in public accommodations and the general atmosphere made the city almost comparable to Greensboro, North Carolina. Dick Ramsay, who is in very close contact with the CORE group and the NAACP in Greensboro, had invited me to a planning meeting that night, so Charles Davis and I went over to Greensboro about 9:00 that night. There have been no demonstrations in Greensboro for about a year, and I understand that the Mayor's Human Relations Committee has not been very active since its creation during the crisis last spring. Bill Thomas, CORE Chairman, George Simkins, NAACP President, Tony Stanley, A. and T. Chaplain and the few others there all felt the time had come to resume activities aimed toward desegregating the remaining restaurant~nd toward equal employment in numerous businesses. -
Women's Liberation and Second-Wave Feminism: “The
12_Gosse_11.qxd 11/7/05 6:54 PM Page 153 Chapter 11 WOMEN’S LIBERATION AND SECOND-WAVE FEMINISM: “THE PERSONAL IS POLITICAL” Objectively, the chances seem nil that we could start a movement based on anything as distant to general American thought as a sex-caste system. —Casey Hayden and Mary King, “Sex and Caste,” November 18, 1965 Women are an oppressed class. Our oppression is total, affecting every facet of our lives. We are exploited as sex objects, breeders, domestic servants, and cheap labor. We are considered inferior beings, whose only purpose is to enhance men’s lives. Our humanity is denied. Our prescribed behavior is enforced by the threat of physical violence.... We identify the agents of our oppression as men. Male supremacy is the oldest, most basic form of domination. All other forms of exploitation and oppression (racism, capitalism, imperialism, etc.) are extensions of male supremacy; men dominate women, a few men dominate the rest . All men receive economic, sexual, and psychological benefits from male supremacy. All men have oppressed women. We identify with all women. We define our best interest as that of the poorest, most brutally exploited woman. The time for individual skirmishes has passed. This time we are going all the way. Copyright © 2006. Palgrave Macmillan. All rights reserved. Macmillan. All rights © 2006. Palgrave Copyright —Redstockings Manifesto, 1969 Van, Gosse,. Rethinking the New Left : A Movement of Movements, Palgrave Macmillan, 2006. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/unistthomas-ebooks/detail.action?docID=308106.<br>Created from unistthomas-ebooks on 2017-11-17 13:44:54. -
Proquest Dissertations
Campus activism: Studying change as it is being created Gender, the Internet, and organizational structure in a student anti-sweatshop group Item Type text; Dissertation-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Ginter, Mary Beth Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 23/09/2021 19:41:59 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280474 CAMPUS ACTIVISM: STUDYING CHANGE AS IT IS BEING CREATED; GENDER, THE INTERNET AND ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE IN A STUDENT ANTI-SWEATSHOP GROUP by Mary Beth Ginter A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the CENTER FOR THE STUDY OF HIGHER EDUCATION In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2003 UMI Number: 3119948 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI UMI Microform 3119948 Copyright 2004 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. -
AFSC and the Poor People's Campaign of 1968 Gordon Mantler
Partners in Justice and Peace: AFSC and the Poor People’s Campaign of 1968 Gordon Mantler, Ph.D. University Writing Program The George Washington University (INTRO SLIDE) On December 4, 1967, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. formally announced a much- anticipated program of mass civil disobedience that was aimed at forcing the federal government to rededicate itself to the War on Poverty. The Southern Christian Leadership Conference, King stated, would launch a Poor People’s Campaign to dramatize poverty in the United States by leading “waves of the nation’s poor and disinherited to Washington, D.C. … to secure at least jobs or income for all.” During the following spring, “we will be petitioning our government for specific reforms and we intend to build militant nonviolent actions until that government moves against poverty.”i At the heart of the plan was King’s notion of “militant nonviolence,” illustrated through a series of planned marches, rallies, demonstrations, and sit-ins designed to tie up federal agencies and Congress – all emanating from a central, semi-permanent campout of poor people on the National Mall called Resurrection City.ii If such “massive dislocation” failed to move decision-makers in Washington, then demonstrators would take their protests home to cities and smaller communities across the country, as well as to the two major party political conventions that summer. One way or another, King promised, the poor would be acknowledged in the richest nation in the world. (PPC SLIDE) 1 King’s vision of an “army of the poor” was ambitious, to say the least, because it sought nothing less than the transformation of an already-evolving black freedom struggle into a genuine national movement of, by, and for poor people.