DOCSLIB.ORG

AFSC and the Poor People's Campaign of 1968 Gordon Mantler

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
AFSC and the Poor People's Campaign of 1968 Gordon Mantler Partners in Justice and Peace: AFSC and the Poor People’s Campaign of 1968 Gordon Mantler, Ph.D. University Writing Program The George Washington University (INTRO SLIDE) On December 4, 1967, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. formally announced a much- anticipated program of mass civil disobedience that was aimed at forcing the federal government to rededicate itself to the War on Poverty. The Southern Christian Leadership Conference, King stated, would launch a Poor People’s Campaign to dramatize poverty in the United States by leading “waves of the nation’s poor and disinherited to Washington, D.C. … to secure at least jobs or income for all.” During the following spring, “we will be petitioning our government for specific reforms and we intend to build militant nonviolent actions until that government moves against poverty.”i At the heart of the plan was King’s notion of “militant nonviolence,” illustrated through a series of planned marches, rallies, demonstrations, and sit-ins designed to tie up federal agencies and Congress – all emanating from a central, semi-permanent campout of poor people on the National Mall called Resurrection City.ii If such “massive dislocation” failed to move decision-makers in Washington, then demonstrators would take their protests home to cities and smaller communities across the country, as well as to the two major party political conventions that summer. One way or another, King promised, the poor would be acknowledged in the richest nation in the world. (PPC SLIDE) 1 King’s vision of an “army of the poor” was ambitious, to say the least, because it sought nothing less than the transformation of an already-evolving black freedom struggle into a genuine national movement of, by, and for poor people. This was not just for blacks and whites, but also Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and Native Americans. King and his closest aides in SCLC knew that they could not do this alone; SCLC was not known for its buttoned-down organization, and its blend of charismatic paternalism and devotion to non- violent strategy posed particular challenges in an era in which Black Power offered its own vibrant rhetoric and strategy. Without question, mobilizing thousands of people into a multiracial alliance, while balancing the competing interests, objectives, and rhetoric of several movements, and also adhering to the tenets of nonviolent protest in a time of uncertainty and rising expectations, would have proved daunting to any organization. These challenges were laid bare as SCLC prepared for the campaign that winter and spring of 1968. Of course, King never saw the campaign come to fruition. He was assassinated in April while supporting black sanitation workers on strike in Memphis, an effort that epitomized King’s larger crusade for economic justice. The campaign occurred in his absence and has been routinely dismissed as a failure, not only because of his death, but also because it did not achieve its primary objective. The War on Poverty continued to wither, especially after the election of Richard Nixon. And yet the campaign, including its initial planning, offers a unique window into how identity and coalitional politics interacted, particularly how its participants and organizers attempted to balance the overlapping issues of economic justice, racial justice, and peace. (AFSC SUPPORT SLIDE) 2 Enter the American Friends Service Committee. Immediately after King’s December announcement, SCLC turned to the AFSC because, as SCLC executive director Bill Rutherford described it, the Quaker organization was “the only group in America with whom we can identify totally in terms of their devotion to non-violence and the struggle for freedom.”iii Indeed, the AFSC not only adhered to non-violence as a central philosophy, but its members were often the very few whites in southern towns to champion civil rights early, particularly on issues of open housing, voting rights, and school desegregation.iv (In other research I have conducted, for instance, the local Friends society in St. Petersburg, Florida, played a key role supporting striking sanitation workers through funding, literacy classes, and meeting space.) For AFSC’s part, it viewed participation in the Poor People’s Campaign as a continuation of a “common cause … to build the same kind of society, one that does violence to no man; one that recognizes the brotherhood of all men,” stated executive secretary Colin Bell. “There is no doubt that Dr. King is addressing himself to a sickness in our society.”v Beyond this clear ideological affinity, AFSC proved to be SCLC’s most steadfast partner on the practical demands of organizing. No other organization deserves more credit than the AFSC for broadening the campaign’s vision of poverty and justice that winter and spring of 1968 – a vision then put on full display, however imperfectly, in the nation’s capital. The campaign’s expansive articulation of poverty and justice remains one of its most enduring legacies nearly fifty years later – and the AFSC was central to making that happen. * * * In the early stages of campaign planning, AFSC officials were the only outside representatives asked to participate on every level of the campaign, from the Research 3 Committee to grassroots recruiting. And they often proved quite blunt in their constructive critique of SCLC plans. Although the organization did not come on board officially until February 1968, AFSC officials were intimately involved from the beginning. In December, Marjorie Penney, director of the Fellowship House in Philadelphia and an old friend of King’s, complained that James Orange, the local SCLC coordinator, offered “unbelievably confusing” presentations, and “depending on the audience, he gave widely differing pictures of his mission and SCLC plans for coming here. The total effect has been one of unusual irresponsibility.”vi AFSC officials also raised concerns over SCLC’s initial unwillingness to include non-black participants in decision-making, as well as locating a historic multiracial gathering of community leaders called the Minority Group Conference in Atlanta – rather than a more central location such as Chicago or even Denver. During the next two months, King and his aides responded to such criticism by offering AFSC’s top officials unprecedented access to discussions of the campaign’s organization, publicity, and goal-setting. This established AFSC as a vital partner in the campaign’s preparation.vii (BUILDING COALITIONS SLIDE) AFSC also played an outsized role in recruiting those individuals and organizations who had not worked with SCLC before, especially those outside of black and white faith organizations in the North and South. From the end of January to the beginning of March, the SCLC’s designated executive director of the Poor People’s Campaign (and former AFSC organizer) Bernard Lafayette along with two assistants directed an effort to contact literally thousands of people to compile a list of interested organizations and individuals. Lafayette recalled a “real fast” process that prompted mostly superficial relationships. At first, they 4 relied on lists and contacts from organizations that early on had agreed to participate, including AFSC, the United Church of Christ (of which King aide Andrew Young was a minister), the World Council of Churches, and the anti-war Spring Mobilization Committee. But it was AFSC that proved most helpful in reaching new partners due to its established contacts among American Indians and Mexican Americans. AFSC’s presence in Denver, for instance, helped bring on board Indian activist Tillie Walker and eventually prominent Chicano movement leader Rodolfo “Corky” Gonzales. In the Pacific Northwest, the organization’s long support for tribal fishing rights provided yet another conduit to non- black minorities.viii AFSC had a 20-year relationship with American Indian activists in the Pacific Northwest fighting relocation and termination and became the first prominent non- Indian organization to support several tribes’ fights with local authorities over fishing rights in ancestral waters. Starting in 1965, AFSC staff and volunteers began to compile material on the fishing rights struggle to help inform the organization’s stance, resulting in the book Uncommon Controversy, which was initially published by the National Congress of American Indians and then re-published by an academic press. Although the editors ensured readers that the book did “not speak for any of the Indians, Indian groups, public agencies or private agencies or groups” involved in the fishing rights struggle, the report did help legitimate the fight for fishing rights in white liberal peace and civil rights circles. AFSC also was a prominent supporter of the United Farm Workers’ grape boycott, and thus had ties to Cesar Chavez and boycott organizers around the country.ix Even though SCLC put three men in charge, women were the linchpins in campaign recruitment and organizing on the ground, illustrated by the AFSC. The organization’s 5 Barbara Moffett, Pam Coe, and Eleanor Eaton worked tirelessly behind the scenes to publicize the campaign and connect potential organizers and other participants with SCLC, including Tillie Walker. SCLC’s Tom Houck singled out Walker as one of the most enthusiastic early leaders they had contacted: “Tillie would call me everyday to find out what I was doing.”x To Walker, a Mandan-Hidatsa living in Denver, poverty was poverty. “I saw that if you are poor in Mississippi and you are poor in North Dakota, it’s
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The First Section of This Document Narrates Southern Resistance to Integration from 1964 to 1967
    q. # DOCUMENT RESUME ED 033.18 . VD 009..1,54. IMO . .. By-Bartley. Glenda: And Others Lawlessness and Disorder: Fourteen Years of Failure in Southern School Desegregation. Special Report. Southern Regional Council. Atlanta. Ca. Pub Date 1681 Note-66p. EDRS Price MF -$0.50 HC -$3.40 Descriptors -*Civil Rights Legislation. Discriminatory Legislation. Federal Government. Free Choice Transfer Programs. Integration Litigation. Law Enforcement. RacialIntegration. School Integration. School Segregation. Southern Attitudes. Southern Schools Identifiers-Alabama. Civil Rights Act of 1964 Title VI. Jefferson County. Macon County. U S Congress The first section of this document narrates Southern resistance to integration from 1964 to 1967. and the second relates the weakening of civil rights legislation through the influence of Southern Congressmen and other moderates in Congress. A detailed discussion of the Macon County and Jefferson County (Alabama) school desegregation decisions is presented in the Appendix. Charts are included. (KG) ANL 11111 OM_ SOUTHERN REGIONAL COUNCIL 5 Forsyth Street, N.W., Atlanta 3, Georgia LAWLESSNESS AND DISORDER Fourteen Years of Failurein Southern School Desegregation U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION & WELFARE OFFICE OF EDUCATION THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRODUCED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROM THE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIGINATING IT.POINTS OF VIEW OR OPINIONS, STATED DO NOT NECESSARILY REPRESENT OFFICIAL OFFICE OF EDUCATION POSITION OR POLICY. LAWLESSNESS AND DISORDER Fourteen Years of Failure in Southern School Desegregation Thou hypocrite, first cast out the beam out of thine own eye; and then shalt thou see clearly to cast out F. the mote out of thy brother's eye. --Matthell, 7:5. Introduction. This report is the third in a period of four yearsin which the Southern Regional Council has attempted totell the nation of the deplorable degree of failurein the South to comply with the law of the land againstracial discrim- ination in education, and to suggest the terribleimplica- tions of this failure.
    [Show full text]
  • Will the Circle Be Unbroken?" Program Files and Sound Recordings, 1956-1999 (Bulk 1983-1998)
    SOUTHERN REGIONAL COUNCIL "Will the Circle Be Unbroken?" program files and sound recordings, 1956-1999 (bulk 1983-1998) Emory University Stuart A. Rose Manuscript, Archives, and Rare Book Library Atlanta, GA 30322 404-727-6887 [email protected] Descriptive Summary Creator: Southern Regional Council Title: "Will the Circle Be Unbroken?" program files and sound recordings, 1956-1999 (bulk 1983-1998) Call Number: Manuscript Collection No. 934 Extent: 35 linear feet (55 boxes) and 82.7 MB born digital material (457 files) Abstract: Program files and sound recordings from the award winning radio documentary, "Will the Circle Be Unbroken?: An Audio History of the Civil Rights Movement in Five Southern Communities and the Music of Those Times," produced by the Southern Regional Council (SRC). The collections consists of interview transcripts, audiovisual materials, born digital materials, scripts, program research files, and production files. Language: Materials entirely in English. Administrative Information Restrictions on Access Access to processed born digital materials is only available in the Stuart A. Rose Manuscript, Archives, and Rare Book Library (the Rose Library). Use of the original digital media is restricted. Terms Governing Use and Reproduction All requests subject to limitations noted in departmental policies on reproduction. Special restrictions also apply: The collection contains some copies of original materials held by other institutions; these copies may not be reproduced without the permission of the owner of the originals. Use copies have not been made for the audiovisual materials at this time. Researchers must contact the Rose Library in advance for access to these materials. Emory Libraries provides copies of its finding aids for use only in research and private study.
    [Show full text]
  • 1964 Community Relations Reports.Pdf
    AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE CoMMITTEE, Incorporated, 160 NoRTH 15TH STREET, PHILADELPHIA 2, PA. To: Jean Fairfax Date: May ll, 1964 From: Constance Curry REPORT NO. l Subject: REPORT ON TRIP TO NORTH CAROLINA, April 23 - 30, 1964 ~·~ .. ··· (Y Thursday, April 23 I arrived in the High Point Office of AFSC around 3:00 in the afternoon. Tartt Bell suggated that I sit in on the High School Committee Meeting, after which Tartt and I talked for a short time on plans for my week's stay in No. Car. The School Desegre­ gation Committee was having a supper meeting that evening, and I stayed for that to meet the members and to learn a little about the regional program on school desegre­ gation. I was interetPto hear Charles Davis and Bill Bagwell report on Greenville, South Carolina and say'that progress made in public accommodations and the general atmosphere made the city almost comparable to Greensboro, North Carolina. Dick Ramsay, who is in very close contact with the CORE group and the NAACP in Greensboro, had invited me to a planning meeting that night, so Charles Davis and I went over to Greensboro about 9:00 that night. There have been no demonstrations in Greensboro for about a year, and I understand that the Mayor's Human Relations Committee has not been very active since its creation during the crisis last spring. Bill Thomas, CORE Chairman, George Simkins, NAACP President, Tony Stanley, A. and T. Chaplain and the few others there all felt the time had come to resume activities aimed toward desegregating the remaining restaurant~nd toward equal employment in numerous businesses.
    [Show full text]
  • Emmie Schrader Adams, Casey Hayden
    Constance Curry, Joan C. Browning, Dorothy Dawson Burlage, Penny Patch, Theresa Del Pozzo, Sue Thrasher, Elaine DeLott Baker, Emmie Schrader Adams, Casey Hayden. Deep in Our Hearts: Nine White Women in the Freedom Movement. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2000. xv + 400 pp. $29.95, cloth, ISBN 978-0-8203-2266-7. Reviewed by Jennifer Ritterhouse Published on H-SAWH (June, 2001) Telling Their Own Stories civil rights organizations during the frst half of Joan C. Browning, Dorothy Dawson Burlage, the1960s. Each woman expresses her deep faith in Penny Patch, Theresa Del Pozzo, Sue Thrasher, the values of equality and human fellowship that Elaine DeLott Baker, Emmie Schrader Adams, and characterized the student movement's early Casey Hayden years, as well as her gratitude for having once been part of a beloved community. And each dis‐ Deep in Our Hearts: Nine White Women in the cusses her response to SNCC's ideological shift Freedom Movement recounts the "costly times" of away from interracialism and toward Black Pow‐ the civil rights struggle that the book's nine co-au‐ er. For some, this transformation and the eventual thors "wouldn't have missed for the world" (xiii). expulsion of whites from the organization were >From intimate personal essays, we learn how a devastating. But most had left SNCC before inter‐ handful of very young white women from varied nal racial tensions reached the breaking point, regional, cultural, and class backgrounds crossed and several managed to remain active in social racial boundaries and defied social conventions justice efforts through other organizations and in by dedicating their lives to a movement to eradi‐ other areas.
    [Show full text]
  • Hispanic-Americans and the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939)
    Southern Methodist University SMU Scholar History Theses and Dissertations History Spring 2020 INTERNATIONALISM IN THE BARRIOS: HISPANIC-AMERICANS AND THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR (1936-1939) Carlos Nava [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.smu.edu/hum_sci_history_etds Recommended Citation Nava, Carlos, "INTERNATIONALISM IN THE BARRIOS: HISPANIC-AMERICANS AND THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR (1936-1939)" (2020). History Theses and Dissertations. 11. https://scholar.smu.edu/hum_sci_history_etds/11 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the History at SMU Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of SMU Scholar. For more information, please visit http://digitalrepository.smu.edu. INTERNATIONALISM IN THE BARRIOS: HISPANIC-AMERICANS AND THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR (1936-1939) Approved by: ______________________________________ Prof. Neil Foley Professor of History ___________________________________ Prof. John R. Chávez Professor of History ___________________________________ Prof. Crista J. DeLuzio Associate Professor of History INTERNATIONALISM IN THE BARRIOS: HISPANIC-AMERICANS AND THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR (1936-1939) A Thesis Presented to the Graduate Faculty of Dedman College Southern Methodist University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Master of Arts with a Major in History by Carlos Nava B.A. Southern Methodist University May 16, 2020 Nava, Carlos B.A., Southern Methodist University Internationalism in the Barrios: Hispanic-Americans in the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) Advisor: Professor Neil Foley Master of Art Conferred May 16, 2020 Thesis Completed February 20, 2020 The ripples of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) had a far-reaching effect that touched Spanish speaking people outside of Spain.
    [Show full text]
  • Omega Psi Phi Fraternity and the Fight for Civil Rights
    6 LAYBOURN_PARKS_FINAL.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 2/20/2016 4:48 PM OMEGA PSI PHI FRATERNITY AND THE FIGHT FOR CIVIL RIGHTS WENDY MARIE LAYBOURN† & GREGORY S. PARKS†† I. INTRODUCTION he narrative of African Americans’ quest for racial equality T and social justice in the twentieth century is typically construed in the context of main-line civil rights organizations— NAACP, SCLC, SNCC, and the like. However, for decades, black fraternal networks helped lay the groundwork for the major civil rights campaigns that culminated in the Civil Rights Act of 1964.1 Much of this history emerged from the efforts of the predecessors to black Greek-letter collegiate organizations—black secret societies. Black secret societies were created in response to the racialization and racism experienced by blacks in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.2 Blacks were subjected to legal, political, financial, and social exclusion, and this marginalization was institutionalized, which allowed for its perpetuation.3 As a result, black secret societies formed, not only as an act of self- and race-consciousness, but also to combat these oppressions.4 † Sociology Doctoral Student, University of Maryland-College Park. †† Assistant Professor of Law, Wake Forest University School of Law; National Chair, Commission on Racial Justice for Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Incorporated. This was a massive undertaking. Thank you to the Wake Forest Journal of Law & Policy staff for the incredible work. Also, thank you to my research assistants for the tremendous effort: Alena Baker, Ashley Escoe, Steven Franklin, Ashlee Johnson, Brian Kuppleweiser, Eli Merger, Ryan McIntrye, Adam Nyenhuis, Hannah Rudder, and Sarah Walton.
    [Show full text]
  • The 6Th Circuit Court and the Constitutional Right to a Foundational Level of Literacy
    THE 6TH CIRCUIT COURT AND THE CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT TO A FOUNDATIONAL LEVEL OF LITERACY Throughout U.S. history the courts, Congress, local legislatures, and the executive branch of government have resisted the idea that public school students have a constitutional right to meaningful education. Our decades of work with the Algebra Project bring this into sharp focus. The lack of opportunity rooted inside the educational system, and with mathematics in particular, continues to lock generations of youth from full participation in democracy and the economy, basically making full citizenship impossible. Furthermore, the caste system created by this failure has broadened to include not just blacks, but people of color and people living in poverty. On April 24 of this year, the 6th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals at Cincinnati ruled that there is a Constitutional right to a “foundational level of literacy.” This opens a small window that raises the possibility to meaningfully turn around this long-standing disparity. This is an organizing opportunity – a time to make it clear to the many who will not know of this 6th Circuit ruling and what implementing it will mean to those being left out of equal educational opportunity. Now is the time to generate pressure. I have spent a lifetime both participating in and witnessing the critical connection between organized pressure directed at laws and lawmakers and achieving meaningful change. In the early 1960s, field secretaries of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) of whom I was one, organized a campaign aimed at gaining the right to vote—an insurgency really—which led to the federal Justice Department bringing suits against the states of Mississippi and Louisiana.
    [Show full text]
  • Index to Authors
    LaborHistory, Vol. 43, No. 1/ 2,2002 BOOK REVIEWINDEX Aalders, Gerard andCees Wiebes. The Art Aiken, Michael,et al. Economic Failure, of Cloaking Ownership:The Secret Collab- Alienation, andExtremism. (Ross Stag- oration andProtection of theGerman War ner)10:2, 293– 295, Spring 1969. Industry bythe Neutrals— The Case of Aitken,Hugh G. J. Taylorism atWatertown Sweden. (JohnGillingham) 38:1, 148– Arsenal: Scientic Management in Action, 150,Winter 1996– 97. 1908–1915. (LaurenceB. Cohen)2:2, Abella, IrvingM. Nationalism, Communism 248–249, Spring 1961. andCanadian Labour: TheCIO, the Akin, William E. Technocracy andthe Communist Party andthe Canadian Con- American Dream: TheTechnocratic Move- gressof Labour, 1935–1956. (George S. ment, 1900–1941. (SamuelHaber) 20:3, Kealey)15:1, 130– 134, Winter 1974. 456–458, Summer 1979. Abella, Irvingand David Millar(eds.). The Alba, Victor. TheCommunist Party In CanadianWorker in theTwentieth Cen- Spain. (GeorgeEsenwein) 28:4, 578– tury. (DavidFrank) 21:4, 617– 619, Fall 583,Fall 1987. 1980. Alba, Victor. Politics andthe Labor Move- Abelove, Henry, BetsyBlackmar, Peter ment in Latin America. (SamuelL. Baily) Dimock,and Jonathan Scheer (eds.). 10:2,304– 306, Spring 1969. Visions of History. (JohnHaynes) 26:1, Aldrich, Mark. SafetyFirst: Technology, 146–147, Winter 1985. Labor andBusiness in theBuilding of Abendroth, Wolfgang. AShort History of American Work Safety,1870– 1939. (Carl theEuropean Working Class. (Peter N. Gersuny)39:2, 219– 221, May 1998. Stearns)14:2, 310– 311, Spring 1973. Alexander,John K. RenderThem Submiss- Abraham, David. TheCollapse of theWei- ive:Responses to Poverty in Philadelphia, mar Republic: Political Economy andCri- 1760–1800. (Sharon V.Salinger)26:1, sis.
    [Show full text]
  • Journal of San Diego History V 50, No 1&2
    T HE J OURNAL OF SANDIEGO HISTORy VOLUME 50 ■ WINTER/ SPRING 2004 ■ NUMBERS 1 & 2 IRIS H. W. ENGSTRAND MOLLY MCCLAIN Editors COLIN FISHER DAWN M. RIGGS Review Editors MATTHEW BOKOVOY Contributing Editor Published since 1955 by the SAN DIEGO HISTORICAL SOCIETY Post Office Box 81825, San Diego, California 92138 ISSN 0022-4383 T HE J OURNAL OF SAN DIEGO HISTORy VOLUME 50 ■ WINTER/SPRING 2004 ■ NUMBERS 1 & 2 Editorial Consultants Published quarterly by the MATTHEW BOKOVOY San Diego Historical Society at University of Oklahoma 1649 El Prado, Balboa Park, San Diego, California 92101 DONALD C. CUTTER Albuquerque, New Mexico A $50.00 annual membership in the San WILLIAM DEVERELL Diego Historical Society includes subscrip- University of Southern California; Director, Huntington-USC Institute on California tion to The Journal of San Diego History and and the West the SDHS Times. Back issues and microfilm copies are available. VICTOR GERACI University of California, Berkeley Articles and book reviews for publication PHOEBE KROPP consideration, as well as editorial correspon- University of Pennsylvania dence should be addressed to the ROGER W. LOTCHIN Editors, The Journal of San Diego History University of North Carolina Department of History, University of San at Chapel Hill Diego, 5998 Alcala Park, San Diego, CA NEIL MORGAN 92110 Journalist DOYCE B. NUNIS, JR. All article submittals should be typed and University of Southern California double spaced, and follow the Chicago Manual of Style. Authors should submit four JOHN PUTMAN San Diego State University copies of their manuscript, plus an electronic copy, in MS Word or in rich text format ANDREW ROLLE (RTF).
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond Machismo, La Familia
    Beyond Machismo, La Familia, and Ladies Auxiliaries: A Histo riography of Mexican-Origin Women's Participation in Voluntary Associations and Politics in the United States, 1870 1990 Item Type Article Authors Orozco, Cynthia E. Citation Orozco, Cynthia E. "Beyond Machismo, La Familia, and Ladies Auxiliaries: A Histo riography of Mexican-Origin Women's Participation in Voluntary Associations and Politics in the United States, 1870 1990." Perspectives in Mexican American Studies 5 (1995): 1-34. Publisher Mexican American Studies & Research Center, The University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ) Journal Perspectives in Mexican American Studies Rights Copyright © Arizona Board of Regents Download date 29/09/2021 23:30:52 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/624817 BEYOND MACHISMO, LA FAMILIA, AND LADIES AUXILIARIES: A HISTORIOGRAPHY OF MEXICAN- ORIGIN WOMEN'S PARTICIPATION IN VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS AND POLITICS IN THE UNITED STATES, 1870 -1990 Cynthia E. Orozco This essay is an assessment of the literature on Mexican -origin women's participation in voluntary associations and politics in the nineteenth and twentieth century. In making this assessment, I will: l) discuss conceptual problems in the literature; 2) explain why there is a paucity of research on the topic; 3) examine racial, gender, and sexuality ideologies to explain these gaps; 4) point to these ideologies in the current literature; and 5) provide directions for reconceptualizing the study of Mexican- origin women in organizational life. Attention will be given to heterosexual women and lesbians in mixed -gender organizations, and associations composed entirely of women. In 1967, when historian Kaye Lynn Briegel began her thesis on Mexican American political associations, she noted that "it was curious" that she found only one article on Mexican American organizations in an academic journal.' Pre -1970 scholars, primarily European - American men, had largely ignored la Raza.
    [Show full text]
  • IN SULLIVAN's SHADOW: the USE and ABUSE of LIBEL LAW DURING the CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT a Dissertation Presented to the Facult
    IN SULLIVAN’S SHADOW: THE USE AND ABUSE OF LIBEL LAW DURING THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT A Dissertation presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School at the University of Missouri In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy by AIMEE EDMONDSON Dr. Earnest L. Perry Jr., Dissertation Supervisor DECEMBER 2008 The undersigned, appointed by the dean of the Graduate School, have examined the dissertation entitled: IN SULLIVAN’S SHADOW: THE USE AND ABUSE OF LIBEL LAW DURING THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT presented by Aimee Edmondson, a candidate for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy and hereby certify that, in their opinion, it is worthy of acceptance. ________________________________ Associate Professor Earnest L. Perry Jr. ________________________________ Professor Richard C. Reuben ________________________________ Associate Professor Carol Anderson ________________________________ Associate Professor Charles N. Davis ________________________________ Assistant Professor Yong Volz In loving memory of my father, Ned Edmondson ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS It would be impossible to thank everyone responsible for this work, but special thanks should go to Dr. Earnest L. Perry, Jr., who introduced me to a new world and helped me explore it. I could not have asked for a better mentor. I also must acknowledge Dr. Carol Anderson, whose enthusiasm for the work encouraged and inspired me. Her humor and insight made the journey much more fun and meaningful. Thanks also should be extended to Dr. Charles N. Davis, who helped guide me through my graduate program and make this work what it is. To Professor Richard C. Reuben, special thanks for adding tremendous wisdom to the project. Also, much appreciation to Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Star Lecture with Professor Lou Kushnick Reading List
    Star Lecture with Professor Lou Kushnick Reading List African Peoples of the Americas : from slavery to civil rights / Ron Field. New York, Cambridge University Press, 1995. American civil rights policy from Truman to Clinton : the role of presidential leadership / Steven A. Shull and M.E.Sharpe, 1999. Becoming King : Martin Luther King, Jr. and the making of a national leader / Troy Jackson. Kentucky, University Press of Kentucky, 2008. Beyond Atlanta : the struggle for racial equality in Georgia, 1940-1980 / Stephen G. N. Tuck. Athens, University of Georgia Press, 2001. Black History and the Class Struggle 2 : On the Civil Rights Movement / Spartacist, 1986. Black leadership in America : from Booker T. Washington to Jesse Jackson / John White. 2nd ed. London, Longman, 1990. Black peoples of America / Ann Kramer. 1st ed. London, Franklin Watts, 2003 Black protest in the sixties / edited with an introduction by August Meier and Elliott Rudwick. Chicago, Quadrangle Books, 1970. Black worker : race, labor, and civil rights since emancipation / editor Eric Arnesen. Urbana, University of Illinois Press, 2007. Brown v. Board of Education : a Civil Rights milestone and its troubled legacy / James T. Patterson. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2001. But for Birmingham: The Local and National Movements in the Civil Rights Struggle / Glen T. Eskew. University of North Carolina Press, 1997 Causes and consequences of the African-American civil rights movement / Michael Weber. London, Evans Brothers Limited, 2005. Civil rights and race relations in the post Reagan-Bush era / edited by Samuel L. Myers, Jr. Westport, Praeger, 1997. Civil Rights Era: Origins and Development of National Policy / Hugh Davis Graham.
    [Show full text]