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Home , Colossae, Hierapolis

Rich yet Lukewarm: Early Christianity in the Valley

Mark Wilson

Published in Uluslarası ve Çevresi Tarih ve Kültür Sempozyumu Bildiriler ed. Ayfer Özçelik, M. Yaşar Ertaş, Yusuf Kılıç, Yasemin Avcı, Süleyman İnan, and Selim Parlaz (Denizli: Üniversitesi Fen-Edibiyat Fakültesi Tarih Bölümü, 2007), 2:68–72.

Introduction

Two thousand years ago the area around Denizli was inhabited by native Phrygians,

Greeks, Romans, and even some Jews. These groups resided in the three major cities of

the Lycus Valley–Laodicea, , and . A prosopographical inquiry can

even reveal the names of a few of its residents–Epaphras, Philemon, Apphia, ,

Onesimus, Nympha, and Philip. Each of these places and names is mentioned in the New

Testament (İncil), indicating that this region became a center of Christianity in the first

century. This paper will discuss the historical background of Christianity’s arrival and

development in the Lycus valley as well as some of the personalities involved.

Jews in the Lycus Valley

Any discussion of Christianity must first address the subject of the Jews. For it was from

the Jewish community that the first believers in Jesus the Messiah were drawn. Josephus

(Ant. 12.149) mentions that Antiochus III relocated two thousand Jewish families from

Mesopotamia to and Lydia shortly after 213 B.C. The rich archaeological

evidence attesting the presence of Jews in the nearby cities of and

likewise suggests that the Lycus valley became home for some of these families.1

Josephus (Ant. 14.235) later cites a letter of the propraetor Lucius Antonius, in which he

1 J. B. Lightfoot, St. Paul’s Epistles to the Colossians and Philemon (1875; repr. Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1993), 19–20, considered Laodicea and , the two leading cities of Phyrgia, as the likely destinations of these Jews. guarantees their rights as citizens to maintain an association and keep their native laws.

Josephus (Ant. 14.241) also records a letter from the magistrates of Laodicea to the

proconsul Gaius Rabirius acknowledging the receipt of his letter from the envoy of the

high priest Hyrcanus (ca. 105 B.C.).2 Augustus later upheld the right of the Jews to

collect monies for Jerusalem, a right being challenged by the Asian city administrations

(Josephus Ant. 16.171). 3 Cicero (Flac. 26.68) records that the proconsul Flaccus

confiscated twenty pounds of gold bound for Jerusalem at Laodicea (62 B.C.). T. Reinach

estimated that this amount indicates an adult Jewish population of 7500, to which must be

added women and children.4 The menorah on a lid in the northern necropolis

of Hierapolis and the recent discovery of a menorah on a column fragment during the

excavations at Laodicea validate this literary evidence of Jews in the Lycus valley.5

Paul and the Coming of Christianity to the Lycus Valley

Whether the apostle Paul ever visited the Lycus valley is debated. On his third journey he possibly passed through on his way to from on the Orontes (Acts

18:23). The Lycus valley was strategically positioned at a critical junction on the southern Anatolian highway. Even Laodicea’s city plan was oriented to this main east- west thoroughfare with its Syrian and Ephesian city gates. In Acts 19:1 Luke states that,

2 See the discussion in Claude Eilers, “Josephus’ Caesarian Acta: History of a Dossier,” Society of Biblical Literature Seminar Papers (2003), 7–13. 3 Although epigraphical evidence validating this Jewish presence is lacking, C. H. Hemer says “this may testify only to the Hellenization of the Jewish community” (The Letters to the Seven Churches in their Local Setting [Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1986],183). 4 Cited by W. M. Ramsay, The Letters to the Seven Churches (ed. Mark Wilson; 1904; repr. Peabody, Mass: Hendrickson, 1994), 309–10. 5 For a picture of the menorah, see Fatih Cimok, Journeys of Paul (: A Turizm Yayınları, 2004), 232. Prof. Dr. Celal Şimşek, the director of the Laodicea excavations, is publishing an article on the menorah in a forthcoming issue of the Journal of Roman Studies. after departing Pisidian Antioch, Paul traveled via the “interior” (or “upper”6; ta

anōterika) regions to Ephesus. The easiest and quickest route was via Apamea and

Laodicea, and then down the Meander valley. However, an interior road passing through

Eumenea (Işıklı) and then down the Cayster (Küçük Menderes) valley was another

possible route. In his later letter to the Colossians Paul states that he had not met the

believers there personally (Col 2:1).7 This statement need not preclude an earlier visit

through Colossae on his third journey. Paul was only a traveler then and probably would

not have stopped in the city to preach at that time.8

Paul ministered for nearly three years in Ephesus during A.D. 52–55 (Acts 20:31),

and it was during this period that Christianity came to the Lycus valley.9 In Ephesus Paul

spoke publicly for two years in a hall rented from someone named Tyrannus. During this

period Luke states that “all the Jews and Greeks who lived in heard the word of the

Lord” (Acts 19:9–10). Is this simply a case of hyperbole, or did Paul’s ministry have such

a widespread impact? Paul himself had little time to travel out to Asia’s cities to

evangelize them. So what might have happened? As Asia’s largest city and the fourth

largest in the Roman Empire, Ephesus was a significant commercial, religious, and

political center. For Paul it was an ideal place to reach people with the gospel message.

6 “Interior” is used in the English translations of the New International and New Revised Standard versions; “upper” in the New American Standard and New King James versions. The Turkish translation has “iç.” 7 See W. M. Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire Before A.D. 70 (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1904), 93–94. Ramsay attempts to explain anōterika as “upper” by appealing to a distinction between High and Low Phrygia. He routes Paul through (Ahat) for his interpretation; however, there is no need to take him that far north since a route ran west from Eumenea down the upper Meander (Menderes) valley toward . This route, shown on Calder and Bean’s A Classical Map of Asia Minor, is absent in Richard J. A. Talbert, Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 62. 8 Contra Eckhard Schnabel, Early Christian Mission (Downer Grove, Ind.: InterVarsity, 2004), 2:1200. Schnabel also plots a route through Acmonia (pp. 1201–3). 9 Schnabel, Early Christian Mission, 2:1236, likewise concurs. One such man was Epaphras, who is identified by Paul as the Colossian who introduced

Christianity to the Lycus valley (Col 1:7; 4:12). Why had Epaphras gone to Ephesus?

Perhaps he was one of the thousands of visitors who made a pilgrimage to participate in a festival related to the temple of .10 Or perhaps, like Flavius Zeuxis of Hierapolis,

he was a merchant carrying his goods to Rome.11 Or maybe he was part of a civic

delegation that was visiting the at ?12 Whatever the reason, Epaphras had

heard Paul, became a believer in his message, and then introduced it to his friends in the

Lycus valley.

Paul and his Letters to the Lycus Valley

The book of Acts ends with Paul under house arrest in Rome around A.D. 61–62. During

this time Paul wrote two letters to the churches in the Lycus valley–Colossians and

B) ofא ,Philemon. Because the destination is missing in several early manuscripts (P46

Ephesians (Eph 1:1), many commentators starting with Marcion (ca. A.D. 144) have

suggested that the letter to the Laodiceans mentioned in :16 is actually the

13 book of Ephesians.12F Other scholars have suggested that Ephesians is a circular letter to

14 churches in Asia.13F In either case, this letter would also have been read by the Lycus

valley churches. The occasion for these letters was the recent arrival in Rome of

Epaphras. His presence in the imperial city suggests that he was a merchant like Zeuxis.

10 As described, for example, of Ephesus’ novel Ephesiaka (1.2). 11 Francesco D’Andria, Hierapolis of Phyrgia (Pamukkale) (İstanbul: Ege Yayınları, 2003), 68. 12 T. L. Robinson, “Theological and the Sanctuaries of Claros and ” (Ph.D. thesis, Harvard University, 1981), 20. 13 That the book of Ephesians was actually written to the church in Ephesus seems unlikely since Paul repeatedly states that he does not know his audience personally (cf. Eph 1:15; 3:2; 4:21). One-third of Colossians is paralleled in Ephesians often with exact language; e.g. Colossians 4:7– 8 and Ephesians 6:21–22 using twenty-nine consecutive words. 14 For a summary of the issues in this debate, see Donald Guthrie, New Testament Introduction (Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity), 528–35. After his arrival, Epaphras found Paul and brought him news of the spiritual condition of

the churches in the Lycus valley (Col 1:7–8). Epaphras’ return to Colossae appears to

have been impeded by his arrest. Apparently his association with the imprisoned apostle

brought him under suspicion and he became Paul’s “fellow prisoner” (Philem 1:23). For

this reason an Asian named Tychicus (Acts 20:4) is designated to carry these letters from

Rome back to the Lycus valley (Eph 6:21; Col 4:7).15

Tychicus’s companion is a man named . Apparently Onesimus was a

runaway slave who had made his way to Rome. Once there Onesimus had somehow met

Paul, by intention or not. Through this meeting Onesimus had become a Christian. The

apostle recognized that this runaway must return to Colossae and sort out the legal issues

with his master Philemon. Philemon and his wife Apphia hosted a church in their home

(Philem 1:1–2). Their son Archippus was apparently a leader of this Colossian house

church (Philem 1:2; Col 4:7). Though Philemon is Paul’s shortest letter (only 335 words),

it is one of the most eloquent examples of deliberative rhetoric from antiquity.16

The letter to Philemon closes with Paul asking his friend “to prepare a guest room for me” (Philem 22). Paul’s request suggests that he anticipated a release from his Roman imprisonment, which would allow him to travel to the Lycus valley. In 1 Timothy 1:3 he mentions a post-imprisonment visit to Ephesus, and a visit to the Lycus churches at this time is a reasonable supposition. Thus Paul was able to visit these Lycus churches before his martyrdom in Rome around A.D. 66 at the hands of . Ignatius (Eph. 1.3; 2:1; 6:2) addresses a person named Onesimus as the bishop of the church in Ephesus early in the

15 Tychicus later again served as Paul’s messenger from Rome to Ephesus (2 Tim 4:12). 16 The situation regarding Onesimus raises a number of sociological and legal questions regarding slavery in the first century, as well as the role of slaves in the early church. These and the general background of the letter are discussed by S. Scott Bartchy, “Philemon, Epistle to,” in Anchor Bible Dictionary (ed. David Noel Freedman; New York: Doubleday, 1993), 5:305–9. second century. John Knox has linked this individual with the Onesimus of the letter to

Philemon and has suggested that this same Onesimus was responsible for collecting and

editing the corpus of Paul’s letters in Ephesus.17

John and Laodicea–The Last of the Seven Churches

A second apostle closely linked with the Lycus valley is John. He apparently moved to

the province of Asia after the outbreak of the Jewish war in A.D. 66 but before the

destruction of Jerusalem in A.D. 70.18 As a recent immigrant to Ephesus, he was doubly

suspect to the Roman authorities. First he was a Jew from the war zone in Palestine, and

he was also a Christian leader. A great persecution of Christians had recently been

instituted by Nero who made them a scapegoat for the great fire in Rome in A.D. 64. The

apostles Peter and Paul had both been martyred in Rome in the years following. It is

understandable then why the provincial governor might exile John to the island of Patmos

(Rev 1:9). There he received a vision which is called the Revelation (or the Apocalypse;

Rev 1:1). Whether John visited the churches in Asia including Laodicea before his exile is unknown. Yet his intimate knowledge of the rhetorical situation in each church suggests that he had.19 His use of local references depicting vivid imagery related to the

historical and geographical setting of each church likewise suggests a personal

familiarity.20 Among the seven letters, the Laodicean letter is the best known because of

its vivid images. Particularly notorious is Revelation 3:15–16: “I know your deeds, that

17 John Knox, Philemon among the Letters of Paul (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 1959), 79. 18 The commonly held view that John brought Mary to Ephesus around A.D. 33 has no historical veracity. In fact, after the martyrdom of Stephen Luke states expressly that the apostles, which would include John, did not leave Jerusalem (Acts 8:1). 19 W. M. Ramsay, The Letters to the Seven Churches (ed. Mark Wilson; 1904; repr., Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1994), 28. 20 For a discussion of the legitimacy of such local references, see Mark Wilson, The Victor Sayings in the Book of Revelation (Eugene: Wipf and Stock, 2007), 120–23. you are neither cold nor hot. I wish you were either one or the other! So, because you are lukewarm–neither hot nor cold–I am going to spit you out of my mouth.” The references to “cold,” “hot,” and “lukewarm” are believed to refer to the water situation of the city.

To the north were the hot springs at Hierapolis (Pamukkale), to the east the cold mountain waters of Colossae. Laodicea’s water supply, drawn from springs to the south, arrived in the city lukewarm. Laodicea’s water situation was thus used as a metaphor for the spiritual condition of the church.21

The dating of Revelation has been heatedly debated by scholars. An early date of

A.D. 69 or a late date of A.D. 95 are the most viable alternatives. As I have argued

elsewhere, the internal evidence in the book points to an early date.22 However, Colin

Hemer has advocated a late date based on the devastating earthquake that struck Laodicea in A.D. 60. According to Hemer, the city could not have become wealthy (“ ‘I am rich’ ”;

Rev 3:17) again in so short a time as the early date requires.23 However, given Laodicea’s

unique geographical and commercial setting, there is no reason to doubt that the city’s

economy could be flourishing again within a decade. 24

John addressed seven churches beginning with Ephesus and ending with Laodicea

(Rev 1:11). Why only these seven are named is interesting because there were churches

in at least twenty Asian cities by this time. The messenger carrying the document from

Patmos would pass through and Magnesia ad Meandrum before reaching

21 For more on Laodicea’s water system, see Hemer, Letters to the Seven Churches in Asia, 186– 91; Stanley E. Porter, “Why the Laodiceans Received Lukewarm Water (Revelation 3:15–18),” Tyndale Bulletin 38 (1987): 143–49; Celal Şimşek and Mustafa Büyükkolancı, “Laodikeia Antik Kenti Su Kaynakları ve Dağıtım Sistemi,” Adalya 9 (2006): 83–104. 22 Mark Wilson, “The Early Christians in Ephesus and the Date of Revelation, Again,” Neotestamentica 39.1 (2005): 163–93, esp. 179–80. 23 Hemer, Letters to the Seven Churches in their Local Setting, 4, 193–95. 24 See Lightfoot, St. Paul’s Epistles to the Colossians and Philemon, 43. Ephesus. Both of these cities surely had churches, yet are unmentioned in Revelation.

The number seven is thus used both symbolically and representatively. John presumes

then that the book would be shared with a wider audience than just these seven

churches.25 We have already seen that Paul’s letter was shared among the three Lycus

churches. Undoubtedly the church at Laodicea would share its copy of Revelation with

the churches in Hierapolis and Colossae.26 Ephesus was the administrative capital of Asia

at this time, one of the “First” cities (along with and Pergamum), and

Christianity’s spiritual center dating from Paul’s stay in the city (A.D. 53–55; Acts 19).

Therefore it is understandable why it received priority among the letters. The remaining

churches follow an arc that traces the Roman road system in Asia. The cities of Smyrna,

Pergamum, and Sardis were major; and Philadelphia were minor. In fact, without their explicit mention in Revelation, scholars might never have guessed that first-

century churches existed in these two latter cities. Thus it is problematic to agree with

Hemer’s assessment that “the seven focal cities on the route had acquired a special

importance as organizational and distributive centres for the church of the area.”27

Although Laodicea was an important Asian city, its choice as the final church has been debated. 28 As W. M. Ramsay pointed out, Tralles would be a prime candidate to receive

25 Mark Wilson, “Revelation,” in The Zondervan Illustrated Bible Background Commentary (ed. Clinton E. Arnold; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2002), 4:256. 26 There is a literary link between the Laodicean letter and the letter to the Colossians. A similar descriptive epithet of Jesus is used in both books: “the beginning of God’s creation” (Rev 3:14) and the “firstborn of all creation” (Col 1:14). 27 Hemer, Letters to the Seven Churches of Asia, 15. 28 The chiasmus seen in the literary structure of Revelation chapters 2–3 adds additional emphasis to the position of this final church; see Wilson, Victor Sayings in the Book of Revelation, 19–20. the final letter; nevertheless it did not. Instead Laodicea was chosen as the seventh church

because of its strategic location as the gateway to the Phrygian churches.29

Philip and his Martyrdom

Philip was one of the twelve disciples chosen by Jesus, and in the Synoptic Gospels his name appears only in the list of the Twelve (Matt 10:3; Mark 3:18; Luke 6:4; cf. Acts

1:13).30 In the Fourth Gospel Philip is mentioned four times (John 1:43–48; 6:5–7;

12:20–22; 14:8–9). Because the provenance of John’s Gospel was probably the province

of Asia, scholars have suggested that Philip’s prominence in the document is due to the

audience’s familiarity with him.31

The fourth-century church historian needlessly confused the local

tradition regarding Philip. After citing the testimony of the Montanist leader that

the apostle Philip and his unmarried, prophetic daughters were buried in Hierapolis,

Eusebius (Hist. eccl. 3.31.2–5) then linked them with another early church figure, Philip

the deacon/evangelist who also had four daughters that prophesied (Acts 6:5; 8:26–40;

21:8–9). According to Eusebius (Hist. eccl. 5.24.2), the Ephesian bishop Polycrates said

that the tomb of the apostle Philip and two of his daughters could still be seen in

Hierapolis.32 Most likely both the apostle and the evangelist had daughters who prophesied, which led to the confusion. Since both Proclus and Polycrates were second- century local church leaders from Asia, their testimony about should be

29 Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches, 139–41. 30 In each list Philip appears in the fifth position after James and John and his fellow fishermen from Bethsaida in Galilee, Peter and Andrew. Philip and Andrew are the only two among the disciples with Greek names. 31 For example, see C. K. Barrett, The Gospel According to St. John (2nd ed.; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1978), 183. 32 Philip’s daughters apparently knew because they recounted a wondrous resurrection story to him (Eusebius Hist. eccl. 3.39.9; 3.30.1). trusted over that of Eusebius from Judean Caesarea.33 During the Byzantine period the

tomb of St. Hermione, a daughter of the apostle Philip, was one of the important

pilgrimage stops in Ephesus.34

In the late fourth or early fifth century an apocryphal Acts of Philip was

published. This recounted fifteen acts of Philip concluding with his martyrdom during the

reign of Trajan by inverted (Acts of Philip 125, 139, 145).35 Before his death

Philip encouraged the onlookers to “Build a church in the place where I die” (142). After

Philip’s death the account states that those of Hierapolis “built the church and made

Stachys bishop. And all the city believed” (147). This construction is said to have

occurred within forty days of his death. However, the present martyrium indicates

considerably longer building time for its completion. Philip’s martyrium in Hierapolis

became a major pilgrimage site. The recent discovery and excavation of a paved street

leading from the lower city to the martyrium shows the importance of the martyrium to

the spiritual life of Byzantine Hierapolis.36

Ignatius and Papias

Some scholars have suggested that Ignatius, the bishop of Antioch, was brought through

Laodicea on his way to Rome in chains around A.D. 110. Schoedel writes, “But the

group turned north at the fork in the road near the juncture of the Lycus and Maeander

33 Eusebius was undoubtedly prejudiced in his judgment because Philip the deacon/evangelist and his daughters were also from Caesarea. D’Andria (Hierapolis, 190) unfortunately perpetuates the confusion by linking the tradition to Philip the deacon, not the apostle. Lightfoot (Colossians, 45– 47) thinks that it was the apostle who died in Hierapolis. 34 Clive Foss, “Pilgrimage in Medieval Asia Minor,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 56 (2002): 130. 35 Philip was specifically preaching against the worship of the snake and its images, and the priests of the temple in Hierapolis called Ophioryme. The healing and conversion of the proconsul’s wife Nicanora brought the wrath of the authorities on Philip. 36 For more, see the web site of the Italian Archaeological Mission http://www.misart.it/hpmisart/monumento.cfm?idmissione=1&idmonumento=14. rivers.” 37 At Smyrna Ignatius met delegations from the churches at Tralles, Magnesia ad

Meandrum, and Ephesus, and sent a letter to each church.38 Later at he

wrote letters to as well as to the churches at Smyrna and Philadelphia. In

Ignatius’ letter to this last church he indicates a firsthand acquaintance with the church,

suggesting that his route westward had passed through Philadelphia. Yet if he had passed

through Laodicea, the silence regarding the Lycus valley churches is puzzling. Either the

churches did not receive Ignatius because of personal or doctrinal issues (or vice versa),

or Ignatius did not pass through Laodicea. The latter seems more plausible. Apparently

his Roman guards, as Paul likewise did, chose another route through the interior road to

get to Philadelphia and the Aegean coast.

Papias (ca. A.D. 60–135) served as a bishop of Hierapolis in the early second

century, perhaps around 110. However, few details of his life are known.39 Eusebius

(Hist. eccl. 3.39.13) called him “a man of exceedingly small intelligence” because he

greatly disliked his millenarian views.40 Irenaeus called him “a hearer of John, and

companion of Polycarp, a man of old time” (Haer. 5.33.4).41 Papias wrote a work in five

volumes called “Exposition of the Lord’s Divine Oracles” of which only thirteen

37 William R. Schoedel, Ignatius of Antioch (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1985), 11. See also W. Holmes, ed. The Apostolic Fathers: Greek Texts and English Translations of their Writings (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1992), 129. 38 These letters are conveniently collected in Holmes, Apostolic Fathers, “The Letters of Ignatius, 136–95. 39 William R. Schoedel, “Papias,” in Anchor Bible Dictionary, 5:140. Since the date of his bishopric overlaps with the journey of Ignatius and the two seem never to have met, it strengthens the supposition that Ignatius did not pass through the Lycus valley on his journey through western Asia Minor. 40 Ibid., 5:141. Papias’ millenarian views placed him with the chiliasts, that is, those who believed in a literal thousand years of paradise on earth before the second coming of Jesus. 41 Quoted by Eusebius (Hist. eccl. 3.39.1). fragments remain.42 As an early Christian historiographer, he served as an important source for Eusebius. In these logia Papias gives important information about the

composition of the Gospels of Matthew and Mark. 43 He also mentions a group of seven

“presbyters” who appear to represent the fuller group of twelve disciples, among whom is

John. He names two other “disciples of the Lord–Ariston and the elder John” (Eusebius

Hist. eccl. 3.39.3–4). This statement has generated ongoing debate because Eusebius

understood Papias to be identifying two Johns in Asia–an elder John and an apostle

John.44 Irenaeus, however, identified them as one and the same (Haer 2.1.2), and “it is

far more likely that Ireneus is correct in his assessment of Papias than that Eusebius is.” 45

Papias of Hierapolis, because of his writings and his bishopric, served as an important

transitional figure between the apostles and the church fathers.

Conclusion

The Lycus valley in the second half of the first century A.D. became an important center for early Christianity. Several New Testament documents–Colossians, Philemon, and

Revelation–were addressed to the believers who lived there by the apostles Paul and

John. Some of these believers are even identified by name. Important social and

economic information on the status of residents of the Lycus valley can be derived from

these documents. Philip the apostle was later martyred there, and his martyrium became

42 The most significant of these are drawn from Irenaeus (Haer. 5.33.4–5) and Eusebius (Hist. eccl. 3.39). 43 Because of the difficulties related to their translation, this information is highly disputed by scholars. See D. A. Carson, Douglas J. Moo, and Leon Morris, An Introduction to the New Testament (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1992), 67–71, 92. 44 Eusebius’ translator G. A. Williamson in his Eusebius: The History of the Church from Christ to Constantine (Harmondsworth, U.K.: Penguin, 1965) in a lengthy footnote (151 n.1) calls the historian’s reasoning “unsatisfactory” and disputes his understanding of two Johns. 45 Carson, Moo, and Morris, Introduction to the New Testament, 68. Again, Irenaeus had local knowledge because he grew up in Asia while Eusebius probably never visited the province, although he was one of the bishops present at the Council of Nicea in A.D. 325. one of the most important pilgrimage sites in antiquity. Papias served as bishop of

Hierapolis in the early second century, and through his writings he became an early

Christian historiographer. Because of this rich history, tens of thousands of Christian pilgrims now visit Colossae, Laodicea, and Hierapolis each year. Faith tourism has become a vital sector of Denizli’s travel industry, and the Lycus valley will continue to be a major destination for Christian visitors from around the world.