Lenin’S Fiftieth Birthday
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Nation and Working-Class
NATION AND WORKING-CLASS HEINRICH LAUFENBERG FR ITZ WOLFPH EIM P�ICE MARK 1.20. HAMBURG, END OF JULY, 1920. B U C H V E R L A G W I L L A S C H E K & C o. HA M B U R G 3. :: N E U E R STE f NW E 6 3 • 5. .o arplan rg_J I. Communism is the doctrine of the class struggle of the proletariat within capitalist society. Its goal is the destruction of the capitalist world-system and its replacement by the Commune of the world-economy. Its struggle and mission are international. The very existence of the bourgeoisie and proletariat is determined by the capitalist mode of production. The struggle between bourgeoisie and proletariat moves through nations, tearing them apart with the antagonisms between the classes in enemy camps. But as both classes can only exist so long as capitalist society lasts, at the end of their struggle class-antagonisms in every country will be abolished by the victorious proletariat. By smashing the capitalist form of economy and eradicating the capitalist class-society and wage system, the proletariat abolishes the bourgeoisie and, at the same time, itself as a non-propertied class. In doing so, it deprives class-divisions within nations of their foundations. Communist society sets all working members of a people [Volk] alongside one another, free and equal. It arises out of the socialized labor of a classless people, and comes to completion through the federalist integration of the economy of the classless nations [Völker] in the World Commune. -
Nationality Issue in Proletkult Activities in Ukraine
GLOKALde April 2016, ISSN 2148-7278, Volume: 2 Number: 2, Article 4 GLOKALde is official e-journal of UDEEEWANA NATIONALITY ISSUE IN PROLETKULT ACTIVITIES IN UKRAINE Associate Professor Oksana O. GOMENIUK Ph.D. (Pedagogics), Pavlo TYchyna Uman State Pedagogical UniversitY, UKRAINE ABSTRACT The article highlights the social and political conditions under which the proletarian educational organizations of the 1920s functioned in the context of nationalitY issue, namelY the study of political frameworks determining the status of the Ukrainian language and culture in Ukraine. The nationalitY issue became crucial in Proletkult activities – a proletarian cultural, educational and literary organization in the structure of People's Commissariat, the aim of which was a broad and comprehensive development of the proletarian culture created by the working class. Unlike Russia, Proletkult’s organizations in Ukraine were not significantlY spread and ceased to exist due to the fact that the national language and culture were not taken into account and the contact with the peasants and indigenous people of non-proletarian origin was limited. KeYwords: Proletkult, worker, culture, language, policY, organization. FORMULATION OF THE PROBLEM IN GENERAL AND ITS CONNECTION WITH IMPORTANT SCIENTIFIC AND PRACTICAL TASKS ContemporarY social transformations require detailed, critical reinterpreting the experiences of previous generations. In his work “Lectures” Hegel wrote that experience and history taught that peoples and governments had never learnt from history and did not act in accordance with the lessons that historY could give. The objective study of Russian-Ukrainian relations require special attention that will help to clarify the reasons for misunderstandings in historical context, to consider them in establishing intercommunication and ensuring peace in the geopolitical space. -
LE RASSEMBLEMENT DES GAUCHES REPUBLICAINES ET SES COMPOSANTES Article Extrait De La Revue Recherches Contemporaines, N° 5, 1998-1999
LE RASSEMBLEMENT DES GAUCHES REPUBLICAINES ET SES COMPOSANTES Article extrait de la revue Recherches contemporaines, n° 5, 1998-1999 Le Rassemblement comme rassemblement Éric DUHAMEL De toutes les formations politiques, le RGR est probablement celle qui a le moins retenu l’attention des historiens. Les histoires générales de la 4e République se contentent de le qualifier de cartel électoral quand il n’est pas purement et simplement assimilé au Parti radical1. Or, le RGR, sans avoir été un parti politique stricto sensu, a été beaucoup plus qu’un cartel électoral ; en fait une confédération de forces politiques comparable à l’UDF. Mais si l’UDF, à l’origine cartel électoral, s’est transformée en "groupement politique"2, le RGR, ainsi que nous le verrons, a été pensé d’emblée comme une formule originale de regroupement de forces politiques. A ce titre, le RGR a joué un rôle et remplit une fonction non négligeable durant la 4e République. En outre, il constitue un type d’organisation dont la connaissance peut utilement enrichir les études sur les associations partisanes. Le lecteur ne trouvera pas dans les lignes qui suivent une étude exhaustive de cette formation mais, à l’occasion de la publication des notes politiques de Pierre de Léotard dans ce numéro de Recherches contemporaines, une brève présentation. L’histoire du RGR est celle de ses paradoxes. Le moindre n’a-t-il pas été de voir associés dans une même formation radicaux et manifestants du 6 février 1934, survivants de Vichy et résistants parmi les plus authentiques ? Que ce Rassemblement ait eu une influence certaine au Parlement, quand bien même ses principales composantes sont sorties discréditées de la seconde guerre mondiale, à l’exception 1. -
'Left-Wing' Communism: an Infantile Disorder
Resistance Marxist Library ‘Left-Wing’ Communism: An Infantile Disorder V. I. Lenin 2 ‘Left-Wing’ Communism: An Infantile Disorder Acknowledgement: “The Communist Parties and Parliamentarism” © Pluto Press, London; reprinted by permission. Resistance Books 1999 ISBN 0909196 88 5 Published by Resistance Books, resistancebooks.com Contents Introduction by Doug Lorimer................................................................ 5 I. A popular exposition of Bolshevik strategy & tactics...................................... 5 II. The origin & development of Bolshevism...................................................... 6 III. Parliamentary democracy & the proletarian revolution................................. 8 IV. The German Revolution and the German communists............................... 10 V. Marxism & the working-class vanguard........................................................ 13 VI. Winning over the vanguard & winning over the masses.............................. 18 VII. Mass action & tactical compromises............................................................. 20 VIII. Mass action & the united-front tactic............................................................ 23 I. In What Sense We Can Speak of the International Significance of the Russian Revolution .........................27 II. An Essential Condition of the Bolsheviks’ Success ...... 30 III. The Principal Stages in the History of Bolshevism ....... 33 IV. The Struggle Against Which Enemies Within the Working-Class Movement Helped Bolshevism Develop, Gain -
Die Hungerunruhen in Hamburg Im Juni 1919 – Eine Zweite Revolution?
Uwe Schulte-Varendorff Die Hungerunruhen in Hamburg im Juni 1919 – eine zweite Revolution? Verein für Hamburgische Geschichte Beiträge zur Geschichte Hamburgs | Band 65 Hamburg University Press Die Hungerunruhen in Hamburg im Juni 1919 – eine zweite Revolution? Beiträge zur Geschichte Hamburgs Herausgegeben vom Verein für Hamburgische Geschichte Band 65 Uwe Schulte-Varendorff Die Hungerunruhen in Hamburg im Juni 1919 – eine zweite Revolution? Hamburg University Press Verlag der Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg Carl von Ossietzky Impressum Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d‐nb.de abrufbar. Die Online‐Version dieser Publikation ist auf den Verlagswebseiten frei verfügbar (open access). Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek hat die Netzpublikation archiviert. Diese ist dauerhaft auf dem Archivserver der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek verfügbar. Open access über die folgenden Webseiten: Hamburg University Press – http://hup.sub.uni‐hamburg.de/purl/HamburgUP_BGH65_Schulte‐Varendorff Archivserver der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek – http://deposit.d‐nb.de ISBN 978‐3‐937816‐63‐0 ISSN 0175‐4831 © 2010 Hamburg University Press, Verlag der Staats‐ und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg Carl von Ossietzky, Deutschland Gestaltung des Covers: Benjamin Guzinski, Hamburg Abbildungen mauf de Cover: Vorn: Nach Beendigung der Beschießung des Rathauses versammeln sich Menschen auf dem Rathausplatz, um sich über die Lage zu informieren (Ende Juni 1919). Quelle: StAHH, Plankammer, 221‐5 1918.21.1. Hinten: Volkswehrwache vor dem Gebäude des „Hamburger Echo“ (Januar 1919): Quelle: StAHH, Plankammer, 221‐5 1918.9.1. Produktion: Elbe‐Werkstätten GmbH, Hamburg, Deutschland http://www.ew‐gmbh.de Veröffentlicht mit Unterstützung der Hamburgischen Wissenschaftlichen Stiftung. Inhalt Einleitung . -
FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS in the SOVIET UNION: a COMPARATIVE APPROACH * T~Omas E
1967] FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS IN THE SOVIET UNION: A COMPARATIVE APPROACH * T~omAs E. TowE t INTRODUCTION The Soviet Constitution guarantees many of the same funda- mental rights as are guaranteed in the Constitution of the United States, plus several others as well. Indeed, these rights are described in greater detail and appear on their face to be safeguarded more emphatically in the Soviet Constitution. However, the mere existence of constitutional provisions for fundamental rights does not necessarily guarantee that those rights will be protected. Western scholars often point to discrepancies between rhetorical phrases in the Soviet Con- stitution and actual practices in the area of fundamental rights.' Soviet legal scholars insist, however, that such criticism should be aimed instead at Western constitutions. Andrei Vyshinsky has stated that it is precisely in the area of fundamental rights that "the contra- dictions between reality and the rights proclaimed by the bourgeois constitutions [are] particularly sharp." 2 Soviet legal scholars claim that bourgeois laws are replete with reservations and loopholes which largely negate their effectiveness in protecting fundamental rights generally, and those of the working man in particular.3 There is undoubtedly some truth in both claims, for, as Professor Berman has stated, "The striking fact is that in the protection of human rights, the Soviet system is strong where ours is weak, just as it is weak where ours is strong." 4 The full impact of this statement can only be understood by comparing the different approaches which * The author wishes to acknowledge the helpful comments and suggestions of Dr. Branko M. -
“Politics, Ballyhoo, and Controversy”: the Allied Clandestine Services, Resistance, and the Rivalries in Occupied France
“Politics, Ballyhoo, and Controversy”: The Allied Clandestine Services, Resistance, and the Rivalries in Occupied France By Ronald J. Lienhardt History Departmental Undergraduate Honors Thesis University of Colorado at Boulder April 8, 2014 Thesis Advisor: Dr. Martha Hanna Department of History Defense Committee: Dr. John Willis Department of History Dr. Michael Radelet Department of Sociology 1 Song of the Partisans By Maurice Druon Friend, can you hear The Flight of the ravens Over our plains? Friend, can you hear The muffled cry of our country In chains? Ah! Partisans, Workers and peasants, The alert has sounded. This evening the enemy Will learn the price of blood And of tears.1 1 Claude Chambard, The Maquis: A History of the French Resistance Movement (New York: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc. , 1976), vii. 2 Table of Contents Abstract---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------4 Introduction--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------5 Chapter 1: Impending War, the fall of France, and the Foundations of Resistance---------------------8 France’s Initiative becomes outdated: The Maginot Line-------------------------------------------------------11 Failures to Adapt to the Progress of War: The Invasion and the fall of France----------------------------14 Collaboration and Life Under Occupation-------------------------------------------------------------------------20 Organization -
The Kpd and the Nsdap: a Sttjdy of the Relationship Between Political Extremes in Weimar Germany, 1923-1933 by Davis William
THE KPD AND THE NSDAP: A STTJDY OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POLITICAL EXTREMES IN WEIMAR GERMANY, 1923-1933 BY DAVIS WILLIAM DAYCOCK A thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D. The London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London 1980 1 ABSTRACT The German Communist Party's response to the rise of the Nazis was conditioned by its complicated political environment which included the influence of Soviet foreign policy requirements, the party's Marxist-Leninist outlook, its organizational structure and the democratic society of Weimar. Relying on the Communist press and theoretical journals, documentary collections drawn from several German archives, as well as interview material, and Nazi, Communist opposition and Social Democratic sources, this study traces the development of the KPD's tactical orientation towards the Nazis for the period 1923-1933. In so doing it complements the existing literature both by its extension of the chronological scope of enquiry and by its attention to the tactical requirements of the relationship as viewed from the perspective of the KPD. It concludes that for the whole of the period, KPD tactics were ambiguous and reflected the tensions between the various competing factors which shaped the party's policies. 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE abbreviations 4 INTRODUCTION 7 CHAPTER I THE CONSTRAINTS ON CONFLICT 24 CHAPTER II 1923: THE FORMATIVE YEAR 67 CHAPTER III VARIATIONS ON THE SCHLAGETER THEME: THE CONTINUITIES IN COMMUNIST POLICY 1924-1928 124 CHAPTER IV COMMUNIST TACTICS AND THE NAZI ADVANCE, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW THREATS 166 CHAPTER V COMMUNIST TACTICS, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW OPPORTUNITIES 223 CHAPTER VI FLUCTUATIONS IN COMMUNIST TACTICS DURING 1932: DOUBTS IN THE ELEVENTH HOUR 273 CONCLUSIONS 307 APPENDIX I VOTING ALIGNMENTS IN THE REICHSTAG 1924-1932 333 APPENDIX II INTERVIEWS 335 BIBLIOGRAPHY 341 4 ABBREVIATIONS 1. -
National Bolshevism
TOTALLY LEFT. TOTALLY RIGHT. NATIONAL BOLSHEVISM Its Essence, Roots and Contemporary Relevance Peter Wilberg 2011 A publication of the National People’s Party in the U.K. Contents Introduction....................................................................................................................... 1 On the term ‘National Bolshevism’ ................................................................................... 4 ‘Social Revolutionary Nationalism’ versus ‘National Socialism’ ....................................... 4 National Bolshevism, National Socialism and ‘Strasserism’ ............................................. 6 ‘Naz-Bol’ versus ‘Nat-Bol’................................................................................................. 8 A New Spiritual and Philosophical Foundation for National Bolshevism ........................ 9 The Awareness Principle ................................................................................................. 11 Eurasianism..................................................................................................................... 13 Introduction This essay aims to provide a new political-economic focus and a new spiritual-philosophical foundation by which to redefine National Bolshevism – as Social Nationalism, National Marxism and National Communist - anti-capitalist, anti-fascist, anti-racist, anti-Zionist – and above all directed against the domination of all nations by the international banking and monetary system and its political puppets. The National Bolshevism -
German Communists
= ~•••••••••• B•••••••~•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• a• •= :• COMING PUBLICATIONS: •= =• / ~ • .= "ABOUT BELGIUM" by Camille Huysrnans. ; "THE FLAMING BORDER" by Czeslaw Poznanski. "GERMAN CONSERVATIVES" by Curt Geyer. "THE ROAD TO MUNICH" by Dr. Jan Opocenski. "THE WOLF AS A NEIGHBOUR" by M. van Blankenstein. NEW SERIES: THE FUTURE OF EUROPE AND THE WO~LD "GERMANY AT PEACE" by Walter Loeb. "FRENCH SECURITY AND GERMANY" . by Edmond Vermeil. "PROGRESS TO WORLD PEACE" by K. F. Bieligk. - HUTCHINSON & CO. (Publishers), LTD. ••••m•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••2. "FIGHT FOR FREEDOM" Editorial Board LUIS ARAQUISTAIN CAM!LLE HUYSMANS JOSEF BELINA PROFESSOR A. PRAGIER JOHN BROWN M. SLUYSER CURT GEYER RENNIE SMITH W . W. HENDERSON MARY E. SUTHERLAND,7 j.P. GERMAN COMMUNISTS by ./ SPARTAKUS Foreword by ALFRED M. WALL Translated from the German by. E. Fitzgerald TO THE MEMORY OF ROSA LUXEMBURG KARL LIEBKNECHT PAUL- LEVI - SPARTAKUS has lived in Germany all. his life andIeft shortly after Hitler came.,.10 power. ' From his youth he has worked in the German Labour Movements-Socialist and Communist. He was one of the early "Spartakists" in the last war and he is still . today . a devoted fighter against German aggression and 'nationalism from whatever source it may spring. CONTENTS PAGE . FOREWORD 4 PART l THE SPARTACUS LEAGUE 1914-1918 7 PART II THE COMMUNIST PARTY 1919-1933 22 THE PARTY AND THE VERSAILLES TREATY 22 THE KAPP "PUTSCH" 28 THE UNITED COMMUNIST PARTY OF GERMANY 30 THE W..ARCH ACTION . 34 THE NATIONALISTIC LINE . ..... .. ' 36 THE RAPALLO TREATY' 38 THE OCCUPATION OF THE RUHR 39 SCHLAGETER 42 CORRUPTION 45 THE UNSUCCESSFUL RISING OF 1923 46 THE DECLINE OF THE GERMAN COMMUNIST PARTY 48 GERMAN MILITARY EXPENDITURE 53 "THE HORNY-HANDED SON OF TOIL". -
Constitution
CONSTITUTION • (FUNDAMENTAL LAW) OF THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS Adopted at the Extraordinary Eighth Congress of Soviets of the U.S.S.R. -December 5, 1936. PRICE: 3d. ; LTP i 342.07023 ; S08K ARTICLE 1: The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics is a socialist, state of workers and peasants. ARTICLE 2: The political foundation of the U.S.S.R. are the Soviets, of Toilers' Deputies, which developed >and grew strong as a result of the overthrow of the power of the landlords and capitalists and the achievement of the dictatorship of the proletariat. ARTICLE 3: All power in the U.S.S.R. belongs to the toilers of town and country as represented by the Soviets of Toilers' Deputies. ARTICLE 4: The economic foundation of the U.S.S.R. is the socialist system of economy and the socialist ownership of the implements and means of production firmly established as a result of the liquidation of the capitalist system of economy, the abolition of private property in the imple- ments and means of production and the abolition of exploitation of man by- man. ARTICLE 5: Socialist property in the U.S.S.R. bears either the form of state property (the possession of the whole people) or the form of co-operative and collective farm property (property of separate collective farms and property of co-operative associations). ARTICLE 6: The land,-.mineral deposits, waters, forests, mills, fac- tories,-mines, railways, water and air transport systems, banks, means of communication, large state-organised agricultural enterprises (state farms, machine and tractor stations and the like) as well as municipal enterprises and the principal dwelling house properties in the cities and industrial localities, are state property, that is, the possession of the whole people. -
Revolution in Russia and the Formation of the Soviet Union
CLASSROOM COUNTRY PROFILES Revolution in Russia and the Formation of the Soviet Union The Russian Revolution often refers to two events that took place in 1917. The first, known as the February Revolution, forced Tsar Nicholas II to abdicate and led to the formation of a provisional government. During the second event, commonly known as the October Revolution or Bolshevik Revolution, Vla- dimir Lenin’s Bolshevik Party seized power and began seven decades of one-party rule. Some scholars and Soviet critics have argued that the second event was actually a coup by Lenin and his supporters and not a true revolution. The Russian Empire in 1914. Date confusion—The February Revolution actually In the early 1900s, cracks were beginning to appear in the tsar’s control took place in early March. Because the Russian Em- over the Russian Empire. An attempted revolution in 1905, which saw pire followed the Julian Calendar, which is 13 days mass worker strikes and peasant revolts, shook the monarchy and forced behind the Gregorian Calendar, the events are referred Tsar Nicholas II to implement political reform, including the establishment to as the February Revolution. Likewise, the October of a parliament and a new constitution. Revolution actually took place in early November. Reform temporarily quieted the unrest, but the new policies proved inef- Soviet—The word means “council” in Russian. Soviets fective and the parliament, known as the State Duma, was largely unable were workers’ councils made up of various socialist to override the Tsar’s decrees. parties at the end of the Russian Empire.