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The Transformation of Palestinian Political Activism from the First to the Second Intifada: a Convergence of Politics, Territory and Society

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The Transformation of Palestinian Political Activism from the First to the Second Intifada: a Convergence of Politics, Territory and Society Durham E-Theses The Transformation of Palestinian Political Activism from the First to the Second Intifada: A Convergence of Politics, Territory and Society MALL-DIBIASI, CAROLINE How to cite: MALL-DIBIASI, CAROLINE (2012) The Transformation of Palestinian Political Activism from the First to the Second Intifada: A Convergence of Politics, Territory and Society, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4438/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 Caroline Mall Dibiasi The Transformation of Palestinian Political Activism from the First to the Second Intifada: A Convergence of Politics, Territory and Society The central question this thesis poses is how and why the modes of Palestinian political activism have changed from the first to the second intifada. The thesis will explore the underlying major political, territorial and social developments that created a new environment for the second uprising that was no longer conducive to the mass protests and acts of civil disobedience, which had dominated the first intifada in the late 1980s. The decline of civil society, the reassertion of Palestinian political factionalism and the unique geographical dislocation of the Palestinian territories, which created new physical obstacles to resistance but also caused division within society, were the key factors in reshaping the context of the second intifada. In addition, rising support for violent resistance among the population was rooted in the sense of hopelessness and frustration that re-emerged over the Oslo period. Much of the population’s frustration was directed at Israel’s colonial regime but in part it was also a response to the rule of the Palestinian Authority, which had failed to fulfil its commitments to its own population in view of its obligations under Oslo toward Israel. In the absence of alternative non-violent outlets within either politics or civil society, what took root instead was individual activism via militant organisations. As such, this thesis offers an account of the development of Palestinian political action (and in particular political violence) that is indebted to an effort to employ historical and contextual analysis in ways that deepen the insights available from explanations of behaviour drawn from political science. 1 The Transformation of Palestinian Political Activism from the First to the Second Intifada: A Convergence of Politics, Territory and Society Caroline Mall Dibiasi PhD School of Government and International Affairs Durham University 2012 2 Contents List of Illustrations 6 List of Abbreviations 7 Statement of Copyright 8 Acknowledgements 9 Introduction 10 1. Studying the Palestine Question 18 1.1 Introducing the Palestine Question 19 1.2 Debates on the Palestine Question 25 1.3 Palestinian Political Violence 32 1.4 Central Features of the Palestine Literature 34 1.5 Studying Palestinian Political Violence in Political Science and is there Scope for Hybrids? 36 1.6 Looking Beyond Palestine 48 1.7 Formulating Key Questions 51 1.8 Methodology 53 1.9 Research Methods 60 2. From the First to the Second Intifada: Transformations in Politics and Civil Society 67 2.1 The First Intifada: the Power of the People 70 2.1.1 The Challenge of Palestinian Factionalism 78 2.1.2 The Rise of the Islamists 82 2.1.3 Achievements of the Intifada 84 2.2 Oslo: The Roadmap from Hope to Despair 86 3 2.2.1 Setting Up a Narrative of Palestinian Incompetence and Complicity in Terrorism 87 2.2.2 The Reality of the Agreements 90 2.3 The Decline of Civil Society and the Reassertion of Factionalism 102 2.4 Hopelessness Revisited: The Rise of Violent Resistance 106 2.5 Conclusions 112 3. Fragmenting Territory and Society 116 3.1 The Significance of Territory and Its Continuous Fragmentation 118 3.1.1 Space and State 119 3.1.2 Memory, Society and Space 122 3.1.3 Territory in the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict 128 3.1.4 Territorial Transformations and the Second Intifada 131 3.1.5 Suicide Bombing as a Territorial Statement 138 3.2 Dividing Palestinian Society 147 3.2.1 The Impact of Loss of Land and Restricted Mobility 148 3.2.2 Social, Cultural and Ideological Disintegration 152 3.2.3 Solidarity and Social Action 159 3.2.4 Identity 162 3.2.5 The Islamist and Secularist Divide 164 3.3 A Policy of Disempowerment or Natural Course? 166 3.4 Conclusions 169 4. Explaining Suicide Bombing 171 4.1 A Context of Violence and Organisational Rationale 172 4.2 The Psychological Impact – the Individual 182 4.3 Territorial Fragmentation: Organisational Changes, the Individual, and Social Networks 186 4 4.4 Social Fragmentation: Geographic Origins and Social Backgrounds of Suicide Bombers 190 4.4.1 Bombers and their Origin 192 4.4.2 Rural & Refugee Camp Residents vs. Urban Dwellers 196 4.4.3 Regional Distribution of Settlements and Checkpoints 199 4.5. Political Fragmentation and Competition: Inter-Group Relations and the Lack of Strategy 204 4.6. Women and Suicide Bombing – Escape Route or Emancipation? 210 4.7. Explaining Suicide Bombing, the Relationship between Politics & Violence, and Questioning the Importance of Strategy 221 5. Drawing Conclusions 227 5.1 Summary of Findings and their Relevance 227 5.2 Reflections on the Research Process 235 5.3 Areas for Future Research 245 Bibliography 248 Appendix I Map 5 List of Illustrations Figures 4.1. Number of suicide bombers between October 2000 and the end of 2004 according to governorate 192 4.2. Distribution of bombers across governorates per year in percentages 194 4.3. Regional distribution of suicide bombers 196 6 Abbreviations ANM Arab Nationalist Movement ARIJ Applied Research Institute Jerusalem DAVO Deutsche Arbeitsgemeinschaft Vorderer Orient DFLP Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine HRW Human Rights Watch IALIIS Ibrahim Abu-Lughod Institute of International Studies ICAHD Israeli Committee Against House Demolition IDF Israel Defence Force JNF Jewish National Fund JPS Journal of Palestine Studies JWC Joint Water Committee NIHC National Islamic High Committee for the Follow-up of the Intifada OCHA United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs OCHA oPt. OCHA occupied Palestinian territories OT Occupied Territory PA Palestinian Authority PASSIA Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs PCBS Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics PHRMG Palestinian Human Rights Monitoring Group PNA Palestinian National Authority PLO Palestinian Liberation Organisation PFLP Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine PFLP-GC Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine General Command PRCS Palestine Red Crescent Society PSR Palestinian Centre for Policy and Survey Research UNLU United National Leadership of the Uprising UNRWA United Nations Relief and Works Agency WCLAC Women’s Centre for Legal Aid and Counselling 7 The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without the author’s prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. 8 Acknowledgements Many people have made this work possible and have accompanied me throughout my academic journey, making invaluable contributions in various ways, perhaps often unknown to themselves. It would be impossible to mention them all but I would like to take this opportunity to express my gratitude to those who have had a very special involvement. I am extremely grateful to Professor John Williams for his academic guidance, patience and encouragement throughout my time as a doctoral student at Durham University. He was always there to help me back on course when I had steered off track and felt lost in a sea of information and bureaucracy. I am particularly appreciative of his insightful comments throughout the progress of this thesis, which have contributed much to my academic development. I am also very thankful to Professor Emma Murphy who offered invaluable advice and support, especially on the field work component of the thesis. I would not have been able to embark on a PhD without yearly bursaries from the South Tyrolean Higher Education Fund. Contributions from the Durham University Student Travel Fund and St John’s College have also made my attendance at an Arabic language course at Birzeit University possible. Beyond academic guidance, and financial support it is personal relationships that have given me the strength to persevere and make the most of this experience. I am very grateful to my family, especially my parents Rudolf and Cäcilie, for offering their support throughout my years of learning. They were always there for me when I needed them. Julie, Marion, Roger, Angie and Steve have made me feel at home here in Durham. Beyond giving me continuous encouragement, they have listened endlessly to my take on the Palestine Question. On my fieldtrip to Palestine I met countless wonderful people who extended their generosity and hospitality to me. Fatima and Mostafa took particularly good care of me during my stay in the West Bank. I thank all those who offered their time and had the patience to teach me about Palestine, allowing me to get a glimpse of the pain, fear and devastation that this conflict has caused.
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