The Transformation of Palestinian Political Activism from the First to the Second Intifada: a Convergence of Politics, Territory and Society
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Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Student Officers: President: Mohamed El Habbak Chairs: Adam Beblawy, Ibrahim Shoukry
Forum: Security Council Issue: The Israeli-Palestinian conflict Student Officers: President: Mohamed El Habbak Chairs: Adam Beblawy, Ibrahim Shoukry Introduction: Beginning in the mid-20th century, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the still continuing dispute between Israel and Palestine and part of the larger Arab-Israeli conflict, and is known as the world’s “most intractable conflict.” Despite efforts to reach long-term peace, both parties have failed to reach a final agreement. The crux of the problem lies in a few major points including security, borders, water rights, control of Jerusalem, Israeli settlements, Palestinian freedom of movement, and Palestinian right of return. Furthermore, a hallmark of the conflict is the level of violence for practically the entirety of the conflict, which hasn’t been confined only to the military, but has been prevalent in civilian populations. The main solution proposed to end the conflict is the two-state solution, which is supported by the majority of Palestinians and Israelis. However, no consensus has been reached and negotiations are still underway to this day. The gravity of this conflict is significant as lives are on the line every day, multiple human rights violations take place frequently, Israel has an alleged nuclear arsenal, and the rise of some terroristic groups and ideologies are directly linked to it. Key Terms: Gaza Strip: Region of Palestine under Egyptian control. Balfour Declaration: British promise to the Jewish people to create a sovereign state for them. Golan Heights: Syrian territory under Israeli control. West Bank: Palestinian sovereign territory under Jordanian protection. Focused Overview: To understand this struggle, one must examine the origins of each group’s claim to the land. -
Arij Daily Report] June 2019
[ARIJ DAILY REPORT] JUNE 2019 Israeli Violations' Activities in the oPt 27 June 2019 The daily report highlights the violations behind Israeli home demolitions and demolition threats The Violations are based on in the occupied Palestinian territory, the reports provided by field workers confiscation and razing of lands, the uprooting and\or news sources. and destruction of fruit trees, the expansion of The text is not quoted directly settlements and erection of outposts, the brutality from the sources but is edited for of the Israeli Occupation Army, the Israeli settlers clarity. violence against Palestinian civilians and properties, the erection of checkpoints, the The daily report does not construction of the Israeli segregation wall and necessarily reflect ARIJ’s opinion. the issuance of military orders for the various Israeli purposes. This DAILY REPORT is prepared as part of the project entitled Advocating for a Sustainable and Viable Resolution of Israeli-Palestinian Conflict which is financially supported by the EU. However, the content of this presentation is the sole responsibility of ARIJ & LRC and does not necessarily reflect those of the donors. 1 [ARIJ DAILY REPORT] JUNE 2019 Brutality of the Israeli Occupation Army • The Israeli Occupation Army (IOA) invaded Beit Ummar town, north of the southern West Bank city of Hebron, and searched many homes. (IMEMC 27 June 2019) Israeli Arrests • Several armored Israeli military jeeps invaded Jenin city, Jenin refugee camp and Sielet al-Harithiyya town, in northern West Bank, searched and ransacked many homes, and detained four Palestinians, in addition to wounding many others during ensuing protests. The IOA detained Jihad Tawalba, Ahmad Mohammad Shaqfa and a former political prisoner, identified as Abdullah al-Hosary, from their homes in Jenin refugee camp. -
Screening Trauma in Waltz with Bashir and Lebanon
Anna Ball 1 ‘Looking the Beast in the Eye’: Screening Trauma in Waltz With Bashir and Lebanon Published in The Ethics of Representation in Literature, Art and Journalism: Transnational Responses to the Siege of Beirut, ed. Caroline Rooney and Rita Sakr (London: Routledge, 2013), pp.71-85. PRE-PRINT PROOF: PLEASE REFER TO PRINTED VERSION FOR CITATION Anna Ball, [email protected] Having looked the beast of the past in the eye, having asked and received forgiveness and made amends, let us shut the door on the past – not in order to forget it but in order not to allow it to imprison us. - Archbishop Desmond Tutu, South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission Report.i [Figure 1: Image from Waltz With Bashir, dir. Ari Folman (London: Artificial Eye, 2008).] It is the kind of place that we have all visited in our dreams: somewhere that at first seems drearily familiar, a nocturnal cityscape perhaps, streets littered and rain-sodden. Until you see the sky. Not black but a lurid yellow: a sickly light, the colour of phosphorous, an unnatural illumination of the darkness. Then, as you knew they would, they come, all twenty-six of them, snarling and slathering, sleek black coats gleaming in the rain, eyes bright as flares. All Anna Ball 2 night, they circle beneath your window, howl at you through your restless sleep, and though in the morning they will be gone, as dreams always are, you know that they will return – for this is what it is to be hunted by this particular kind of beast. -
The Palestinian Refugee Issue
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 238 Israeli-Lebanese Negotiations: The Palestinian Refugee Issue Dec 28, 1999 Brief Analysis yrian foreign minister Faruq al-Shara's recent announcement that Damascus and Beirut will sign peace S treaties with Israel together is not surprising, considering Syria's hegemony in Lebanon. But while Israel, Syria, and the United States have expressed guarded optimism about the latest resumption of peace talks, Lebanon has been more reserved in its enthusiasm. This is mainly due to its concern over the final disposition of the Palestinian refugees living in Lebanon. Hostile Minority Under Siege According to United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) figures, there are approximately 350,000 Palestinian refugees in Lebanon (about 9 percent of the country's total resident population). The refugees have long been viewed with suspicion by their Lebanese hosts, who cite the delicate sectarian balance in the country, heavy Palestinian involvement in the Lebanese civil war, and the military attacks that provoked the Israeli invasions of 1978 and 1982, as justification for their spurning of the refugees. Although no national census has been held in decades, available evidence indicates that the country is 70 percent Muslim and 30 percent Christian. The longstanding conflict between and among the various Muslim and Christian sects led to the explosion of the Lebanese civil war of 1975-89. Their differences--papered over in the 1989 Ta'if agreement which is designed to guarantee representation of each group and subgroup in specific positions in the government–remain pronounced. The Lebanese government rejects the integration of the refugees into the country, largely because it would upset whatever balance exists between religious and ethnic communities. -
Hamas and Fateh Neck and Neck As Palestinian Elections Near
OPINION OFFICE OF ANALYSIS RESEARCH DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, DC 20520 January 19, 2005 M-05-06 Hamas and Fateh Neck and Neck As Palestinian Elections Near A just-completed Office of Research survey in the Palestinian Territories shows a much closer race at the polls than some have predicted. Among likely voters, 32 percent intend to back Fateh on the National Ballot, while 30 percent say they will support Hamas. Corruption is the leading issue among the Palestinian public, with most believing that Hamas is more qualified than Fateh to clean it up. While Hamas is seen as less able than Fateh to advance negotiations with Israel, a majority of both Fateh and Hamas supporters back a continuation of the ceasefire, ongoing talks with Israel, and a two-state solution. The survey, conducted January 13-15, indicates that eight-in-ten among the electorate are either “very likely” (53%) or “somewhat likely” (28%) to vote on the National Ballot in the January 25th elections for the Palestinian Legislative Council. Among likely voters, about a third each intend to vote for Hamas and Fateh (Table 1). Independent Palestine, led by Mustafa Bhargouti, is backed by 13 percent of likely voters. Based on these results, Fateh would gain roughly 24 of the 66 National Ballot seats, Hamas 22 seats, Independent Palestine 9 seats, with the remaining 11 split among smaller parties. These results show a closer race than other published surveys of likely voters, which have tended to place Fateh ahead at the polls by a wider margin (Appendix, Table 1). -
Settler Violence in the West Bank, Including East Jerusalem October 2013
Update on Settler Violence in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem October 2013 This update is issued by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) as coordinator of the Protection Cluster in the occupied Palestinian territory. It has been jointly prepared by members of the Protection Cluster Working Group in the West Bank, including JLAC, MDM-France, NRC, OCHA, PU-AMI, UNICEF, UNRWA and Yesh Din, and also draws upon information from FAO and the Food Security Sector. Violence by Israeli settlers against Palestinians and the property in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, remains a key issue of protection concern for the humanitarian community. This ad hoc update provides an overview of ongoing protection concerns related to settler violence, highlighting in particular the lack of law enforcement and accountability by Israeli authorities. 1. Introduction and legal framework Violence by Israeli settlers against Palestinians and their property is directly linked to the existence and expansion of illegal Israeli settlements in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Since 1967, Israel has established an estimated 150 settlements in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, in addition to some 100 “outposts” erected by settlers in contravention of Israeli law.1 The expansion of settlements continues: during the first three months of 2013, the construction of 865 settlement housing units commenced in the West Bank, excluding East Jerusalem, marking a 355% increase compared to the last quarter of 2012.2 The estimated settler population in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem ranges between 500,000 and 650,000, and has almost tripled in the 20 years since the Oslo accords were signed in 1993.3 The establishment and expansion of Israeli settlements in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, violate Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which prohibits the transfer of parts of the Occupying Power’s own civilian population into territory it occupies. -
This Road Leads to Area “A” Under the Palestinian Authority, Beware of Entering: Palestinian Ghetto Policies in the West Bank
This Road Leads to Area “A” Under the Palestinian Authority, Beware of Entering: Palestinian Ghetto Policies in the West Bank Razi Nabulsi* “This road leads to Area “A” under the Palestinian Authority. The Entrance for Israeli Citizens is Forbidden, Dangerous to Your Lives, And Is Against The Israeli Law.” Anyone entering Ramallah through any of the Israeli military checkpoints that surround it, and surround its environs too, may note the abovementioned sentence written in white on a blatantly red sign, clearly written in three languages: Arabic, Hebrew, and English. The sign practically expires at Attara checkpoint, right after Bir Zeit city; you notice it as you leave but it only speaks to those entering the West Bank through the checkpoint. On the way from “Qalandia” checkpoint and until “Attara” checkpoint, the traveller goes through Qalandia Camp first; Kafr ‘Aqab second; Al-Amari Camp third; Ramallah and Al-Bireh fourth; Sarda fifth; and Birzeit sixth, all the way ending with “Attara” checkpoint, where the red sign is located. Practically, these are not Area “A” borders, but also not even the borders of the Ramallah and Al-Bireh Governorate, neither are they the West Bank borders. This area designated by the abovementioned sign does not fall under any of the agreed-upon definitions, neither legally nor politically, in Palestine. This area is an outsider to legal definitions; it is an outsider that contains everything. It contains areas, such as Kafr ‘Aqab and Qalandia Camp that belong to the Jerusalem municipality, which complies -
Geographers Mobilize: a Network-Diffusion Analysis of the Campaign to Free Ghazi-Walid Falah1
Geographers Mobilize: A Network-Diffusion Analysis of the Campaign to Free Ghazi-Walid Falah1 Mark de Socio Department of Geography & Geosciences, Salisbury University, USA; [email protected] Abstract: In summer 2006, Professor Ghazi-Walid Falah, a political geographer and editor- in-chief of the journal Arab World Geographer, was arrested by Israeli police after taking photographs of rural landscapes in Northern Galilee. Falah was subsequently held for 23 days, incommunicado, and without charge. An international campaign to “Free Ghazi” was launched by his family, friends and colleagues, largely over academic listservs and other media. Utilizing social network analysis and contextualizing the campaign within structures of telecommunications technologies, the purpose of this paper is to assess the various factors that contributed to the campaign’s coalescence, its rapid development, and its global reach. Keywords: social networks, scale, political geography, Internet Introduction Kirby (1992:236) defines geography as what “geographers choose to do”. Ghazi-Walid Falah (2007:588) demonstrates that what geographers choose to do can, at times, be dangerous. Falah, for example, chose to research and write on the political geography of Palestine and Israel, beginning with his dissertation 25 years ago (Falah 1983). According to Falah, this career program of research runs counter to the hegemonic discourse—historical, political, or otherwise—concerning the geographies of Palestine and Israel (see, for example, Falah 1991, 1994, 1996, 2003). Consequently, Falah found himself under suspicion by the Israeli government as both a Palestinian and as a “rogue” scholar of political geography writing of the contested territories of Palestine/Israel within the broad framework of critical geopolitics (Morrissey 2006). -
General Assembly Security Council
United Nations A/58/837–S/2004/465 General Assembly Distr.: General Security Council 8 June 2004 Original: English General Assembly Security Council Fifty-eighth session Fifty-ninth year Agenda items 37 and 156 The situation in the Middle East Measures to eliminate international terrorism Identical letters dated 8 June 2004 from the Chargé d’affaires a.i. of the Permanent Mission of Israel to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General and the President of the Security Council I wish to draw your attention to the latest violations of the Blue Line from Lebanese territory. Yesterday morning, 7 June 2004, six 107-mm missiles were fired from Lebanese territory at an Israeli naval vessel patrolling in Israeli territorial waters. Four of the rockets hit Israeli territory, south of the Israeli-Lebanese border, just meters from the Israeli town of Rosh Hanikra. The rockets also gravely endangered the safety and security of UNIFIL personnel stationed in the area. Israeli security forces identified the source of the rocket fire as Ahmed Jibril’s Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), a Damascus-based Palestinian terrorist organization operating in southern Lebanon. Israeli aircraft responded to these attacks by measured defensive action, in accordance with its right and duty of self-defense, against a PFLP terrorist base located near Beirut, which is used as a platform for terrorist activity in Lebanon. No injuries resulted from this defensive measure. This afternoon, 8 June 2004, Hizbullah terrorists perpetrated a heavy mortar attack from Lebanon across the Blue Line, wounding an Israeli soldier in the Har Dov region. -
Foreign Terrorist Organizations
Order Code RL32223 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Foreign Terrorist Organizations February 6, 2004 Audrey Kurth Cronin Specialist in Terrorism Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Huda Aden, Adam Frost, and Benjamin Jones Research Associates Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Foreign Terrorist Organizations Summary This report analyzes the status of many of the major foreign terrorist organizations that are a threat to the United States, placing special emphasis on issues of potential concern to Congress. The terrorist organizations included are those designated and listed by the Secretary of State as “Foreign Terrorist Organizations.” (For analysis of the operation and effectiveness of this list overall, see also The ‘FTO List’ and Congress: Sanctioning Designated Foreign Terrorist Organizations, CRS Report RL32120.) The designated terrorist groups described in this report are: Abu Nidal Organization (ANO) Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade Armed Islamic Group (GIA) ‘Asbat al-Ansar Aum Supreme Truth (Aum) Aum Shinrikyo, Aleph Basque Fatherland and Liberty (ETA) Communist Party of Philippines/New People’s Army (CPP/NPA) Al-Gama’a al-Islamiyya (Islamic Group, IG) HAMAS (Islamic Resistance Movement) Harakat ul-Mujahidin (HUM) Hizballah (Party of God) Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) Jaish-e-Mohammed (JEM) Jemaah Islamiya (JI) Al-Jihad (Egyptian Islamic Jihad) Kahane Chai (Kach) Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK, KADEK) Lashkar-e-Tayyiba -
Jerusalem: City of Dreams, City of Sorrows
1 JERUSALEM: CITY OF DREAMS, CITY OF SORROWS More than ever before, urban historians tell us that global cities tend to look very much alike. For U.S. students. the“ look alike” perspective makes it more difficult to empathize with and to understand cultures and societies other than their own. The admittedly superficial similarities of global cities with U.S. ones leads to misunderstandings and confusion. The multiplicity of cybercafés, high-rise buildings, bars and discothèques, international hotels, restaurants, and boutique retailers in shopping malls and multiplex cinemas gives these global cities the appearances of familiarity. The ubiquity of schools, university campuses, signs, streetlights, and urban transportation systems can only add to an outsider’s “cultural and social blindness.” Prevailing U.S. learning goals that underscore American values of individualism, self-confidence, and material comfort are, more often than not, obstacles for any quick study or understanding of world cultures and societies by visiting U.S. student and faculty.1 Therefore, international educators need to look for and find ways in which their students are able to look beyond the veneer of the modern global city through careful program planning and learning strategies that seek to affect the students in their “reading and learning” about these fertile centers of liberal learning. As the students become acquainted with the streets, neighborhoods, and urban centers of their global city, their understanding of its ways and habits is embellished and enriched by the walls, neighborhoods, institutions, and archaeological sites that might otherwise cause them their “cultural and social blindness.” Jerusalem is more than an intriguing global historical city. -
Security Council Provisional Seventy-Fifth Year
United Nations S/ PV.8706 Security Council Provisional Seventy-fifth year 8706th meeting Tuesday, 21 January 2020, 10 a.m. New York President: Mr. Dang ...................................... (Viet Nam) Members: Belgium ....................................... Mrs. Van Vlierberge China ......................................... Mr. Zhang Jun Dominican Republic ............................. Mr. Singer Weisinger Estonia ........................................ Mr. Jürgenson France ........................................ Mr. De Rivière Germany ...................................... Mr. Heusgen Indonesia. Mr. Djani Niger ......................................... Mr. Abarry Russian Federation ............................... Mr. Nebenzia Saint Vincent and the Grenadines ................... Ms. King South Africa ................................... Mr. Matjila Tunisia ........................................ Mr. Baati United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland .. Ms. Pierce United States of America .......................... Mrs. Craft Agenda The situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian question This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 ([email protected]). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 20-01495 (E) *2001495* S/PV.8706 The situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian question 21/01/2020 The meeting was called to order at 10.05 a.m. Ms. DiCarlo: I brief the Security Council today amid heightened regional tensions that threaten to Adoption of the agenda destabilize further an already volatile political and The agenda was adopted.