Cyber War and Terrorism: Towards a Common Language to Promote Insurability
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Combating Islamic Extremist Terrorism 1
CGT 1/22/07 11:30 AM Page 1 Combating Islamic Extremist Terrorism 1 OVERALL GRADE D+ Al-Qaeda headquarters C+ Al-Qaeda affiliated groups C– Al-Qaeda seeded groups D+ Al-Qaeda inspired groups D Sympathizers D– 1 CGT 1/22/07 11:30 AM Page 2 2 COMBATING ISLAMIC EXTREMIST TERRORISM ive years after the September 11 attacks, is the United States win- ning or losing the global “war on terror”? Depending on the prism through which one views the conflict or the metrics used Fto gauge success, the answers to the question are starkly different. The fact that the American homeland has not suffered another attack since 9/11 certainly amounts to a major achievement. U.S. military and security forces have dealt al-Qaeda a severe blow, cap- turing or killing roughly three-quarters of its pre-9/11 leadership and denying the terrorist group uncontested sanctuary in Afghanistan. The United States and its allies have also thwarted numerous terror- ist plots around the world—most recently a plan by British Muslims to simultaneously blow up as many as ten jetliners bound for major American cities. Now adjust the prism. To date, al-Qaeda’s top leaders have sur- vived the superpower’s most punishing blows, adding to the near- mythical status they enjoy among Islamic extremists. The terrorism they inspire has continued apace in a deadly cadence of attacks, from Bali and Istanbul to Madrid, London, and Mumbai. Even discount- ing the violence in Iraq and Afghanistan, the tempo of terrorist attacks—the coin of the realm in the jihadi enterprise—is actually greater today than before 9/11. -
Attribution and Response to Cybercrime/Terrorism/Warfare Susan W
Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Volume 97 Article 2 Issue 2 Winter Winter 2007 At Light Speed: Attribution and Response to Cybercrime/Terrorism/Warfare Susan W. Brenner Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Criminology and Criminal Justice Commons Recommended Citation Susan W. Brenner, At Light Speed: Attribution and Response to Cybercrime/Terrorism/Warfare, 97 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 379 (2006-2007) This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology by an authorized editor of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. 0091-4169/07/9702-0379 THE JOURNALOF CRIMINAL LAW & CRIMINOLOGY Vol. 97. No. 2 Copyright 0 2007 by NorthwesternUniversity. Schoolof Low Printedin U.S.A. "AT LIGHT SPEED": ATTRIBUTION AND RESPONSE TO CYBERCRIME/TERRORISM/WARFARE SUSAN W. BRENNER* This Article explains why and how computer technology complicates the related processes of identifying internal (crime and terrorism) and external (war) threats to social order of respondingto those threats. First, it divides the process-attribution-intotwo categories: what-attribution (what kind of attack is this?) and who-attribution (who is responsiblefor this attack?). Then, it analyzes, in detail, how and why our adversaries' use of computer technology blurs the distinctions between what is now cybercrime, cyberterrorism, and cyberwarfare. The Article goes on to analyze how and why computer technology and the blurring of these distinctions erode our ability to mount an effective response to threats of either type. -
Undeclared War: Unmanned Drones, Human Rights and Collective Security
Undeclared War: unmanned drones, human rights and collective security Susan Carolyn Breau, University of Reading/Mark Olssen, University of Surrey Drones constitute, as Barbara Ehrenreich notes, in her ‘Foreword’ to Medea Benjamin’s Drone Warfare: Killing by remote control, the “ultimate action-at-a-distance weapons, allowing the aggressor to destroy targets in Pakistan or Afghanistan while ‘hiding’ thousands of miles away in Nevada” (Ehrenreich, 2013, p. vii). Yet, as Ehrenreich continues, “it is hard to even claim that their primary use is ‘military’ in any traditional sense. Drones have made possible a programme of targeted assassinations that are justified by the US ‘war on terror’, but otherwise in defiance of both international and US law” (p. viii). She notes how Benjamin in her book documents impressively how “it is the CIA, not the Pentagon, that operates most drone strikes in Western Asia, with no accountability whatsoever. Designed targets…have been condemned without evidence or trial – at the will apparently, of the White House. And those who operate the drones do so with complete impunity for the deaths of any civilians who end up as collateral damage.” (p. viii) Although the technical expertise for producing drones was developed as early as the WWI, and although unmanned aerial vehicles were used for gathering intelligence and for reconnaissance during WWII and during the Vietnam and later Balkan wars, their adaptation to becoming lethal military vehicles for the purposes of attacking and destroying specified targets has taken place more recently. Although Abraham Karem assisted the Israeli’s in developing unmanned robots in the 1970s, and built the first Predator drone in his garage in Southern California in the early 1980s 1, the first official use in military conflict only occurred since 1999 with the NATO Kosovo intervention where unmanned robotic aircraft were adapted to carry missiles “transforming them from spy planes into killer drones” (Benjamin, p. -
Foreign Military Interventions and Suicide Attacks
Article Journal of Conflict Resolution 2017, Vol. 61(2) 271-297 ª The Author(s) 2015 Foreign Military Reprints and permission: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0022002715576575 Interventions journals.sagepub.com/home/jcr and Suicide Attacks Seung-Whan Choi1, and James A. Piazza2 Abstract This study examines the effect of foreign military interventions on the incidence of suicide attacks. It presents three theoretical explanations. Foreign military inter- ventions may boost insurgent use of suicide attacks by (a) fomenting a nationalist backlash that sanctions the use of more extreme and unconventional tactics like suicide attacks, (b) providing more and better targets against which suicide attacks can be launched, or (c) prompting insurgents to use suicide tactics in order to overcome their power asymmetries and to confront better defended targets that are enhanced by interventions. We test these competing explanations using a bat- tery of statistical tests on cross-national, time-series data for 138 countries during the period from 1981 to 2005. We find that only foreign interventions with specific features—pro-government interventions involving larger numbers of ground troops—boost suicide attacks in countries experiencing interventions. This finding suggests that by tipping the balance of power against insurgents and hardening targets in the context of assisting a local government, foreign military interventions are likely to increase the use of suicide attacks by regime challengers. Keywords terrorism, suicide bombings, military intervention, international security 1Department of Political Science (MC 276), University of Illinois at Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA 2Department of Political Science, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA, USA Corresponding Author: James A. -
Civilians in Cyberwarfare: Conscripts
Civilians in Cyberwarfare: Conscripts Susan W. Brenner* with Leo L. Clarke** ABSTRACT Civilian-owned and -operated entities will almost certainly be a target in cyberwarfare because cyberattackers are likely to be more focused on undermining the viability of the targeted state than on invading its territory. Cyberattackers will probably target military computer systems, at least to some extent, but in a departure from traditional warfare, they will also target companies that operate aspects of the victim nation’s infrastructure. Cyberwarfare, in other words, will penetrate the territorial borders of the attacked state and target high-value civilian businesses. Nation-states will therefore need to integrate the civilian employees of these (and perhaps other) companies into their cyberwarfare response structures if a state is to be able to respond effectively to cyberattacks. While many companies may voluntarily elect to participate in such an effort, others may decline to do so, which creates a need, in effect, to conscript companies for this purpose. This Article explores how the U.S. government can go about compelling civilian cooperation in cyberwarfare without violating constitutional guarantees and limitations on the power of the Legislature and the Executive. * NCR Distinguished Professor of Law and Technology, University of Dayton School of Law. ** Associate, Drew, Cooper & Anding, P.C., Grand Rapids, Michigan. 1011 1012 Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law [Vol. 43:1011 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................. -
America's Undeclared Naval War
America's Undeclared Naval War Between September 1939 and December 1941, the United States moved from neutral to active belligerent in an undeclared naval war against Nazi Germany. During those early years the British could well have lost the Battle of the Atlantic. The undeclared war was the difference that kept Britain in the war and gave the United States time to prepare for total war. With America’s isolationism, disillusionment from its World War I experience, pacifism, and tradition of avoiding European problems, President Franklin D. Roosevelt moved cautiously to aid Britain. Historian C.L. Sulzberger wrote that the undeclared war “came about in degrees.” For Roosevelt, it was more than a policy. It was a conviction to halt an evil and a threat to civilization. As commander in chief of the U.S. armed forces, Roosevelt ordered the U.S. Navy from neutrality to undeclared war. It was a slow process as Roosevelt walked a tightrope between public opinion, the Constitution, and a declaration of war. By the fall of 1941, the U.S. Navy and the British Royal Navy were operating together as wartime naval partners. So close were their operations that as early as autumn 1939, the British 1 | P a g e Ambassador to the United States, Lord Lothian, termed it a “present unwritten and unnamed naval alliance.” The United States Navy called it an “informal arrangement.” Regardless of what America’s actions were called, the fact is the power of the United States influenced the course of the Atlantic war in 1941. The undeclared war was most intense between September and December 1941, but its origins reached back more than two years and sprang from the mind of one man and one man only—Franklin Roosevelt. -
The Massachusetts Antiwar Bill, by Anthony A
Northwestern University School of Law Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons Faculty Working Papers 1970 The aM ssachusetts Antiwar Bill Anthony D'Amato Northwestern University School of Law, [email protected] Repository Citation D'Amato, Anthony, "The asM sachusetts Antiwar Bill" (1970). Faculty Working Papers. Paper 126. http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/facultyworkingpapers/126 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Working Papers by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. The Massachusetts Antiwar Bill, by Anthony A. D'Amato,* 42 New York State Bar Journal 639-649 (1970) Abstract: The Massachusetts Antiwar bill provides that no inhabitant of Massachusetts inducted into or serving in the armed forces “shall be required to serve” abroad in an armed hostility that has not been declared a war by Congress under Art. I, Sect. 8 of the United States Constitution. One could hardly imagine a more fundamental constitutional doubt arising in the mind of the American public than that of the legality of a major war. The purpose of the Massachusetts bill is purely and simply to obtain an authoritative judicial test of the constitutionality of an undeclared war. Tags: Massachusetts Antiwar Bill, Vietnam War, Massachusetts v. Laird, U.S. Constitution Article I Section 8, Prize Cases, Standing [pg639]** One of the most singular pieces of legislation in American constitutional history passed both houses of the Massachusetts legislature on April 1st, 1970, and was signed into law, effective immediately, on the following day by Governor Francis W. -
Military Aviation: Issues and Options for Combating Terrorism and Counterinsurgency
Order Code RL32737 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Military Aviation: Issues and Options for Combating Terrorism and Counterinsurgency January 27, 2006 Christopher Bolkcom Specialist in National Defense Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle East Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Military Aviation: Issues and Options for Combating Terrorism Summary By all accounts, the U.S. military dominates state-on-state conflict. In the past, non-state actors (terrorists, guerrillas, drug traffickers) appeared to be less threatening to U.S. national security than the well funded, well organized, and potent armed forces of an enemy nation-state. The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 illustrate, however, that small groups of non-state actors can exploit relatively inexpensive and commercially available technology to conduct very destructive attacks over great distances. Today’s U.S. armed forces were developed principally with state-on-state conflict in mind. Combating non-state actors, however, presents a number of distinct challenges in terms of operations, cost, and mindset. Non-state actors generally strive to hide within civilian populations. While U.S. policy makers typically seek quick and decisive victories, non-state actors seek protracted war. Non-state actors often employ cheap, commercially available weapons, that often result in expensive responses by the United States. Many of the weapons and methods employed today by U.S. armed forces can be used against non-state actors. Some, however, are more directly applicable than others. U.S. experience in conducting close air support (CAS), employing special operations forces (SOF) and advising friendly governments in using aviation to defend themselves from insurgents and terrorists may form a basis for building capabilities against non-state actors. -
Law of War Handbook 2005
LAW OF WAR HANDBOOK (2005) MAJ Keith E. Puls Editor 'Contributing Authors Maj Derek Grimes, USAF Lt Col Thomas Hamilton, USMC MAJ Eric Jensen LCDR William O'Brien, USN MAJ Keith Puls NIAJ Randolph Swansiger LTC Daria Wollschlaeger All of the faculty who have served before us and contributed to the literature in the field of operational law. Technical Support CDR Brian J. Bill, USN Ms. Janice D. Prince, Secretary JA 423 International and Operational Law Department The Judge Advocate General's Legal Center and School Charlottesville, Virginia 22903 PREFACE The Law of War Handbook should be a start point for Judge Advocates looking for information on the Law of War. It is the second volume of a three volume set and is to be used in conjunction with the Operational Law Handbook (JA422) and the Documentary Supplement (JA424). The Operational Law Handbook covers the myriad of non-Law of War issues a deployed Judge Advocate may face and the Documentary Supplement reproduces many of the primary source documents referred to in either of the other two volumes. The Law of War Handbook is not a substitute for official references. Like operational law itself, the Handbook is a focused collection of diverse legal and practical information. The handbook is not intended to provide "the school solution" to a particular problem, but to help Judge Advocates recognize, analyze, and resolve the problems they will encounter when dealing with the Law of War. The Handbook was designed and written for the Judge Advocates practicing the Law of War. This body of law is known by several names including the Law of War, the Law of Armed Conflict and International Humanitarian Law. -
Name: 00001205
UNITED NATIONS A General Assembly Distr. GENERAL A/38/651 8 December 1983 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH 'OA/ Thirty-eighth session Agenda item 29 THE SITUATION IN AFGHANISTAN AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE AND SECURITY Letter dated 7 December 1983 from the Permanent Representative of Afghanistan to the United Nations addressed to the President of the General Assembly I have the honour to refer to my statement of 23 November 1983 1/ in exercise of the right of reply of my delegation, in the course of which I requested Your Excellency to issue as a document of the General Assembly the full text of my statement which I could not conclude owing to the shortage of time. I have further the honour to submit to you the full text of that statement with the request for its distribution as a document of the General Assembly under agenda item 29. (Signed) M. Farid ZARIF Ambassador Permanent Representative 1/ A/38/PV.69, p. 52. 83-34878 1056u (E) /.. A/38/651 English ANNEX Page 2 Statement by the Permanent Representative of Afghanistan In his statement yesterday in this Assembly, the Head of the Pakistan delegation referred to my Government as a regime which was installed and is being sustained by alien forces. His falacious version of the reality, notwithstanding, we regret the fact that not all delegations abide by the elementary rules of ethics in this Assembly or in their inter-state relations. "Te therefore abstain from calling his government as the Islamabad military regime which is being sustained by bayonets and bullets. -
Hardening Soft Targets
New Visions for Public Affairs, Volume 11, Spring 2019 || 14 Policy in Action Piece Hardening Soft Targets Daniel Henne University of Delaware Terrorism was once a scattered, intermittent concern for the global community. It is now an everyday security problem that primarily affects large urban centers that have not been secured. Proper risk assessment, intelligence collection, public awareness, organizational collaboration, and improvements in technology are key areas and points that need to be emphasized in terrorism prevention. When it comes to implementing effective counterterrorism practices, places such as New York City have made strides. The city’s ability to prevent attacks can be contributed to their extensive use of surveillance systems, as well as their robust information- sharing and collaborative abilities. This paper assesses the major findings in counterterrorism literature and in practice, providing examples of advances that New York City has utilized in order to keep people safe from terrorist attacks. Policy Problem and Historical Context keep counterterrorism and soft target hardening Terrorist attacks and their effects on at the forefront of their public safety concerns. people throughout the world have been a In addition to this analysis, the following paper protracted concern for the past twenty years. will recommend improvements that can be Although the methods in which these types of made to bolster practices and procedures in attacks have varied, a vast majority of them developing better public safety standards and have occurred in places that can be defined as outcomes. soft targets (French, 2015). Soft targets are locations that are accessible to large numbers of Terrorism and Soft Targets people and that have limited security or There is no universally accepted definition protection methods in case of an emergency. -
Responding to Victims of Terrorism and Mass Violence Crimes Coordination and Collaboration Between American Red Cross Workers and Crime Victim Service Providers
U.S. Department of Justice Office of Justice Programs Responding to Victims of Terrorism and Mass Violence Crimes Coordination and Collaboration Between American Red Cross Workers and Crime Victim Service Providers “Putting Victims First” U.S. Department of Justice Office of Justice Programs 810 Seventh Street NW. Washington, DC 20531 Alberto R. Gonzales Attorney General Regina B. Schofield Assistant Attorney General John W. Gillis Director, Office for Victims of Crime Office of Justice Programs Partnerships for Safer Communities www.ojp.usdoj.gov Office for Victims of Crime www.ovc.gov NCJ 209681 This document was prepared by the Office for Victims of Crime and the American Red Cross under contract number OJP–2001–253–M, awarded by the Office for Victims of Crime, Office of Justice Programs, U.S. Department of Justice. The opinions, findings, and conclusions expressed in this document are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. The Office for Victims of Crime is a component of the Office of Justice Programs, which also includes the Bureau of Justice Assistance, the Bureau of Justice Statistics, the National Institute of Justice, and the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. Contents Introduction and Overview . .1 OVC/American Red Cross Collaborative Timeline . .2 Natural Disasters, Acts of Terrorism, and Mass Violence Crimes: Similarities and Differences . .3 Office for Victims of Crime . .6 Crime Victim Assistance and Services . .8 Grants and Funding Available to Organizations Through OVC . .10 Basics of the Criminal Justice Process . .11 Conclusion . .13 References and Resources .