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The of Monographs from the African Studies Centre, Leiden The Afrikaners of South Africa

Vernon February ROUTLEDG E Routledge Taylor &. Francis Group

LONDON AND NEW YORK First published in 1991 by Kegan Paul International Limited This edition first published in 2009 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, 0X14 4RN

Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

© Afrika-Studiecentrum 1991

Transferred to Digital Printing 2009 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical,or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 10: 0-7103-0353-X (hbk) ISBN 13: 978-0-7103-0353-0 (hbk) Publisher’s Note The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint but points out that some imperfections in the original copies may be apparent. The publisher has made every effort to contact original copyright holders and would welcome correspondence from those they have been unable to trace. Contents

Dedication vii List of Illustrations ix List of Maps ix List of Tables x Preface 1

1. From ‘Dietsman’t o ‘Duusman’ 6 2. From a group unto itself 38 3. A Culture of the few 73 4. The Battle for the Mind 133 5. The‘Hen-en ’(Volk ) and the ‘Volkies’ 146 6. Timeo Danaos 179 Postscript The Monolith under Pressure 199

Appendices 1(a) Excerpts from ‘Statements on Race Relations’ by the Dutch Reformed Churches of South Africa,

V Contents number one, November 1960, Johannesburg, Information Bureau of DRC (Transvaal and Natal) 219 1(b) Excerpts from the latest document accepted by the General Synod of the Dutch Reformed Church, October 1986, entitled‘Ker k en Samelewing’ 225 1(c) A differing voice in theology - excerpts from the revised second edition (1987) of the Kairos Document, a theological comment on the political crisis in South Africa (first published in 1986) 229 2(a) The of South Africa 239 2(b) The Freedom Charter Expounded 245 What it says: Full text of the ANC’s‘Constitutiona l Guidelines’

Notes 249 Bibliography 274 Index 279

vi I dedicate this work to my ‘Oom’ Daantjie, ‘Tannie’ Trui, Willem, Karel who knew me in Ceres, and Andre and Chris, who discovered me in Amsterdam.

List of Illustrations, Maps, Diagrams and Tables

ILLUSTRATIONS

1 French Refugees welcomed at the Cape by Dutch Burghers 18 2 Namaquas. By Hendrik Claudius. From Tachard. 22 3 Facsimiles of signatures of some of the French Refugees 28

MAPS

1 Map showing position of farms granted to French and Dutch settlers up to 1700 26 2 South Africa 1836-1858 53 3 The Origin of the Horseshoe Form 160 (Prepared by the Commission) 4 Principal Tribes and Tribal Groups 163

DIAGRAMS

1 A constitutional model for accommodating a plural

ix The Afrikaners of South Africa

African society: How the of 1910 looks in 1985 188 (Information Office, South African Embassy, The Hague, 1985)

TABLES

1 A. Stamvaders van Kaapsche familiën, 1657-1795 10 (ancestors of Cape families) 2 Unheaded (from Heese) 12 3 Languages spoken in South Africa 139 4 Unheaded (from Tomlinson Report) 162

X Preface

The river ran from the mountains, twisting through my town, and flowed into the sea. Just before the railway line, there was the pastorie (rectory) of the Dutch reformed ‘dominee’ (Reverend). As a child growing up in the Cape, my family knew the ‘dominee’ and his family well. On the right hand side of the railwayline, straight across from the rectory, was a graveyard. It had an oxwagon as a monument - the symbol of the of the Afrikaner in 1836. ‘Onze Jan’(Hofmeyer ) was also buried here - this intellectual giant of Afrikanerdom, who with the Reverend S.J. du Toit were the key figures in the at the turn of the nineteenth century. In later years, they veered towards Cecil John Rhodes - thus losing some of their status. The Dutch governor, against whom young Bibault’s cri de coeur, ‘Tk ben een Africaander’ was directed at the beginning of the eighteenth century, also found solace under the mountains of my town. Some of my boyhood friends were Afrikaners who lived next door. I remember one in particular, Marius, who sat for his final high school exams at the same time as I did. He did not make it. Just prior to my exit, I saw him in the uniform of the airforce. I still wonder about him. In my mother’s ancestral home town, I had close friends whose

1 The Afrikaners of South Africa father was an Afrikaner proper and the mother ‘coloured’. The poor man’s name was erased from the family Bible. The children resembled Afrikaners, but were conditioned by a culture and an ideology which doomed them to roles of inferiority. Their father was the loneliest man I had ever come across in a town which was populated mostly by Afrikaners and ‘coloureds’ and completely Afrikaans-speaking. I have spoken Afrikaans all my life. Even now, when I write home to friends and my family, I use that language. Like the Flemish language pioneer, Jan Frans Willems, I underscore the maxim: De Taal is gansch het Volk - i.e. the language is the entire people. I have read some of the most lyrical prose and poetry in the Afrikaans language. Even in exile, I still recall the beautiful descriptions of a Sangiro, or lines from the poet Leipoldt. I have no political attitude towards the language, although I have analysed and understood the attitudes of oppressed South Africans to it. I can even fully sympathise with Miriam Makeba’s utterance in her recent biography that‘Afrikaan s is the language of genocide’, although academically I do not accept such a statement. Afrikaans is polluted with terminologies denigrating to the ’man of colour’: the language of the‘police’ , of law and order and oppression. But in exile I have learnt that ‘Dutch’, or ’English’fo r that matter, fulfilled similar roles in Indonesia and India. It is when man oppresses man that he taints his language. And now that I have substituted‘Dutch ’fo r ‘Afrikaans’ in my daily life, I can analyse the language situation between 1845 and 1899 in a much more detached manner; I can, on the basis of empirical evidence postulate: ‘Afrikaans too can be used by the oppressed to achieve their freedom’. I have young Afrikaners coming to visit me with their problems. They are now struggling with the problem of accepting blacks as full human beings, of throwing overboard a culture and an ideology that for centuries has caused them to accept their roles as masters. For these youngsters, there is the painful realisation that once they have crossed the political Rubicon, they are in a proverbial wilderness. It is, after all, not so easy to turn from a group unto itself into a group for others overnight. There were also nets flying at me to hold me back from flight long ago. But the final decision to leave and to contribute to a

2 Preface free society was made easy by the existence of a culture and a political ideology which doomed the majority of South Africans to servitude. It is this culture and ideology that I have tried to come to grips with, in a language, Afrikaans, I have spoken all my life. It was not an easy task. There was always the chance of succumbing only to vituperation. Hopefully, my passionate opposition to unfreedom and oppression in my country was firmly hinged by empirical observation. The Afrikaners of South Africa, is the consequence of my cultural and academic involvement with a people who created a culture and an ideology which, regrettably, can now only be interpreted in terms of the vast network of unfreedom for the majority of South Africans. Much has been written on the present-day situation in South Africa. Understandably, many of the books reflect the class background of the authors. An analysis of South Africa is often complicated by the fact of racism. Since Afrikaners are the major architects of the system, the approach to questions concerning the group was often an ethno-epidermic one. Afrikaner scholars went out of their way to prove that they were unique as a Volk, while non-Afrikaners were fascinated by this species as a peculiar human type with a peculiar language and a peculiar culture. The Afrikaner himself was incapable of turning from a group unto itself, into a group for others. Afrikanerdom was often seen as something extraneous to Western capitalism, with the emphasis on the peculiarities. Afrikaners themselves had no small hand in fostering this image of themselves - a ‘chosen group’ not completely sucked into the vortex of finance-capitalism, but with a continuing Western tradition and divine sanction. Afrikaner analysts who looked at the own group and the own society were invariably flag-wavers, ‘brothers-under-the-skin’ Those who during the centuries dared to deviate from the group norm and ethos, soon found themselves outside the tribe. Even the respected Church minister Ds (Rev) S.J. du Toit, who played such a significant role in the first Afrikaans language movement, found himself abandoned by the tribe when his Afrikaner Bond started to support Rhodes at the turn of the century. S.J. du Toit was luckier than most since he was one of the pioneers who fought so courageously for the recognition of Afrikaans. As such, he can never be ignored in textbooks. Others had no such luck at a later

3 The Afrikaners of South Africa stage; even the well-known Afrikaner statesman, General J.C. Smuts, who fought in the Boer War but who as Prime Minister of South Africa sided with the allies during the Second World War, cannot count on much sympathy from Afrikaner die-hards. The Reverend Beyers Naudé, whose father was one of the founders of the secret Afrikaner society, the Broerderbond, experienced the wrath of his tribe when he broke with their apartheid philosophy. Very few of the texts used in this book on the Afrikaner were written in English. The choice was deliberate. I wanted to see what was really said in the language which is such a part of the Afrikaner soul (volksiel). Professor Stern has written a very instructive monograph entitled The Führer and the People (1975). One is also aware of the rather ponderous works on structural linguistics devoted to the language of totalitarianism. The basic attempt in this study was to look at texts in Afrikaans, and situate these within the wider cultural and political context. Politicians and political scientists and columnists applaud readily whatever shift in power they perceive in apartheid South Africa. And they are non-plussed when the expected schism does not lead to the downfall of the government in South Africa. (vide: Muldergate, HNP and Treurnicht). From Professor Stern we learn that central to Hitler’s Weltanschauung were the concepts of romanticism and authenticity. Stern suggests in his book that in his type of research, literature is often as illuminating as an historical or economic analysis, and he demonstrates in a wider sense the value of literature to history and, vice versa, the value of history to literature. Jean-Pierre Fay postulated in his work, Langages Totalitaires (1975): The meaning of the word ‘history’ is inherently ambiguous. ’History’signifie s a totality of past events. It also designates the oral or written records of this totality. Thus, there is a ‘history’ of a ‘history’, i.e. a structure itself sequential of the narrative methods, codes or conventions through which the past has been given memorable form ... Even the driest document or archive, so far as the ‘historian’choose s to include it in his documentation, so far as he interprets it, is value-charged and located in what might be called‘a n ideological matrix’ ... Thus ‘history’ - the linguistic presentment of the past makes

4 Preface

‘history’. It organises our perception of the past, our cognitive remembrance, along particular ethnic, political, symbolic lines ... Each successive era or political culture reads previous readings and does so in the light of its own linguistic ideological reflexes. Political events and social movements‘generat e their own language fields’. Afrikaner history is loaded with such manifestos, statements and resolutions. The Afrikaner language was an important factor in the genesis of . Afrikaans history is also rich in dag-joernale (diaries). We know from sources that Hendrik Bibault’s cri du coeur in the streets of Stellenbosch, ‘Ik ben een Africaander’, in 1705, was more than an act of civil disobedience. For the first time, the word ’Africaander’ was used to mean ‘white’ (Mind Your Colour, Chapter 11). To Paul Kruger is attributed the statement:‘I n de stem van het volk heb ik gehoord de stem van God’(i.e . In the voice of my people, I have heard the voice of God). The validity of looking only (or almost exclusively) at texts in Afrikaans written by Afrikaners was further underscored when a BBC radio commentator commented recently on the Afrikaner leader, Eugène Terre’Blanche’s ‘blue eyes and lilting Afrikaans’ as part of his charismatic make-up. Terre’Blanche is the leader of the Afrikaanse Weerstandsbeweging (AWB) and believes with his followers that the future of Afrikanerdom is once more at stake - that the need for a third vryheidsoorlog is there. Many commentators see in people like Eugène Terre’Blanche a threat to the plans of the National Party to‘shar e power’wit h the dispossessed masses of South Africa. Terre’Blanche’s language may then be closer to that of Paul Kruger who, in his letter to Shepstone, referred to blacks as barbare (barbarians). An analysis of Afrikaans texts and statements reveals that Botha and others may have expunged barbare from their vocabulary. But they are still not so far away from Kruger’s ‘Afrika vir die Afrikaners’uttere d in 1883.

5 Bibliography

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