Escape from Pretoria
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The African National Congress Centenary: a Long and Difficult Journey
The African National Congress centenary: a long and difficult journey RAYMOND SUTTNER* The current political pre-eminence of the African National Congress in South Africa was not inevitable. The ANC was often overshadowed by other organiza- tions and there were moments in its history when it nearly collapsed. Sometimes it was ‘more of an onlooker than an active participant in events’.$ It came into being, as the South African Native National Congress (SANNC)," in $&$", at a time of realignment within both the white and the conquered black communities. In the aftermath of their victory over the Boers in the South African War ($(&&-$&#"), the British were anxious to set about reconciling their former enemies to British rule. This included allowing former Boer territories to continue denying franchise and other rights to Africans, thus disappointing the hopes raised by British under- takings to the black population during the war years. For Africans, this ‘betrayal’ signified that extension of the Cape franchise, which at that time did not discrimi- nate on racial grounds, to the rest of South Africa was unlikely. Indeed, when the Act of Union of $&$# transferred sovereignty to the white population even the Cape franchise was open to elimination through constitutional change—and in course of time it was indeed abolished. The rise of the ANC in context From the onset of white settlement of Africa in $*/", but with particular intensity in the nineteenth century, land was seized and African chiefdoms crushed one by one as they sought to retain their autonomy. The conquests helped address the demand for African labour both by white farmers and, after the discovery of diamonds and gold in $(*% and $((* respectively, by the mining industry.' * I am indebted to Christopher Saunders and Peter Limb for valuable comments, and to Albert Grundlingh and Sandra Swart for insightful discussions. -
Narratives of Madikizela-Mandela's Testimony in Prison
The Power Dynamics and ‘Silent’ Narratives of Madikizela-Mandela’s Testimony in Prison Lebohang Motsomotso Abstract This article explores the underlying ontological violence that occurs in the oppressive structure of prisons. As a site of power dynamics, prisons are naturally defined based on inequalities and hierarchies. As such, they are marked by relationships of domination and subordination of prison wardens and prisoners respectively. Winnie Madikizela-Mandela’s actions of resisting the power of the prison wardens becomes an instrument of challenging power. This power will be examined as phallic power and it signifies the overall oppressive systems. The prison experience becomes a mute narrative for Winnie Madikizela-Mandela who is imprisoned by a phallic power- driven system. It is a system that advocates for exercising control over prisoners by silencing and suppressing political convictions through a (il)legitimate system. Winnie Madikizela-Mandela functions as the focal point of discussion in this article through her experience, the argument that unfolds in this article illustrates the prime objective of the mechanics of power that operate in prison is to create docile bodies through, discipline that occurs by means of regulation, surveillance and isolation. Firstly, this article will outline how men monopolise power and how it is expressed and (re)presented through authority, reason, masculinity and dominance. Women are re(presented) through femininity, inferiority and lack of reason. Secondly, it explains and contextualises -
John Brown's Body Lies A-Mouldering in Its Grave, but His Soul Goes
52 I THE NEW AFRICAN I MAY 1965 struggle of the South African people this man, a member of the privileged group. gave his life because of his passionate belief in racial equality. This will serve to strengthen the faith of all those who fight against the danget of a "race war" and retain their faith that all human beings can live together in dignity irrespective of the colour of their skin. I have, of course, known of Mr. John Harris and his activity in the movement against apartheid in sports for some time. Last July, a few days before his arrest, the attention of the Sub-Com mittee was drawn to a confidential A THIRD-GENERATION SOUTH AFRICAN, message from him on the question of Frederick John Harris was born in sports apartheid. 1937 and spent part of his childhood I have recently received a message on a farm at Eikenhof in the Transvaal. sent by him from his death cell in From earliest days his intellectual Pretoria Central Prison in January. He brilliance was recognised in the family wrote: circle. He became a radio "Quiz kid" "The support and warm sympathy of and his relatives, several of whom were friends has been and is among my basic teachers, used to say half-seriously of reinforcements. I daily appreciate the him that he would one day be Prime accuracy of the observation that when Minister. From an early age his main one really has to endure one relies ultimately on Reason and Courage. I've dream was of himself as a statesman been fortunate in that the first has stood in an ideal South Africa. -
Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research International, Movement-Driven Institution Focused on Stimulating Intellectual Debate That Serves People’S Aspirations
1 Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research international, movement-driven institution focused on stimulating intellectual debate that serves people’s aspirations. The Ninth Newsletter (2018): Tender and Radiant World of Sadness and Struggle celina · Friday, April 27th, 2018 Dear Friends, Sadness and struggle is the mood in Yemen. My Yemeni friends, caught in the midst of an endless war, had a particularly terrible ten days. Saudi-UAE aircraft struck another wedding, while they assassinated an important Yemeni political leader. The UN attempts to raise funds to tend to the 22 million Yemenis who cannot survive without humanitarian assistance. Meanwhile, the new UN Special Envoy leaves his post in Syria – another unforgiving war – to try his hand at a political settlement in Yemen. This is the forgotten war, this war on Yemen – with Western arms dealers making a great deal of money selling munitions to the Saudis and the Emiratis who bomb without care for strategy. The details from this paragraph are in my report at Alternet, which you can read here. Surrender is not familiar to the human spirit. Yemen’s people continue to struggle to Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research - 1 / 6 - 05.08.2021 2 survive. The picture above is of a wall painting done last year by the Yemeni artist Haifa Subay (whom you can follow on twitter: @haifasubay). The horrors of the war in Yemen and Syria appear to be without end. A glance eastward will bring us to the Korean peninsula, where the two leaders of the North (Kim Jong-un) and South (Moon Jae-in) will meet on Friday. -
African Communist, No. 131
African Communist, No. 131 http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.0001.9976.000.131.1992 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org African Communist, No. 131 Alternative title African Communist Author/Creator South African Communist Party Publisher South African Communist Party (Johannesburg) Date 1992 Resource type Magazines (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa Coverage (temporal) 1992 Description Editorial Notes; The Strategic Debate: Palio Jordan, Blade Nzimande, Harry Gwala, Raymond Suttner, -
Living Learning Booklet
Living Learning by Lindela Figlan, Rev. Mavuso, Busi Ngema, Zodwa Nsibande, Sihle Sibisi and Sbu Zikode with guest piece by Nigel Gibson, Anne Harley and Richard Pithouse Rural Network The Church Land Programme (CLP) supports the Living Learning process and published this booklet during 2009. David Ntseng ([email protected]) coordinates the Living Learning programme within CLP, and Mark Butler facilitated the sessions, took the notes and put the booklet together. CLP is based in Pietermaritzburg, KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. They can be contacted by phone at +27 33 2644380, and their website address is: www.churchland.co.za, where you can download a PDF version of this booklet. Please feel free to make use of the content of this booklet, with appropriate acknowledgement of the organisation and authors. LLivingiving LLearningearning TThehe CContributorsontributors Lindela Figlan Rev. Mavuso is Busi Ngema is is a second year a second year a second year student in the student in the CEPD student in the CEPD CEPD programme. programme. He is programme. She is He is the Vice- the Secretary of the the Youth Organiser President of Abahlali Rural Network. for the Rural BaseMjondolo Network. Movement. Zodwa Nsibande Sihle Sibisi is Sbusiso Zikode has has graduated in the a second year graduated in the CEPD programme. student in the CEPD CEPD programme. She is the National programme. He is the He is the President Secretary of Abahlali Treasurer of Abahlali of Abahlali BaseMjondolo BaseMjondolo BaseMjondolo Maovement. Movement. Movement. TThehe CContributorsontributors 1 TThehe gguestuest ccontributors:ontributors: Nigel C. Gibson is the author Fanon: The Postcolonial Imagination, and the editor of a number of books including Rethinking Fanon; Contested Ter- rains and Constructed Categories: Contemporary Africa in Focus (with George C. -
Madikizela's a Human Being Died That Night
History, memory and reconciliation: Njabulo Ndebele’s The cry of Winnie Mandela and Pumla Gobodo- Madikizela’s A human being died that night Ralph Goodman Department of English University of Stellenbosch STELLENBOSCH E-pos: [email protected] Abstract History, memory and reconciliation: Njabulo Ndebele’s The cry of Winnie Mandela and Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela’s A human being died that night This article deals with two texts written during the process of transition in South Africa, using them to explore the cultural and ethical complexity of that process. Both Njabulo Ndebele’s “The cry of Winnie Mandela” and Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela’s “A human being died that night” deal with controversial public figures, Winnie Mandela and Eugene de Kock respectively, whose role in South African history has made them part of the national iconography. Ndebele and Gobodo-Madikizela employ narrative techniques that expose and exploit faultlines in the popular representations of these figures. The two texts offer radical ways of understanding the communal and individual suffering caused by apartheid, challenging readers to respond to the past in ways that will promote healing rather than perpetuate a spirit of revenge. The part played by official histories is implicitly questioned and the role of individual stories is shown to be crucial. Forgiveness and reconciliation are seen as dependent on an awareness of the complex circumstances and the humanity of those who are labelled as offenders. This requirement applies especially to the case of “A human being died that night”, a text that insists that the overt Literator 27(2) Aug. 2006:1-20 ISSN 0258-2279 1 History, memory and reconciliation: Njabulo Ndebele .. -
Vocational Education and Training for Sustainability in South Africa: the Role of Public and Private Provision
International Journal of Educational Development 29 (2009) 149–156 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect International Journal of Educational Development journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ijedudev Vocational education and training for sustainability in South Africa: The role of public and private provision Simon McGrath a,*, Salim Akoojee b,1 a UNESCO Centre for Comparative Education Research, School of Education, University of Nottingham, Jubilee Campus, Wollaton Road, Nottingham NG8 1BB, United Kingdom b Manufacturing, Engineering and Related Services Sector Education and Training Authority, 3rd Floor Block B, Metropolitan Park, 8 Hillside Road, Parktown 2001, South Africa ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Keywords: Written in the twilight of the Mbeki Presidency, this paper considers the role that skills development has South Africa in the sustainability of the South African political–economic project. It explores some of the Private disarticulations of public policy and argues that these both undermine public sector delivery and Public open up opportunities for private provision to be, under certain circumstances, more responsive to the Vocational education and training challenges of national development. We argue that there is a possibility that the state could work more Economic development smartly with both sets of providers. Crucially, however, this would necessitate working more smartly within itself. This was a major plank of the Mbeki strategy but it has failed conspicuously with regard to the Education–Labour relationship. Whether a new President can achieve a radical reworking of this relationship may be an important indicator of the viability of any new development project. The article concludes with reflections on the renewed international interest in skills development as a way of responding to the real and imagined pressures and opportunities of globalisation. -
Anna Selmeczi Central European University Selmeczi [email protected]
“We are the people who don’t count” – Contesting biopolitical abandonment Anna Selmeczi Central European University [email protected] Paper to be presented at the 2010 ISA Convention in New Orleans, February 17-20th Panel: Governing Life Globally: The Biopolitics of Development and Security Work in progress – please do not cite without the author’s permission. Comments are most welcome. 2 “We are the people who don’t count” – Contesting biopolitical abandonment 1. Introduction About a year before his lecture series “Society Must be Defended!”, in which he first elaborated the notion of biopolitics, in a talk given in Rio de Janeiro, Foucault discussed the “Birth of the Social Medicine”. As a half-way stage of the evolution of what later became public health, between the German ‘state medicine’ and the English ‘labor-force medicine’, he described a model taking shape in the 18th century French cities and referred to it as ‘urban medicine’. With view to the crucial role of circulation in creating a healthy milieu, the main aim of this model was to secure the purity of that which circulates, thus, potential sources of epidemics or endemics had to be placed outside the flaw of air and water nurturing urban life. According to Foucault (2000a), it was at this period that “piling-up refuse” was problematized as hazardous and thus places producing or containing refuse – cemeteries, ossuaries, and slaughterhouses – were relocated to the outskirts of the towns. As opposed to this model, which was the “medicine of things”, with industrialization radically increasing their presence in the cities, during the subsequent period of the labor force medicine, workers and the poor had become to be regarded as threats and, in parallel, circulation had been redefined as – beyond the flow of things such as air and water – including the circulation of individuals too (Ibid., 150). -
Cronin-Sheehan Interviews 2001 and 2002
Cronin-Sheehan Interviews 2001 and 2002 The two interviews I did with Jeremy Cronin in 2001 and 2002 met with a storm of controversy and were much discussed in the mass media and at political meetings as well as much cited in academic texts. Due to the re-organisation of the DCU website, they have been inaccessible for an interval, but I am reposting them, because it is important that they be accessible for the historical record. I have merged them here as a single document. Jeremy Cronin in his office in the South African Parliament in January 2002. Photo by Helena Sheehan First Interview with Jeremy Cronin MP by Dr Helena Sheehan on 17 April 2001 at University of Cape Town HS: Jeremy, can you outline the basic trajectory of your intellectual development? How would you describe it? JC: It is undeveloped. HS: Well to the extent that any of us are developed … JC: Ok. Grew up in a middle class white English-speaking South African family. All of those things are significant in a South African context, not least for intellectual development. My father was a Catholic and that was also important from an intellectual developmental point of view. He died when I was 10 years old and we moved to very close to where we're sitting now in Rondebosch. I went to a Marist brothers school and I would guess that that was an early influence in terms of an interest in philosophy. A sort of intellectually serious, probably pretentiously serious, approach to things came at that stage when I was 13 or 14 from some extremely eccentric defrocked priests who were then teaching at the Marist brothers. -
The Anti-Apartheid Movements in Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand
The anti-apartheid movements in Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand By Peter Limb Introduction The history of the anti-apartheid movement(s) (AAM) in Aotearoa/New Zealand and Australia is one of multi-faceted solidarity action with strong international, but also regional and historical dimensions that gave it specific features, most notably the role of sports sanctions and the relationship of indigenous peoples’ struggles to the AAM. Most writings on the movement in Australia are in the form of memoirs, though Christine Jennett in 1989 produced an analysis of it as a social movement. New Zealand too has insightful memoirs and fine studies of the divisive 1981 rugby tour. The movement’s internal history is less known. This chapter is the first history of the movement in both countries. It explains the movement’s nature, details its history, and discusses its significance and lessons.1 The movement was a complex mosaic of bodies of diverse forms: there was never a singular, centralised organisation. Components included specific anti-apartheid groups, some of them loose coalitions, others tightly focused, and broader supportive organisations such as unions, churches and NGOs. If activists came largely from left- wing, union, student, church and South African communities, supporters came from a broader social range. The liberation movement was connected organically not only through politics, but also via the presence of South Africans, prominent in Australia, if rather less so in New Zealand. The political configuration of each country influenced choice of alliance and depth of interrelationships. Forms of struggle varied over time and place. There were internal contradictions and divisive issues, and questions around tactics, armed struggle and sanctions, and how to relate to internal racism. -
A3441 Alexandre Moumbaris Papers, 1970S-2000S Historical Papers
A3441 Alexandre Moumbaris Papers, 1970s-2000s Historical Papers Research Archive, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, 2020 11 boxes, photographs, 1 CD OVERVIEW The collection contains the personal papers of Alexandre (Alex) Moumbaris, particularly his arrest, trial and imprisonment in South Africa. Also included are related documents covering the various anti-Apartheid movements in France, including the work of his wife Marie-Jose, and documents relating to 'Okhela'. A number of documents and newspaper clips are in French. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Alexandre (Alex) Moumbaris, born in Egypt to Greek parents, began his political life in England as a member of the British Communist Party and later the South African Communist Party. He also joined Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), and together with his wife Marie-Jose became part of what is now known as the internationalist underground group ‘London Recruits’, for which they received the South African National Order “Sabotage Campaign Medal” in 2012. Alex and Marie-Jose Moumbaris were arrested on the 19 July 1972 while trying to cross the border from Botswana to South Africa during an MK operation, together with other members of MK. They were secretly detained for 4 months, before ‘Alexandre Moumbaris and 5 Others’ were charged under the Terrorism Act in January 1973. Marie-Jose, who was pregnant at the time with their first child, had been released through international pressure and deported to France in September 1972. Alex Moumbaris was sentenced to 12 years imprisonment on the 20 June 1973, which he started serving in the Pretoria Local Prison. On the 11 December 1979 Alex Moumbaris and two other prisoners, Tim Jenkin and Stephen Lee, made a daring escape from Pretoria Central Prison.