Nationalism and Modernization in Transitional Post-Socialist Romania

CEU eTD Collection Nationalism and Modernization in Nationalism andModernization In partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Masters in Arts Post-Socialist Romania Christoffer M.Andersen Christoffer Nationalism Studies Program Central European University Constantin Iordachi Budapest, Hungary Budapest, Submitted to: Supervisor: 2007 By i CEU eTD Collection Chapter II: Historical Diversity Chapter II:Historical Chapter IV: Developments intheNewMillennia Chapter IV:Developments TheNationalists Chapter III: andModernization Chapter I:Nationalism Conclusions: Theory Reassessed Theory Conclusions: ...... 1 Introduction . ainls n oi-cnmcPors ...... 19 1.2 Nationalism andSocio-Economic Progress . oi-cnmcHsoy...... 24 2.1 History Socio-Economic Economic History and Development...... 23 Bibliography:...... 80 4.3 PoliticalRecent and EconomicDevelopments...... 70 4.2 Escaping Nationalism Embracing and European Integration...... 68 4.1 Stability Finally inSight...... 66 Economic Stabilizationand Populist Rhetoric...... 64 3.2 Marginal Nationalists andLinkstoMain-Stream Politics...... 59 3.1 Nationalist Legacies...... 55 ...... 54 Social and Political Implications 2.3 Observations...... 52 Theoretical 1.1 Nationalism andModernization...... 10 ...... 7 Literature Review and Theoretical Innovation ABBREVIATIONS...... iii Abstract...... iii 2.2 Socio-Historical Comparative Analysis...... 42 2.2.2 Socialist Heritage and Transitional Issues 2.2.1 Contextualizing History 2.1.3 Post-Socialist Development Modernization’ ‘False or Development Socialist 2.1.2 2.1.1 Interwar developments 1.1.4 Theories of Modernization Adapted 1.1.3 Ernest Gellner and the link between Nationalism and Modernization Nationalism Defining 1.1.2 ofNationalism Theories 1.1.1 ...... 25 ...... 12 ...... 10 ...... 42 ...... 35 Table ofContents: ...... 17 ...... 72 ...... 46 ...... 29 ...... 14 ii CEU eTD Collection UDMR SRI PUR PUNR PRM PPDR NC Partidul Na PNTCD PNL PDSR PDN PD PCR MPR FSN DR CDR AUR consensusno is there Since abbreviation. Romanian with the stick I consequently confusion not create To norm. standard sometimes sources and studies some although form, the in Romanian given are abbreviations use all document the *Throughout the English abbreviation of it (put in onparentheses on thethe right) if existing, howeverEnglish this is not the translations of these names,ABBREVIATIONS theysocial and political implications to nationalism. mightnationalist awakening in the1990s it is important to illuminate these factors, without ignoring the varyprogress might undermine marginal groupings and ethno-political language. To understand the throughouteconomic decline might create the breeding ground for extreme nationalism, and how economic between modernization and nationalism is at thecore of the debate here, the focus lies at why as a response to theinsecurity andthe socio-economic decline. Although the presumption Romania in post-socialist the increased sentiment nationalist main-stream and movements nationalist text.appeal of extremeand economicdevelopment viewed in aspect of the the transition periodis theemergence ofthe nationalistsCentral Europe. Through asocio-historical analysis ofRomania’s experience of modernization illuminated.In the wake ofthe communist break-down there was a strengthening of nationalism across East- The arguments presented here are that marginal Hungarians in Romania Uniunea DemocratUniunea Român deInforma Serviciul Partidul Umanist România /The Humanist Party Partidul Unit Partidul România Mare/ Greater Romania Party Partidul PopularDemocrat Român Democrats Partidul Na Partidul Democra Partidul Dreaptei Na Partidul Democrat / Democratic Party Party Communist / Romanian Român Comunist Partidul Mi Frontul Salv Român Dreaptei Conven Alian û carea Pentru România /Movement For Romania ŗ a pentru Unitatea României / Alliance for Romanian Unity ŗ ia Democrat ŗ ionale Liberal/ TheNational Liberal Party Ĉ ŗ : * Ĉŗ ionale T rii Na ii Na Ĉ /Romanian Right /Romanian ŗ iei Sociale din România / Romanian Social Democratic Party ŗ ŗ ionale / National Salvation Front Ĉ ionale din România / Party of Romanian National Unity ŗ Ĉ aMaghiarilor din România/ Democratic Allianceof ionale /The Party of National Right Român ĈUĈ nesc Cre ŗ ii / Romania’s Information Service Information /Romania’s ii Ĉ / Romanian Democratic Convention û Ĉ tin Democrat /National Party of Christian /Romanian Popular Party Abstract (DAHR) (DP) (RCP) (NSF) iii CEU eTD Collection the fall of communism had 'taken the lid off' ethnic hatred, but others argue that it is more states post-socialist the around all place taking movements nationalist elites and populist/nationalist rhetoric. In the 1990s East-Central Europe saw a strengthening of transition was followed by economic hardship, socio-economic decline, power struggles of new decade that transition.had The transition was to implement economic, political and social takenchanges within one more than a century in other more developed countries to do. The the economy. As such modernization bears many similarities to the parties and ethno-political language. Nationalism can be defined asthe defined be can Nationalism language. ethno-political and parties modernization. But the transitional period was also aperiod of an upsurge in marginal nationalist put pressure upon Romania, speeding up the process of transition, democratization and from planned-economy to free-market. The accession to the European Union has undoubtedly throughout the 1990s aswell. 1 can be seen as the state planned-economy to capitalism; and last but not least, European integration. Modernization political and intellectual order, the creation of a democratic society, and economic transition from the issues of transition and modernization the countries had to go through: re-establishment of a to linked clearly be can 1990s inthe movements nationalist of resurgence The insecurity. of state 1983: 1; Smith 1991: 73). The sudden death of socialism left East-Central European citizens in a movement accession, January 1 The process which began after the fall of communism in December 1989 until the date of EU This is not to say that nationalism didn’t exist in West Europe, it certainly did and populism in the western discourse strengthened their positions the westerndiscourse strengthenedtheir and populism in itcertainlydid existinWestEurope, didn’t that nationalism say Thisisnotto for attaining or maintaining the congruence of a political and national unit (Gellner long-term st 2007, marked an end to a transitional period from socialism todemocracy, process of industrialization, democratization and the capitalization of Introduction 1 . Some people argue that short-term sentiment project of the carried by a 1 CEU eTD Collection last five years that the transition and European integration was taken seriously throughout most process of democratization, the economy and much else seemed to befailing. It was only in the when instability, insecurity and nationalism were sweeping most corners of the country, while the period 2001 wasa approximately 1989 to in revolution the from period The goals. stipulated the process had started earlier, and only in thelast five years has it really progressed towards reaching (2001: 103-104). (2001: Dejanroot inregard discussion and Jovic ofthis see tootherpost-socialista more oftheorigin commonuse countriesaswell,butforthorough 2 between thetwo does not indicate challenge the argument that modernization creates nationalism showing that the the light ofmodernization, by focusing upon socio-economic development. The research will (see Stepan 1998: 219). The aim is todevelop theincorporation of nationalism and transition in incorporate ideas from each other; it seems as if the twoStepan points outfields that neither nationalism theories nor transitologistsof study have done much to have ignored each other Romania in the1990s in regard tothe process of democratization and modernization. Alfred consolidation and the socio-economic stability. The transitional period became complicated in were the root ofnationalism which threatened the smooth transition, the democratic the wake of the socialist collapse. In other words, the instability of political and structural changes my argument is that populism/nationalism can beexplained by problems with modernization in from such a conclusion. Although nationalisms existed in theEastern-bloc during Communism, ethnic tension in the region (Andersen 2005). This analysis will go further, but still not depart that improvements in economic relations between Hungary and Romania have underplayed important factors in the intensification ofmarginal parties and ethnic tension in Romania, and phenomenon. upsurge in populism actually took place all over Europe, and that it was not a post-socialist complicated than that, that the roots were elsewhere Most famous is Robert Kaplan (1994) of this formulation of ‘ancient hatred’ However,Kaplan thepresumptiontook ‘ancient Yugoslavconflict. in regard (1994) ofthisformulation of Mostfamous tothe is Robert I have argued in an earlier work that economic and democratic instability have been causation . 2007 marks the end of a chapter of transition, the 2 . Some of these have pointed out that an correlation 2 CEU eTD Collection contested meanings. Nationalism is everywhere, and in that sense can be said to be very be saidto canbe sense inthat and everywhere, is Nationalism meanings. contested measured or defined. Both nationalism and modernization have broad, multi-faceted and coining of modernization as ‘failing’ or ‘succeeding’ is problematic, since neither can be properly imprecise The 1973). (Eisenstadt as Communism such regimes, revolutionary under institutions modern of breakdown the in as as well period, interwar the in regimes totalitarian of flourishing illiteracy. A ‘reversal’ of modernization can also be seen in historical cases in regard tothe in increase an and re-agriculturalized by de-industrialized, coupled decline socio-economic the nationalism. The 1990s had a period of de-modernization which can be explained by looking at short-term process of ‘reversed modernization’, which was accompanied by ‘heightened’ as it was feared it would in the immediate years after the fall of socialism. economic progress and stability, nationalism did not emerge as a threatening, destabilizing force political, economic, individual and historical spheres. Thanks to European integration and stream politicians often focused on the 'return toEurope' and Euro-Atlantic integration in both populist parties, and to minor marginal extreme nationalist parties and organizations. While main- Michael Shafir has illuminated this discourse from main-stream politicians, nationalist and awakening of interwar figures, such as Antonescu, Codreanu, and other Iron Guard intellectuals. response to the Yugoslav Wars, see TzifakisresponseNikolaos totheYugoslavWars,seeWars’ Security”. (2001) onRomania Yugoslav Implication “The 3 sides; war in Yugoslavia and the dismantling of the Soviet Union security and geopolitics, Romania also found itself threatened by war and dissolution onboth how extreme nationalism turns into European populism. shorter view of the consequencestransition which will be examined here thoroughly, while only before the conclusion will a of of period the earlier the is mainly It 2005). Gallagher (see politics Europeanin Romanian spectres political integration process be illuminated to show Foran elaborate ofRomanian analysis security ofthe1990s issues inthebegin countries, andrelations toneighbouring as wellas the Romania’s At the beginning of the 1990s, Romania went through asocietal change which produced a Not only was progress slow in the first years of democratization, but in an aspect of 3 . The period also saw a re- 3 CEU eTD Collection more general long-term ones which are so pertinent to the general understanding of low-level definition ofmodernization, the short-term implications are valued rather than the besides this chapter, Thus actions. of modernizationcategories nationalist to linked modernization of aspects socio-economic and is mainly limited to economic‘modernization’ aspects in the issociety. a broadconstruction of a new approach In tonationalism andthe andmodernization theories. Althoughhigh-level definition,and modernization. By reviewing and discussing concepts and different approaches it leadsthe to a historical analysis focuses on low-leveltesting a presumption in theory. details and contributions to theory. The research does not aim solely at making theory, but rather 1990s, makes it a perfect case-study. Although case-study. a perfect it makes 1990s, starting points of transition and international concerns of the ‘upsurge’ of nationalism during the in asociological-historical analysis of Romania. Since Romania shows both one of the worst other into account to agreat extent. correlation is existing,true. The debate on modernizationit and nationalismis isoften cited and taken forcontested granted; while the and critiqued. Nevertheless, either side does not take the is and not symptom connection to) the growing number of marginal nationalist nationalism is in regard to the upsurge of nationalist while decline, socio-economic primarily connotes modernization’ failing or ‘reversal here, Greenfeld 2001; Eisenstadt 1973; Sztompka 1994). If such value-loaded language is mentioned problematic, authors on nationalism and modernization have been prone to use it (Gellner 1983; ‘successful’. Although such value-loaded language both to nationalism and modernization is why socio-economic decline is accompanied with extreme nationalism, and if this claim holds ofsocial unrest. The main claim which will beposed here is that In order tounderstand East-Central European nationalisms, theory will be contextualized Chapter 1 Chapter modernization deals with these theoretical approaches and existing literature on nationalism , fostered ultra-nationalism and ethnic conflict. The main question to answer one case-study is sentiment movements in main-stream politics, and (their and politics, main-stream in a theoretical, it still gives valid gives still it theoretical, , which can be viewed as a failing modernization, 4 CEU eTD Collection be compared to other countries as well. out how the diversity of history shapes development, and that Romania was notunique, and can 70s to the 80s, and consequently after the revolution in 1989 and the 90s. Comparatively, it looks deprivation and to quell social unrest, both in the interwar period, gradually increasing from the focuses upon how nationalism was used as a response or a tool in periods of economic from the interwar period, the post-socialist period did itmore. The socio-economic analysis ideology nationalist exploited communism justas there; was always Nationalism era. socialist interwar history, while at the same time a continuation of nationalist indoctrination from the diversity as afactor of influencing development. In the post-socialist era one saw a revival of and the progress of modernization has had in post-socialist Romania, focusing of historical nationalism legacies historical the shows It analysis. comparative asocio-historical introducing socio-economic data from the interwar period through socialism tothetransition period, before Europe took national doctrine, collectiveplace. memory and a discourse onthe geo-political situation ofRomania in UsingInsecurity and deprivation affects political attitudes, and in this period, a re-articulationanalytic of temporary ruralization, growth of illiteracy, gave way togrowthcategories in nationalist sentiment. decline and breakdown of industrial production, which included increased unemployment, such as political parties, the question is what the analysis. the of howtheyare interlinked. recognizes theimportance oftherelationsocio-economicmodernization data and thatofnationalism, to butfails togive aconvincinganalysis not by social or political analysts (see p. 155 and f3 for various economic economyandhave beenundertaken political most worksYadov ontherelation byeconomists, such that ofnationalism out (1993-1994) points analytic contributions). Similarly, as we shall see, Mary E. Fischernationalism, (1991) concludes thatnationalist forces might accelerate economic progress as seen inEngland, France and United States. However, as Alok (2001)Greenfeld study ofeconomic nationalism which, similarly Silver studyofMorris toanearlier (1967)and betweenGDP ontherelationship the socialandhistoricalsides, althoughdo not they dismiss orignorethe economic implications. Inmore general upLiah aspects, thisisfollowed while Daniel Daianu (1998) deals mainly with economic aspects of the transition, Katherine4 Verdery (1991;1996) and Tom Gallagher (1995; 2005) many modernization. Most importantly, the link between attitude and economy has been attempted by Mainly John R. Lampe MainlyJohnR. (esp.1982 2003)and separates theanalysistwo parts, in the historical andeconomically failing to contextualize the two, 4 , but has never been really fluid in asocio-historical context, which is the aim throughout Chapter 3 Chapter Chapter 2 Chapter deals with the main question through the transitional period and how economic examines the roots of nationalism oncongruence with modernization and 5 CEU eTD Collection of the findings, before presenting the concluding remarks on the research. accompanied by extreme nationalism. Inshort, the conclusion will go through ashort summary general lessons can belearned. Itis dedicated to answer the question: Why economic decline is peculiar at times. Although thefindings are sensitive togeneralization, the attempt is to see if any applicable rulestheory or lessons in an attemptcan draw any to futureidentify predictions. any pattern Romania from was thenot findings.unique, but isThis is done to see if any stronger economic incentive, when established, rather than an ideological one. nationalist outbursts coincided with economic decline, and nationalist parties seemed to have a establishment and connected to them. Put in a context of political realities, much of the ideological roots they had (communist continuation or interwar revival) and who were behind the economic progress are not a result of European integration, but one of the pre-requisites to it. this shift. But on the other hand, democratic consolidation, economic stability and socio- economic progress was one of the factors here, the aspect of European integration was central to Although populism. European more of form the took nationalism Romanian how show to analyse the progress in thefields of economy and democratization. During this progress it aims to is used years lastfive the media the of analysis discourse of sample Alimited integration. Chapter 4 Chapter Conclusions aims at discussing how nationalism changed face in the prospect of European gives a lengthier summery of the findings through revising and reassessing and revising through findings ofthe summery givesalengthier 6 CEU eTD Collection of Backwardness in Hungary, 1825-1945 5 predominating stronger elements from the former than the latter developed countries a fusion themodels between of words the shift from the communal collective life to the more individual urban setting. In less described in a different time and context as the move from convergence of modernization, transition and nationalism. any innovation of theory across specializations can behelpful inunderstanding of the this analysis. The literature theoreticalreview aspects in light of the pro-and con- arguments, while underliningtries the value it has for to collect theoriespresumed connection between nationalismfrom and modernization, this part aims a at illuminatingwide range of fields,is to stillsee if highly used today.paper. Although much of the theories introduce problematic, contested and criticized material,By it merging two aim is tocomedifferent up with aplausible theoretical framework, which will be tested throughout the fields of By reviewingstudy, existing literature and theory on the topics of nationalism and modernization, the and test the validity of the This has been shortly mentioned by many scholars, but here it represent an idea close to what Andrew C. Janos (1982)Andrewin it representanideaclosetowhat C. formulatedby manyscholars, This but here hasbeenshortlymentioned In a historical setting, modernization can beexplained by what Ferdinand Tönnies Literature Review and Theoretical Innovation andTheoretical Literature Review Nationalism and , p. 315. , p. Modernization Chapter I Gemeinschaft Gemeinschaft to 5 and , has often been the Gesellschaft Gesellschaft , or in other The Politics , with 7 CEU eTD Collection in their own way suitable for thegiven environment (traditions and history) ortoreject it, like try to find their own path toregain their dignity. The question is either how to adopt the changes realization ofnotbeing a needto differentialize themselves orprotect themselves from this saddened judgment or up in regard to the ‘other’. Modernization, or the escape from ‘backwardness’, enforces this, and tocatch- to aneed as areaction beinterpreted can nationalism this sense, 1998: 206).In (Taylor superiority and inferiority which the conqueror blithely accepts, and the conquered resists” into anew setting might give the feeling of conquest, and thus “there grow presumptions of society to a modernized and industrial society, can produce insecurity when faced with problems. agrarian a traditional from moving involved issues the see, will we As 1997). (Inglehart religion with xenophobia, intolerance towards ethnic groups, extreme nationalism and a stronger belief in for a strong political authoritarian saviour toprotect them from threatening forces, accompanied both periods, rapid societal changes producedmassive insecurity which inturnfosteredaneed in Consequently 2004a/b). Blokker (see period interwar atthe back look to is valuable it 1990s Therefore, to understand the societal changes and problems related to modernization in the 1992). (Hitchins communism of fall the after modernization and traditionalism between 'soulless' civilization (Blokker 2003: 13). Similar to the interwar period, Romania had to choose Gesellschaft. A senseof'mechanic solidarity' ofthe importance to the emergence of nationalism opposed to modernization has to beseen in light of generalization. Keith Hitchins in Hitchins Keith generalization. Taylor points out that taking western modernity for granted and introducing it directly relationships (Hitchins 1994: 298). which was seen as composed of individuals joined together merely be ‘exterior’ and ‘mechanical’and ‘natural’ links among its members, as the primary, organic form of social life, and rejected ‘society’, Tönnies’s Accordingly, the new society should be grounded in 'inspired' culture instead of Gemeinschaft on par und Gesellschaft with someone else can lead toextreme nationalism. Thus, the elites Rumania 1866-1947 (1887) which exalted ‘community’, based on as it was upon tradition upon was onasit based ‘community’, exalted which (1887) Gemeinschaft was preferred over the 'organic' one of (1994) points out that of particular 8 CEU eTD Collection the West as a treat to their sovereignty, increasing the emotional power of nationalist discourse. nature (see Blokker 2005b; Gallagher 2005). Inturn, the nationalists often rejected dictates from from the IMF, World Bank, European Union, OECD and others, which often was conflicting in economic, legal and financial institutions, largely dictated by ‘assessments and recommendations’ of the transition period. The transition period can beseen as imposed models of political, dissertation looks especially at Romania’s legacies to the present to understand the implications diversity implications of politicalcan and social history of the given country (Blokker 2005b: 504). Since be “seensocialist societies may converge towards a European standard, instead of exploring asthe diverse the resultthe aspect of Euro-Atlantic integration. Thus, transition studies have largely dealt with how post- of reproducedenvironment. As such, westernization had been given up, but replaced by ‘Europeanization’ in to continue the traditionslegacies of copying western standard and implement them in the given during the transitionin did take into account the specificity of the giventhe country, they largely tried present” ( specificity of the given country. path ofargument, one should implement, but also analyse, modernization in regard tothe environment, and creates the mechanism of national defence from Western superiority. In this the import of foreign models of modernization is producing incompatible components to a new for the preservation and creation oftraditions in the name of nationalism. Another aspect is that argument, modernization is what threatens the traditional life, and it isalso what makes the push The core of the nation is often that of (real and invented) traditions. Following this path of threatened (perceived of imagined), nationalism can become a force through a (mass) movement. humiliation” (Taylor 1998: 207). When what constitute the sentiment of the nation becomes its emotive power”. Further, this “is what places itso frequently in theregister of pride and many nationalists have done. The defence of dignity, one’s self-worth, is what “gives nationalism On the other hand, although western organization advising on thechanges implemented ibid. 510), the 9 CEU eTD Collection it in the view of that word’s multiple significations, nation-ness, as well as nationalism, are as wellnationalism, nation-ness, significations, multiple word’s that view of the it in Although myths only carry a kernel of truth, it represents the backbone of national history. for the nation it is projections into the past ofits real of ideal divisions of society (Boia 1997: 34). legacy ofthe past, how history is created, mystified and used. History does matter, created or real, light of both of them. Although theprimordial argument hardly is perfect, it sheds light onthe counts, the former is most important, but at the same time, the nation should be looked in the modern and constructed, that the nation is economic and aprocess of modernization. By most nationalism is old and primordial, mystifying the nation’s origin, the second that the nation is Two understandings have been made of the emergence of nationalism, one arguing that of Nationalism Theories 1.1.1 reformulating a helpful theory of socio-economic development of the 1990s. the core of the attention tosocial change, and the earlier theoretical mistakes where included understanding of separate national development. Modernization theories where not anymore at and revised toinclude new aspects of development theory in the light of a non-linear societies. Thedebate which had preceded and discredited modernization theories where included 1970s, after 1989 they where heavy revived in theaspect of transition and change in post-socialist towards nationhood. Although modernization theories were largely discredited in the 1960s and emergence of nationalism in regard to national awakening and consciousness in the process society to industrial society. Most of these scholars on nationalism have dealt mostly with the discussed theemergence of nationalism with modernization, the move from an agricultural emphasizeMany theories about the emergence of nationalism have evolvedthe from cultural aspects which importance1.1 Nationalism andModernization of a shared language, history, tradition and myths. Some have Benedict Anderson’s “point of departure is that nationality, or, as onemight prefer to put 10 CEU eTD Collection ability tocultivate amyth of ethnic election, or chosen people. Modern nationalism has a explanations for contemporary ethnic conflicts, the nation for survival is dependent upon the changes like modernization, secularization, democratization and globalization are incomplete Smith follows the direction of Hobsbawm in a different fashion, arguing that evolutionary 1998). (Smith fabric the of is afact traditions’ ‘invented term the that argues Smith D. Anthony can also be applied to recent turnovers of socialist regimes in East-Central Europe? However, ifit wonders one but industrialization, of stages early the to up heavily this links He traditions. (Hobsbawm 1983: 268), and thus social change created a mass-production of myths and ‘old traditions’ had been designed. The liberal project had put frequently in times of rapid societal change which weaken ordestroy social patterns for which invented traditions, and that these inventions of traditions are presumed to occur more fictitious. The core of his argument is that the notion of nationality is based on the creation of largely is continuity if this even past, a suitable with continuity implies nation the that argues (1983) Traditions” “Inventing in Hobsbawm Eric emphasis). original 1999: 8, (Smith sacrifice” self- mass and nationhood for candidates prime become should communities print imagined of fails to explain how nationalism can have such a profound emotional appeal, how the possibility primordial but imagined. Anthony D. Smith criticizes Anderson’s theory on the ground that “he became acquainted with ‘his’ nation through these written forms, and nationalism is therefore not written languages ( became gradually “fragmented, pluralized, andterritorialized” bytheemergence of different imagined community based on language, and through the history of national awakening, Europe constitute an ideology, but nationalism certainly wishes to become one. The nation is rather an cultural artefacts of a particular kind” (Anderson 1991: 4). For Anderson nationalism does not for ‘re-presenting’ the language through thenovel and the newspaper, and these “forms provided the technical means imagining the nation ibid. 19). The means of this achievement was through the popularization ofthe turns into the moral imperative of mass kind ofimagined community that is the nation” ( Gesellschaft dying for the nation ibid. against 25). Thus people Thus 25). Gemeinschaft , and why 11 CEU eTD Collection should be congruent,” while nationalism as nationalism as primarily as a political principle, “which hold that the political and national unit ‘nation’ potential or an actual constitute to members it’s of some by ideological movement for attaining and maintaining autonomy, unity and identity on behalf of a population deemed nationalism. Bydefinition, according to Anthony D. Smith one can “define national development of the nation, which to agreat extent can still be used in analysis of modern consolidation of nation-building. Nevertheless, they do present valuable definitions of the of modernization and industrialization, but fail to explain the emergence of nationalism after the In many ways these theories on the emergence of nationalism links it heavily totheearly period Nationalism Defining 1.1.2 worth preserving. nationalism, and especially as such, did notingrain thewhole society in Romania, but was described as promoters of “integral nationalism”. Itis important tokeep in mind, that the case of Romania in the beginning 1990’s, marginal nationalist movements can partially be nations do not create nationalism, but that nationalism creates nations. movement violation ofthe principle, or the feeling of satisfaction aroused by its fulfilment [and a] nationalist ( that nationalism “has secularized and universalized theold religious beliefs in chosen peoples” claims he Further, 130). 1999: (Smith traditions” and myths symbols, values, memories, ethnic at the world. Ethnic survival is incomplete without the awareness of “subjective elements […] such can help to explain the persistence and endurance of nationalism and ethnic conflict through-out tendency to reinforce these pre-modern election myths by secularizing orco-opting them, which ibid. 39). Thus, people come to believe in their nation as something bigger than themselves and These definitions function well as a general understanding of the term ‘nationalism’. In ‘nationalism’. term the of understanding ageneral wellas function definitions These is one actuated by a sentiment of this kind” (Gellner 1983: 1). Central for Gellner is that sentiment is “the feeling of anger aroused by the by the ” (Smith 1991: 73). Gellner defines Gellner 1991: 73). ” (Smith ism as an ism as 12 CEU eTD Collection and have taken the shapes of neo-Fascism and neo-Nazism, but are far from accepted in the and O’Mahony 2002: 148-149; see also Blokker 2005a). The former type of nationalism still exist, Delanty (see state strong a of promoters and intolerant xenophobic, are both former, the than foundation ofeconomic issues, employment, and corruption. Although amore narrow appeal organizations have rather taken populist roots, inside the confines of democracy, with a nationalist years recent in while andmassappeal, authoritarian, components, issues, biological the interwar period the dominant nationalist organizations had extreme tendencies with racial transition. political or decline economic it be instability, and insecurity experiences that countries in unrest social and dismay to asaresponse emerges times at parties, nationalist Marginal implication. main-stream trend, but rather because they reflect a symptom in the society which has a broader argument, is the emergence of such marginal nationalist movements, not because they reflect any description of the most extreme side of the nationalist movements in Romania. Central to the especially later, integral nationalism soon faded away, but the definition works well as a threats to the continued existence of the nation” (Alter 1994: 32). Throughout the decade, and national self-confidence, extraordinary events from theoutside, ora“real orself-perceived grows in extreme political environments whensentiments were generally preceded by acrisis of nationalism integral since post-1989, environment political Romanian the fits definition The 26). 1994: (Alter others” of expense the at nation own their of interest the assert to unscrupulously the nation, and only tothe nation. “Exponents of integral nationalism are prepared a tool, which can create extreme conditions. Itis a system where the individual belongs fully to grows under extreme conditions, such as during or after a revolution. Integral nationalism is also by neighbours or has had ablow to their self-esteem and other factors. This kind of nationalism nationalism is nationalism ofa more extreme sort, which happens when a nation feels threatened Integral parties. nationalist main-stream inthe some and groups marginal tomainly preserved Today two types of nationalism can be recognised as historical changing over time, during 13 CEU eTD Collection of modernization, the causes could just as well be elsewhere. the end of the 19 a similaranalysis on the emergence of Fascism in Mussolini’s Italy. 6 modernization link it in different ways to the emergence of European nationalism on ‘waves of nationalism’ in Europe). These traditional theories on the historical impact of ‘civic’ nationalism tobe found, the higher one is on the ladder of modernization (see Stepan 1998 more the that argues Gellner 1983:54-57). (Gellner traditions and myths culture, standardized to the industrial society, the establishment of local ‘high culture’ institutionalized, created and introduced, that the nation is a product of shared culture, and bythe move from agrarian society the same time it is populist, meaning that it is directed to speak ‘for the people’: definitions is that it is confined to politics aimed at a small segment of the population, while at sense on grievances of the failures in thesociety. The problems with the modern and populist nationalist discourse. While populist parties rather have an appeal to the ‘people’ in anarrow Ernest Gellner in Gellner Ernest 1.1.3 Ernest Gellner and the link between Nationalism and Modernization societies. post-socialist above is only typical in theWest, and fails to recognize the emergence of such organization in Delanty and O’Mahony (2002) notes that the ‘softer’ definition ofnationalist organizations given difficult tofind a single people in acountry, but rather different groups of people. Similarly Margaret Canovan points out that the concept of people is lacking in precise meaning, since it is Roger Griffin (2007) makes this point in regard to the emergence of Nazism in interwar Germany, while Emilio Gentile (1996 and2003) makes The label ‘populist’ is sometimes applied to certain broad, amorphous, reformist coalitions crossing classes and interest groups (Canovan‘catch-all 1981: people’s261). parties’ short on ideology, elective in their policies, and prepared toof accept all comers; to‘the people’ – to politicians who claim to speak for the whole people rather than for any faction; to th century century nationalismsaid canbe tobe aresponse bythemasses totheeffects Nations and Nationalism ( and Nationalism Nations 1983) follows up many of the points already styles of politics that draw on the ambiguous resonances 6 . Although by 14 CEU eTD Collection good for the nation, but economic problems might develop social and regime instability (Gellner can beattributed to this. In a later book, Gellner argues that constant economic growth can be (Gellner 1983: 55), much of the instability experienced in theinterwar and post-socialist Romania Romania. Since it “is nationalism which endangers nations, and notthe other way around” transition between ‘low’ and ‘high culture’, nationalism has been constant in 20 in the middle of the third stage where modernization is notfinalized and still in progress, still a in consolidated among the countries’ citizens. If one sees Romania as being in aposition constantly transition from ‘low’ to‘high culture’ as it triggers nationalism when national identity is becoming homogenous ‘high culture’ might result in ethnic hatred and nationalism, especially during the societies, as it emerged in rural societies as well. industrial for reserved not is nationalism Thus, terms. historical asin now both elite, nationalist rural class, together with other strata of the society has been easily prone to manipulation bythe marker (see Mungiu-Pippidi: 2002: 30-33). However, Gellner fails totake intoaccount that the tradition of localism (or regionalism) and do not value the‘nation’ as their primary identification the rural population in Romanian (and to alesser extent elsewhere in Europe) has a strong concept of nationalism fails totake root. This can beconfirmed by new findings that show that the communities agricultural In rural. heavily prevailed out that according to Gellner, Romania kept a sense of unrealized nationalism, since the country industrialization is needed for theestablishment of nation-states. In this regard, one might point nationalism and creation of nations. In the completion ofthe third stage, he sees that societies to industrial ones. Inother words, modernization is crucial to theemergence of and industrial. Nationalism is logically based on thetransition from agrarian –oragroliterate – agrarian thepre-agrarian, development; of stages three through goes society Each nationalism. follow a linear development, and this development is accompanied with different forms of Gellner attempts to explain how in thelater stages of industrialization thecreation ofa The link between modernization and nationalism presented by Gellner is that societies sentiment is turned inwards, and the th century 15 CEU eTD Collection 8 Modernity to Roads towards the emergence of nationalism. attempt that will be proposed here tries examining whether there is a pattern in modernization 7 and only afew have recognized the importance of economic factors for its re-emergence the theories fail to explain the emergence of ultra-nationalism later in anation’s development, nation-building and self-determination sweeping across Europe at the time. However, most of other. The upsurge of nationalism at the end of the 19 national identity and collective memory the re-emergence and growth of extreme nationalism. However, nationalismalso includes in role crucial a play can socio-economics see; shall as we since nationalism, and modernization between relationship the illuminate to is important It 1998: 37). (Smith westernization economic growth and industrialization oreverything that accompanies industrialization, notable what hemeans with modernization asit remains a vague concept in his work. It refers either to linear approach in regard tomodernization misses several crucial points; hedoes not really define and economic development. However, Gellner’s assumption of nations and nationalism as a with a certain linear framework to follow) to understand its emergence in line with modernization (Gellner 1983: 46). As such, it is helpful to view each case historically, in asemi-linear (non-linear nationalism toemerged since no single component is necessary, but all might help to facilitate it such as language, religion, territory, history etc. – alone to guarantee the ‘success’ or ‘failure’ of economic decline might create nationalism. that imply explicitly not does he point, a fundamental upon touches he Although 25-26). 1997: See footnote 4. Seefootnote Thisisa similar approach Liah(1992) as Greenfeld madeandforamoreof thoroughdefinition this, seeher introduction to Rightfully, Gellner points out that it is impossible topick out one specific component – . 7 , since they are interlinked and complementary to each th century can be viewed to the process of Nationalism: Five 8 . The 16 CEU eTD Collection seen in socialist countries represented a ‘fake modernity’: promoted modernization ‘from above’ during Communism, and as a result themodernization and social changes. political effects it subsequently aspects, and technical economic to refers only latter the although modernization, with equated is widely Industrialization 6-7). 1966: (Black industrialization probabilistic difficult to difficult which will be elaborated later, shows that the social value-change will ata certain time make it to be taken into account, and (3) the correlation between modernization and democracy, a point does not follow the same line as others have done; in other words its uniqueness to each case has history, (2) in anon-linear approach, meaning that the process goes through different phases, and socioeconomic data, while taking into account the influence of tradition and importance of Inglehart and Welzel stipulates that modernization should beviewed in the light of (1) are widely used interchangeable; modernization is a much broader term than that ( Modernization should not be confused with ‘Europeanization’ or‘Westernization’, although they ‘modernization’ is the process by which they acquire these characteristics (Black 1966: 6). which are most advanced technologically, politically, economically and socially, and Delanty and O’Mahony 2002; Linz and Stepan 1996). Modernization is characteristic to countries 1997; Inglehart 1999; (Eisenstadt culture of intellectualization and literacy knowledge, education, third, cultural components such as growing occupational specialization and higher level of democratization and endurable democratic institutions, capitalist-political economies, power; and, formation, and state anation-state of creation as the such formations institutional accounts for urbanization, industrialization, economic development, capitalism; second is Modernization can bedefined in thestrains of three different paths; first, structural changes 1.1.4 Theories of Modernization Adapted Piotr Sztompka (1993) points out, the countries of Soviet Union and Eastern Europe had . Modernization also includes the political and social changes that accompany avoid democratization (see Inglehart and Welzel 2005: 5-6); it is not deterministic but ibid. ). Similarly, ). 17 CEU eTD Collection differently from before. In other words: “In the period ofeconomic and social transformation affected people’sFurther, industrial, economic, educational and cultural modernization rapidly changed andlives, butconcerned, but it also caused somealso of modernization’s most difficult problems” (Black 1966: 75). created modernization,a because it was the mostnew effective way tomobilize theefforts of the people type of state in Black Edwin Cyril As that neededprecedes that of state-building, this creates institutionalto instability (Linz and Stepanconsolidate 1996: Ch. 2). stabilizing force to create followers in the process of state-building.itself When nation-building experienced after Worldregimes pursued by the institutional, democratic and economicWar instability nations of Europe I. In the wake urbanizationof and other structural changes.this, However, it can be also attributed to the unstable politiciansresponse the societal changestended modernization brought with it, such as industrialization, to use nationalism as a again. will show industrial output fell, unemployment grew and the country became more ruralized from above. In the collapse of communism it proved itself incompatible tosurvive, and as data forced urbanization and industrialization with no regard to demand and supply were dictated (Sztompka 1994: 138). Although, to coin is at ‘fake’ modernization is clumsy, it is based on that 1989 where this ‘fake modernity’ had in somerespects returned the country to pre-modernity socialist regime had experienced a ‘failed modernization’ which had reversed development by evaluation ofsocialist modernization is close towhat is argued here that the Romanian post- Although Sztompka does not clearly differentiate between modernization and modernity, his The tendency of ultra-nationalism in theinterwar period has often been seen as a ornamentsations pretending to imitate western modernity (Sztompka 1994: 137). traditional,three components: of combination contradictory internally disharmonious, incoherent, the is modernity’ (1)‘fake by mean I What imposed modernity in some domains of social life, coupled withpre-modern (2) the vestiges of society in many others, and all that dressed up with (3) the symbolic Dynamics ofModernization points out: “Nation-building was essential to 18 CEU eTD Collection changes attributed to theprocess of modernization.focus onpurely A economic aspects of relationship between nationalism and economy has often been viewed as apart of the structural roots preceding that of industrialization in theWest (Delanty and O’Mahony 2002: 14). The the dominant determinator of socio-economic development is that ofcapitalism which have Institutional components such as democratization and state formation are political projects, but and1.2 Nationalism Socio-EconomicProgress this way it moves the importance of the Nation strong emotions towards the local community, be it patriotism towards the village orthe city). In cosmopolitan, which both creates supra-regionalism (such as Europeanism) and localism (such as how European identity is emerging inside the EU. emerging the is inside how Europeanidentity 9 and the itself. In the long run it seems like modernization can diminish nationalism as it moves the nation coincided with nationalism, it becomes over-simplified to put as the create nationalism to its defences sounds valid. Although the early period of modernization threatened the traditional life of the nation. The traditional argument that modernization can modernization time same the At system. belief as aseparate such people, to the aspects new homogenization. Modernization and nationalism correlate in this aspect, since they introduced extent some and to the past with a break poses which secularization, of aprocess includes inhabitants would find their collective identity opposed to the out-group. Modernization also nation and nationalism became increasingly predominant to bind people collectively together to fight for character that might threaten national cohesion” (Black 1966: 75). Thus, the language of of one’s own society and at the same time, a systematic attack on loyalties of a local or ideological nationalism comes to represent ajealous concern of almost psychotic proportions for the security See Alina Mungiu-Pippidi (2002) for a short discussion on statistical findings on Romanian regionalism, or Jack Citrin and John Sides (2004) on andJohnSides on Romanian Citrin findings (2002)or Jack regionalism,short discussiononstatistical for a SeeAlinaMungiu-Pippidi ethnie one out of the core centre of existence by slowly introducing a more international or country. Nationalists planted seeds of fear of the ‘other’ so that the countries’ per se down the ladder 9 . causes onmodernization by one 19 CEU eTD Collection the scientific problem I will deal with, Fischer writes: to the emergence of Romanian nationalism (Verdery 1991). Most important of all, and central to reinforced in the transitional period) bywhat she called ‘shortage economy’, an ingredient crucial Verdery explains how society had become ethnically divided in thelast years of communism (and [exacerbated the] tension among the various ethnic groups” (Fischer 1991: 163). Katherine that scarcity economic continuing “the of aresult was 1990, March in incident Mures Tîrgu positive process of modernization in the role of maintaining political and economic stability. The (1991), she points out the importance of socio-economic progress; economic stability and the subject of political actors should be taken into account (see Jovic 2001: 101). reduce the causes to single components misreads the picture where the context took place, and together with cultural political and social factors as well (Payne 1995: 489-494). As such, to economic factorsto review to explain theunderlying roots of heightened popularity of nationalism.have However, failedeconomic development” (Greenfeld 2002: 4). socio-economic Assuch, factors might behelpful to explain themodernization ignores the cultural aspectsrise of it, but “culture represent a projection of the of nationalism alone, and should be viewed functional prerequisite of economic modernization – as caused by capitalism and industrialization 2002:14). O’Mahony and nurtured nationalism since capitalismgenerates social inequality and conflicting interests (Delanty have that societies in conflicts generating in factor a crucial is capitalism that argued have Others stability absolute terms and at a rate to keep up with the citizens’ expectations vocationalcitizens, it can also be defined in terms of positive change in educational levels, productive power, socioeconomic data opportunities,values in such a way as to increase the capacities of all members and of society, ofinstitutions a transformation and change, it technological and ofeconomic aprocess implies Development access to resources, and living standards. These improvements must be in In Mary E. Fischer’s chapter on “Politics, Nationalism, and Development in Romania” Liah Greenfeld argues that nationalism is only presumed to be either a reflection or a (Fischer 1991: 136, my italics). . Because development implies growth in the mental and physical capacities of most of capacities physical and mental the in growth implies development . Because in order to maintain political and economic can often be measures by can oftenbemeasures 20 CEU eTD Collection general misconception is that modernization is a period belonging to the past, especially with its A otherwise. suggest might that effects to side led has modernization of process the although degree of centralization onthese areas. Modernization does not necessarily lead tonationalism, the and level educational endurance, democratic stability, political and institutional progress, emergences of nationalism will be shown. This has to be analyzed both in regard to economic to the historical analysis apresentation ofthe process of modernization in regard tofluctuating understand the socio-economic reality which lies beneath it. By integrating socio-economic data Delanty and O’Mahony 2002: 143). group, and promotes ethnic networks in certain sectors of spatial areas (Verdery 1991; 1996; dynamic of socio-economic distribution in nation-states which favour one or another ethnic and O’MahonyDelanty (see alternatives political of lack and system the of dismissal their voice to desperation 2002: 15).turned to extreme nationalist movements not so much out of conviction,‘Welfare but rather out of change andwhose placein societyisfilled insecuritywith andsafety. future Thesehaveoften Nationalism’ social and transition from lost system, capitalist the of victims fallen have who those in roots is characteristicthe nation. by those of core at the capitalism and market ofliberal base economic an has nationalism statesWestern while where anti-capitalism, and spirituality superiority, ofcultural aspects nationalist in is subsumed East the the economic growth in confines the ofnationalism. Hertheory creates an East-West dividewhere growth, and that orthodox countries rather had an inbuilt incompatibility to promote such ignores the possibilities that nationalism can also beseen as a response to the failure of economic such as Russia do not have abuild in component of economic nationalism (2002: 475), Greenfeld that Western countries have developed in tandem with economic nationalism, some countries – but rather that the orientation towards economic growth is a product of nationalism. Stating To understand the underlying components to the upsurge of nationalism, one has to In recent years there have been the emergence of ‘welfare nationalism’ which have its 21 CEU eTD Collection have ended until endurable democracy is ensured. to be said not can modernization societies, topost-socialist Inregard being. of state immaterial societies which have moved beyond industrialization and economic insecurity, to amore post-modernization, which can be defined as a cultural shift in highly educated and urban modernization is a never ending process, and only parts of the society moves into the spheres of term project which the transition wished to realize in less than adecade or two. For some, heavy linkage tothe age of industrialization and democratization. Modernization is also thelong- 22 CEU eTD Collection economy, social and political system in a few years, years which in the West had taken many taken Westhad inthe which years in afewyears, system political and social economy, post-socialist countries had big challenges ahead; they where expected to transform their in theworld which are worst conditioned to become democratized (Huntington 1991: 278). All nationalist parties when socio-economic data changes fundamentally. measured to that of nationalism tosee how it affects ethno-political language and marginal important to understand the implications it has on the other factors. Economic modernization is historical periods, different factors are implemented as they are specific for their period and In different time. of periods different in evaluated be will factors, former the by influenced foreign direct investment will bediscussed, andconclusively literacy and education asindirectly can befound elsewhere. Tomeasure modernization agriculture, industrialization, exports and confirm traditional theories on modernization and nationalism, and toshow that similar patterns transition period. This includes both tosee that different experiences in different times do not the to analysis a comparative into is adapted modernization of experience Romania’s of study the present (Blokker 2005b). To show that development is non-linear, a socio-historical empirical diverging pathsofdevelopments is analyzed. diversity Assuch, isareproductionoflegacies to or by promoting ‘westernization’ or more recently ‘Europeanization’, the historical diversity and development to bestudied, either by linear development towhich all countries (should) follows, Since modernization and transition theories have been too occupied with making a pattern of The crudest assessment ofRomania placed her together with Sudan, as the two countries Historical Diversity Economic HistoryandDevelopment Chapter II 23 CEU eTD Collection modernizing under-developed economies is a serious drain on already scarce resources. This resources. scarce already on drain isaserious economies under-developed modernizing modernization” (Boia 1997: 36). The problem that seems to bereturning is that thecost of rural nationalism which dividedsociety Romanian society. The nationalism which embarked on preserving the which exploited the differences as it became a question of choice between modernization and andthe cleavage between the rural and urban, the organic and modern, were theliving roots of nationalism created a conflict between ‘real’ and ‘imposed’ national values. Thus, fromthe interwar period, according to traditions created a “mental brake that delayed traditional to modern society, from apprehensions towards westernization ofRomanian culture and institutions. Change from ensure its functioning and success. Infact, the intellectuals were to exploit these simmering to elites established lackedthe Romania and West the imitating were institutions the because etc. (Boia 1997: 34). Titu Maiorescu noted at the time that it was ‘substance without form’ constitution,as such system, legislative and Parliament, institutional in the place took 1870this 1860 and between responsibleTo modernize their society Romania borrowed everything it could from Europe. Especiallygovernment, legal2.1 Socio-EconomicHistory codes, the university, the academy and effects policies of the World Bank and IMF did to the transition period (Gallagher 2005). economic decline, democratization, and European integration. Others have pointed out what bad Romania possibly went to the most extreme. Through the 1990s Romania faced problems with Yugoslavia, besides but phase, transition their during nationalism of upsurge sawan countries these all Additionally, 16). 2005: (Gallagher 1930s the in crisis economic the of that exceeded 1993: 11). The dept and the economic decline in thepost-socialist countries of Eastern Europe market economy [and] was the least equipped sociologically and politically togo there” (OECD decades, if not more than acentury. Romania “had one of the longest ways to go towards a Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft , in heavily agriculture societies, agriculture heavily , in 24 CEU eTD Collection social and political institutions which were paralleled by further economic stagnation (Eisenstadt stagnation economic further by paralleled were which institutions political and social some nations due to the economic decline after 1929. However, the ‘reversal’ was mainly seenindustrial in ones (Seton-Watson 1945: 9). Signs of ‘reversal’ of development could be seen across peasant did enjoy a accumulating wealthcertain which would have lessened the impact of the depression. Still the Romanian amount of andprosperity in turn as agriculture which was only exacerbatedruined by the agriculture tax that was meant to subsidize industrialization, prices 273), 2005: (Lampe 1920s the of the reforms land the plagued credit mortgage to Access 701). 1958: were farmer. a little lower Betweenpeasants consequently hadthan sold their land as they were unable tomake ends meet (Stavrianos 1919implemented to solve this problem from 1918 to1920 in many ways failed as many of the poor and 1928the peasants (Fischer 1991: 141). Themainthis problem was that the land-reforms which had been prevented the produced a weakpeasants and noncohesive social strata (Eisenstadt 1966: 68). initiatedfrom from within (from the imperial center) or from above (from the political elite) and thus response to the development that had already been undertaken in the West, and was often as a came modernization of firstphase The 1983). Gellner (i.e. nationalism of emergence the of early stage of industrialization, and according to modernizationist scholars, be a crucial moment and the country had to industrialize.state-structure, newminorities were included, different historical experiences hadto shared be Interwar RomanianOvernight Romania had become twice as big, and new land needed to beincorporated into the development can The expansionbe in Romanian territorysaid after World War I marks a break in Romania history.to be in the developments 2.1.1 Interwar and in turn giving precedent to social unrest and nationalist sentiments (see Janos 1982: 322). diminishes the purchasing power of the public and prevents the rise ofa viable domestic market, The land-reform initiated after World War Iturned over 40 percent of all arable land to 25 CEU eTD Collection Greeks, Armenians and Jews in the Old Kingdom. and Transylvania, in Hungarians and Germans were predominantly who traders, and miners living in thecountry side, while towns and cities had become centres for foreign merchants, already stagnant agriculture (Chirot 1978: 458). Romanians had predominantly been peasants labourers than could beabsorbed by urban industry, exacerbating the rural overpopulation in an ofrural surplus wasahigher There offspring. the peasants’ among divided up further small and peasants. As we shall see, this was not Rankisolved 1977: 102) Overpopulation of the land worsened the economic by hardship of the Romanianthe land reform in the 1920s andas a significant the decrease in death rate aroundplots 15-25 percent in East-Central were Europe (Berend and urbanization. Between 1920-1940 Romania had an average population growth around 30 percent, sank deeperintoeconomic misery. Productivity remained low, asas well social mobility and The result was that while these measures were taken to promote industrial growth, the peasantry structure to take four times more from the peasantry than from the landlords (Fischer 1991: 143). society through industrialization, but did so at the burden ofthe peasants by changing the tax agriculture ‘backward’ this solve to attempted Liberals The 1958:701). (Stavrianos Greece’s potential agriculture labour in the process, and Romania’s wheat yield was only better than however, a few strong companies did survive in the cities – it should not be neglected. Romanian society as first thought, since it was already poor and reliant onself-sufficiency – the existing level of it ( nationalism, it is nota product of lack of modernization, but rather the faults and opposition to 1920s and 30s. Thus, this ‘halted’ or‘reversed’ modernization, coinciding with the rise of relatively advanced levels of development such as Japan, Germany, Italy and elsewhere in the nationalistic and totalitarian regimes. The breakdown ofdevelopment happened in countries with 1973: 49). As the crisis led tothe breakdown of modern institutions they were accompanied by Romanian agriculture also showed the least efficiency to turn over land but in using in but land over to turn efficiency least the showed also agriculture Romanian ibid. 51). The depression might not have had such a great impact onthe 26 CEU eTD Collection students per 10,000 people, Romania had 6.8, but by1932 the proportion had changed 10.7 university had Kingdom United in 1925 While Kingdom. United the with compared students pereducation, but by the 1930s Romania had a higher ratio than most European countries1000 – 2.2 populationeducationin Europe. Romania hadjust afew decades before scarcely no higher level of (seedegree of industrialization, urbanization, but also showed one of the highest numbers of higher Verderya high saw period interwar The 458-459). 1978: (Chirot percent ten at was rate output industrial 1991: 44).industrial labour force was growing at a rate of three percent during the 1930s. After 1932 annual The validity(Hitchins 1992: 1069), traces of the first wave of modernization can be found in this period. The of thefoundation for 80 percent of the national income and livelihood of people untilfindings World War II can be identity felt threatened by out-groups, and needed to redefine their national identity. produced insecurity about how to handle the new territories and new minorities. Romanian were Romanians (Stavrianos 1958: 705). As will bediscussed further in the conclusion, this showed that by 1930 the population exceeded by almost 18 million and only 73 percent of which million which over 92 percent where Romanian, the territorial expansion ofGreater Romania of minorities). While Romania in 1912 showed that the Old Kingdom had a population of 7.2 (which created a bureaucratical dilemma, political challenges and introduced a whole new spectre problems solely, but ratherrepresented rural class guided byan urban politicalthe elite, which did not take into factaccount the rural that Romania(Chirot had been doubled 1978:in size pharmacistsafter or engineers, and 35.5 percent were lawyers, while 462). only 6 percentWorld were peasants War I A problempercent were school or university teachers orwriters and journalists, 7.1 percent were doctors, which civil servants. Ofhas all the members of parliament (in both chambers) between 1922 and 1937, 20.6 to be seen1920s and 1930s were increasingly being replaced by ina class of intellectuals, professional’s and top light of this is not only the over- Although industrialization began late in Romania, and agriculture remained the The declining aristocracy (after the land reforms and reduction inlandowners) in the 27 CEU eTD Collection offered a radical project for national emancipation which other political parties had notmanaged Nicolae Iorga, Nichifor Crainic, Nae Ionescu, Mircea Eliade and Emil Cioran. Romanian Fascism rural society which was the root of Romanian national identity. Most notable among these are, represented by a wide range of nationalists who built upon anorganic society to preserve the words, modernizationRomanian soul and traditions, and urbanization, industrialization and democracy – in other propagation ofanti-modernist– language built upon the idea thatposed the rural class presented the true a treatupon these to notions the played strata) young educated and to the unemployed by and lead supported (often truenationalists create fearRomanian of minoritiespeasant class in Romania, modernization was perceived as an imposed threat(Hungarians, by the identity.outside, and large the with Together of. critique their voiced and heritage) rural with intellectuals Germansunemployed Theseand Jews) andfractions togetherbegan with the cleavage between urban and rural life, that nationalistsa found themselves in (i.e. weretension. It was mainly the discrepancy between supply and demand of the newly educated, diploma was expected to automatically beemployed by the bureaucracy, this increased the social managed to absorb, resulting in astrata of high educated unemployed people. As a person with a also resulted people graduatedmore with fromthelaw faculty thestate than bureaucracy in education pattern The 383-385). 1971: (Rothschild overheated politically and lax academically funded and neglected, with only 5.4 percent of children, and university numerically swollen, be rathercylindrical than pyramidal, and balanced sinceelementaryeducation remained under- toseemed system in theeducational structure The fascists. as the such groups, marginal extreme formulate and express demands” (Fischer 1991:145) this gave new tremendous power to demand. When the “newly literate masses could not only recognize their misery but also agricultural professions which could have helped in the industrialization process ( able tocontinue to higher education avoided much needed expertise in thefields of technical and were who students the of majority great The 1958:707). (Stavrianos 19.7 21.1 and to respectively The success in education was also the source of instability since supply exceeded that of ibid. ). 28 CEU eTD Collection communism, the end of communism might also be a testimony to the ‘falseness’ of the progress. Although, undoubtedly development happened according to modernizationist theories during 2.1.2 Socialist Development or ‘False Modernization’ nationalism played a crucial role in the post-socialist Romania and its transition. capitalism was tobe introduced in a few years. The interwar legacy both to modernization and means becamechanges (Eisenstadt 1973: 52-53). However,as we will see, thegrab for power and economic even more impossibility of satisfyingintensified every group’s demands, together with alack of full coordination of seen as falling victim toconflicting demands of development from different groups as well as the and characteristicincreasing focus on nationalism. Modernization in late-coming countries such as Romania can be an with solved was again which 1980s, the in situation the worsened mischief its to due also but of the 1990snature and socio-economic when problems. As wedemocracy shall see,is the socialistnot linear, rule did much to andchange changethis,and period, asin well as far back to (but not soRomania pertinent to this analysis) theOttoman Empire. Change met strong obstaclesand modernization, political immaturity and ‘backwardness’ can betraced back to the interwar due to its predominantlycommunism, and complicate the transition period in the1990s. Romania’s late-industrialization agriculture widespread corruption” (Stavrianos 1958: 708). Apattern that would be reinforced through underdeveloped regions –aweak economy, anovercrowded bureaucracy, lowsalaries, and presenting traditional indigenous values. that they tried toinclude the peasants in the process of modernization while at thesame time say that theFascist called for a return tothepast, even anti-modernist. Indeed, one can point out to wrong be might It 670). 1988: (Ricketts Elite the of role messianic a proposed latter the since to offer, and the young intellectuals were lead astray to discard liberal democracy for Fascism, The interwar period “suffered from the same vicious circle common to all 29 CEU eTD Collection ( 11 gravest ofall, it didincalculable injury to the collective moral senseproliferating by law and disdaining Law” (Hitchins 1992: 1080-1081). and social life, it submerged civil society in institutions lacking integrity; in intellectual life, it stifled thefree expression of humanspirit; and, experience ofCommunism for Romanians wastraumatic. Intheeconomy, itsubstitutedcentral controlentrepreneurial forthe spirit; in political the introduction ofextensive collective social benefits.Yet, whatever the judgmentmay beinthe future, evident nowthatit is theoverall rule as having contributed to the century-long process of modernization (and after 1960s from the SovietUnion) andmay therole cite ofthestate as economic coordinator. There willbethose, too, whosee with theinterwar years. They may note, for example,similar strivings andtoattainto industrialize economic from Western independence Europe 10 54.3 percent living in anurban environment (including suburban areas) and areas rural in 45.7 percent to by 1990 number this reduced communism during urbanization belonged to the rural class and only 20.6 lived in municipalities and towns, industrialization and 1998:38). (Tismaneanu universe” unchangeable unemployment,state socialist the detesting without ideology communist resented strata largesocial that obvious increasingly and guarantees therethe interwar period (Gallagher 2005: 245). Tismaneanu points out that it “has become of wassecurity believed it went better for Romania during the 1965-79also years than now, 13.5 thought so about and stability.a the 1960sfeeling it was tightened again after 1971. A questionnaire in 2000 showed that while 34.3% Yes,represented one of the heights in Romanian history, as thethere regimethat was liberalized at the end of also was communism during periods However, 1994). (Sztompka the modernization ‘false’ as identified scarcity, future butsocial uprooting and collectivization ofagriculture. All of which is a testimony tothere what can be was was modernizationpredictable was initiated from aboveno through state routinization, forced industrialization, the Thus 1966: 105-106). (Eisenstadt elite political communist by the controlled and manipulated withintogether with the development of a large scale bureaucratic organization supervised, regulated, anproject undergone in communist societies often inherited the former period of ‘social retardation’ one can argue that modernization progressed during communism legitimize theregime faced with economic problems and institutional instability. Undoubtedly, During the development, nationalism was reinforced along the lines of interwar rhetoric to Romania”and “Informal SectorinRomania”( http://www.aneir-cpce.ro The else socioeconomicdata nothing given)areprovided here(if compiled from data available from Foreign Trade Centre, ANEIR Promotion thoseaspects pointto Communist ofdevelopmentthat suggest pointsout“historians undoubtedly inthe period Hitchins continuity Aswill In 1930 Romania had seen a division where as many as 79.4 percent of the population ), National Institute of Statistics, “Chapter), NationalInstituteofStatistics, II:Population”( http://www.undp.ro/publications/poverty.php throughforced industrialization, thereordering of agriculture and rural society, and http://wwww.insse.ro ), and TheEuropeanAgriculture: Commission on 10 . However, the modernization ), UNDP in Romania: “Poverty in 11 . As all European Communist 30 CEU eTD Collection urbanization and improvements of living standards. Ceau much of the progress and social conditions earned through decades of industrialization, national-communism as the regime converted into economic hardship of the 1980s, which ruined Mainly because the period first saw one of economic boom in the 1970s, a reinforcement of distorted and manufactured. measure the progress of modernization during the communist era, since much of its numbers are increase of 446had respectively 458 and 362 percent increase in industries,and while Yugoslavia and Hungary had an 279 percenthad an increase in industry of 545 percent, most comparable countries such as Bulgaria or Greece respectivelypotential than countries such as Czechoslovakia or Hungary. While from 1953 to1968 Romania (see Chirothad a lower starting point than most other countries, and, consequently, had a bigger growth 1978: 471). However, it is hard to “3.5.1.3agriculture Employment and sectors” in inother ( ( period interwar the of level its reach would merchandise as in such trade, that 1960s the until was not It level. at pre-war not wasstill consumption 218). 2005: (Lampe industries had respectively changed to 49.3 percent and 33.5 percent, showing an substantial increase in this 1970-71 by while employment, of 14.2 percent occupied industry awhile period), interwar upheld of 74.3 percent of the population working force (similar to the rural population during the sector, while at thesame time increasing output of edible goods. In1950 the agriculture sector (Chirot 1978: 467-468). Industrialization and urbanization decreased the agriculture employment food whichwas neglected as investment fundswere exclusively channelled towards industries percent; this was accompanied with an urban growth which raised the demand for housing and 18.2 1953averaging 1948 and between growth industrial rapid a experienced Romania countries, Most important in this analysis are the years of Ceausescu’s rule from 1965 to 1989. At the same time, living standards did rise markedly in 1953-55, although average food average although 1953-55, in markedly rise did standards living time, same the At http://ec.europa.eu/agriculture/agrista/2005/table_en/en351.htm û escu had been more totalitarian than ibid. 468). Romanian industrialization Romanian 468). ). 31 CEU eTD Collection Ceausescu’s policy began “gradually toretreat from inclusion and back to mobilization” and a 1993: 12). (OECD 35 percent over was rate 1980the by 1970 and by GDP of 30 percent reached industry in investment The 473). industry consumed1974 in forestry, and agriculture in percent 74.3 and force as labour the of 14.3 percent consumed much as 37.7 percent inand agriculturelack of only electricity metallurgy and40 machinery, which demanded a high degreepercent of energy consumption. This resulted (see Chirot475). Most of the new industries were very1978: industrialized in thefields of oil refining,and chemicals, gas1978: (Chirot villagers commuting of number a large to available were as factories urbanization in the privatea few sphere.major centers Compared from consumingto 1950 when all the the industryinvestments, it also smoothed the process of birth place of Ceau an example, the district around the Jiu Valley was heavily subsidized by the state, but was also the As 11). 1993: (OECD employment of majority the for accounted firm one districts many in and However, industrial location was not determined by efficiency, but bypolitical considerations, Romania began borrowing substantial money from Western institutions to boom its industries. dominated policies and centred itself on independent national development. In the 1970s almost the entire modernization process anew. years had to deal with its historical legacies in many ways, as well rebuilding its economy, starting markets and Romanian infrastructure was shattered after its fall. As we shall see, the post-socialist totalitarian) and the structure of industry was inadaptable to post-socialist economy and open process, sincethe end of the Communist era, it also contributed to the gross failure of the modernization Communism By 1997: 37). (Boia past rural the from break a mental create itto forced it since modernization was ingrainedany other East-European communist regime. Communism was a specific attempt of in all aspects of life (the society was completely Throughout the 1970s corruption and illegality actually increased, and in 1971 in and increased, actually illegality and 1970scorruption the Throughout By the end of the 1950s, but more so in the 1960s, Romania turned away from Soviet û escu himself. However, as factories were built around the country, preventing 32 CEU eTD Collection (systematization), and economic deficit “paved the way foridentifying the Romanian Communist urbanization industrialization, huge his tolegitimate attempts Ceausescu’s societies. many expanding industrialization. The propagation of population increase is a typical nationalist tool in up with as keeping aswell threats foreign resist could which Romania powerful and big nationalism in theperception offalling birth rates (see Chirot 1978: 458), and his wish tocreate a 1966 abortionbe said tomark the beginning of Ceausescu’s nationalism, is the year after his inauguration; in was made close 1993: 12). (OECD 1,571 1,336 and to respectively half, the almost numbered 1989it and illegal byGDP per capita (US$ at commercial exchange rate for exports)law. numbered 2,446 in 1980, in1985 It wasenergy than Romania could produce, which resulted in energy cuts in the public sphere.produced While The tremendous investment in industrialization had structural deficits,by as well as consuming more an 2005: 218). (Lampe 38.5 percent extreme to sunken had agriculture while population, the of 33.5 percent burstleaving Romania end oftheby the ‘80s debtfree, but By 1980-81 poor. theindustries employed of Ceau masses. tothe propagated self-sufficiency national and increased exports minimum, absolute an Ceausescu’s Romania became increasingly xenophobic and integral as imports were minimized to 1980s the During 158). 1991: 1979 (Fischer after only crisis its reached problems structural as the older frameworks of solidarity became undermined (Eisenstadt 1973: 59). The long-term 1973: 57). It can be characterized as a ‘failure’ of moving smoothly from Eisenstadt (see nationalist or socialist it – be symbols solidity different propagating demagogues economic terminationand political of foreignto the inability of Romania to produce pricesdebt compatible in the international market and (OECD problems 1993: 12).crises throughout the 1970s and the termination Thereof lending by Western financial institutions, lead existedat thea limitedradical reorientation towards technical education began (Fischer 1991:time, 154-155). The two oil ability to dealwhich with the gave way to repressive dictators and û escu solved the economic crisis by political repression and an increase in agriculture exports Although Romania had been openly nationalistic since the early 1960s, the year which can Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft 33 CEU eTD Collection and Marshall Antonescu were seen as heroes who had fought communism and defended the theories and personalities in anattempt of redefining national identity. As such the Iron Guard with nationalists ‘heroes’ that fought communism. This has created a resurrection ofinterwar in lack of a ‘usable past’ the interwar period was viewed as the last time of attempt of democracy and its dissolution, after was‘tainted’ someextent to 1990s communism also inthe but past, the thoroughly with its past, while at the same time promoting indirectly a continuation of ideas from history in regard to the interwar period” (Shafir 2003: 177). Since communism had not dealt Communist indoctrination can bepartly stipulated as theblame for the attempts of “cleansing 1996:97). (Verdery problems” social toexplain means as nationalities other of stereotypes uses specific conditionscharacterised by an internalised opposition to externalfrom “aliens,” seen as “them”; it also produced which – one self the of scape-goating organisation a characteristic produced socialism precisely, “More revolution. emerged the becauseof gapcreated the replaced naturally parties ofnationalist arise independence, as an effective the communistspolitical had created the picture that they were the protectors of Romanian unity and tactic, Since 2004). (Petrescu all cost” at it todefend people allresponsible of duty patriotic was the it one that that the Romanian unitary nation-state has been continuously contested and threatened, and that 1989, was December until taught as history national of lessons major the of one “Consequently, attempt to create a “new socialist man”, which included the reshaping of national identity. the interwar period (Chirotpopulation, especially among the intellectuals some of which were rehabilitated and revived from 1978: 491). Thislegitimacy the PCR opened for the free float of nationalismcame which had remained in the general at the same timecontinuity; the PCR announced(2) Romanians; the of roots ancient the in 1974:(1) was imposed program PCR’s the after their (3) unity;Romanian writing and teaching had four different pillars on whichand national history was based (4)1991: 118). (Verdery Nation” entire the with but independence proletariat the with just not [PCR] Party (Petrescu 2004). In order to build up domestic 34 CEU eTD Collection the capability of revised theories of modernization (Sztompka 1994: 140). constructed. And thus, escaping ‘fake modernity’ through aprocess of becoming modern defends democracy, market, education, rational administration, self-discipline, work ethos etc., had to be as such 1990s,areas the in societies in post-socialist construction under were still was modernity regulation ofthe market. As the implementation of legitimate institutions and values of transition period needed to ensure quality of institutions, privatization, liberalization and de- seemed to be ready the population began, reform economic “As 275). 1998: (Daianu modernization especially to accept the goalperiod involved the changing of property rights, economic restructuring, macrostabilizationbut and to resistFSN advocated for a more ‘gradualistthe approach’ to the transition (OECD 1998: 1). The transitionmeans” (Datculescusuffered enough during the last decade of Communism, consumer goods were imported and the 1992: including129). an orientation towards self-sufficiency” (UNDP [2001]: 19). Since the population had The distortions, structural important from suffered It irrational. and inefficient, underdeveloped, 1998: construction (transformation); b) economic22). catching-up; and c) ensuring social stability (Daianu a) institutional were 1990s in societies post-socialist the for challenges historical major Three But the2.1.3 Post-Socialist Development “socialist regimeno longer necessary to use to legitimate and preserve ones power or policies. When such problems [had]have been over-come, extreme nationalism looses its direct appeal as itis have had a tendency to do this, especially in periodsleft of political opposition and economic decline. – communism as – such regimes Non-democratic rupture. social and instability political decline, Romania withnationalists and intellectuals such as Nichifor Crainic and Nicholae Iorga. aninterwar from inherited on ideas founded were parties nationalist Also, nation-state. Romanian economy that was Nationalism had also been a tool to legitimate power in difficult periods of economic of periods difficult in power legitimate to a tool been also had Nationalism 35 CEU eTD Collection agriculture and industrial sector produced lay-offs, unemployment and social-unrest ( industrial construction, but of industrial reconstruction, which resulted in that both the individualization’ of lands happened in a period when Romania did notgo through a process of agriculture sector which otherwise would have beenhired by the industrial sector. This ‘re- did not only transformation of the agricultureincrease sector through land-reform and privatization ofcooperate lands theto obtain mortgage credit forinvestment equipment to develop the land (Lampe 2005:share 273). The difficult it made ownership of titles clear of delay the of but acres, 25 under typically were reforms self-employed land- the after holdings resultant The dwindled. soon this communism, after years immediate farmers,on the international market. Although Romania relied on traditional export partners in the first but alsofactories fell apart during the hardship of the 1980s,laid-offand the industrial output had small demands and industry the wasbecause of this Much 1990s. the throughout increasing steadily were which workers workers agriculture in increase the inthrough illuminated be can Revolution the after immediately the Communist, disregarding the problems it had on the society. The sense ofinsecurity felt discourse nostalgia ofthe past was prevalent. People looked back at thesecurity provided by the degree of predictability, security and stability which the transition had erupted. Inthe nationalist it plummeted further down to 1,137 (OECD 1993: 12). was in 1980, numbering 1,257$ and the year after when the first effects of the transition wasareas felt, in close proximity for commuting villagers. In 1990 the GDP per capita was half of whatis less than manyis other Communist countries, since much of the industries were located in rural 12 areas and 54.3 percent living inan urban environment (including suburban areas). urbanization during communism this number had been reduced by 1990 to 45.7 percent in rural rural class, only 20.6 lived in municipalities and towns. Due to (forced) industrialization and See footnote 11. Seefootnote The communists had guaranteed employment, social functions and had given a certain In 1930 Romania saw a division; whereas 79.4 percent of the population belonged to the 12 Ashift which ú erb Ĉ nescu 36 CEU eTD Collection 13 foreign investment. at the cost ofimposing high taxes on state enterprises ( did not work as planned. The policy of keeping the budget in more or less balance was achieved privatisation without the loss of jobs or production” (OECD 1993: 14). However, much of this “decentralization to be followed by sufficient investment and restructuring to allow for and to meet basic needs during the transition. The transition went through atwo-stage process: from the industry to the population and a gradual reform of the price system both to protect jobs backward in the wave of modernization. produced employment and self-sufficiency. In this aspect, Romania can besaid to have evolved the industrial sector, unemployment, economic hardship, which the return to agriculture both scape-goating (Kideckel 1992: 77). To summarize, this increase is attributed to laid-off workers in problem, the waning of local power in rural areas was easily replaced by nationalist cant and total of 200,000 jobs that were lost (OECD 1998: 16). Although nationalism is primarily an urban employment declined ashare byasmuch40percent, oftheworking forcethat represented a grown to 37.4 percent and in 2001 it reached its peak of 44 percent had sector agriculture in the 1998 employment by 1999, consequently in percent 11.8 and 1994, but as the unemploymentin agriculture, worked percent as28.6 as few 1989 In 75). 1992: (Kideckel to rate commuted regularly climbed from 3-4 percentcontinued support to the inefficient and large-scale in industrial projects, which1990, many peasants to a peak with together collectives agricultural maintained of privatization slow the since 10.9 voters rural percent in 1999: 578). However, the meandering economic transition sought byFSN was endorsed by many undermined the confidence inthecurrency( profitability. While inflation in 1991-1992 continued around 150-200 percent annually, it notonly See footnote 11. Seefootnote Other measures included reduction in the work week, a diversion of much needed energy ibid. ) but also made Romania less attractive for attractive less Romania made also ) but ibid. 5), which in turn undermined their undermined turn in which 5), 13 . Between 1992 and 1996 net 37 CEU eTD Collection indicates that mostProgram of the poverty is to be found among the agriculture workers – hence the point, below the poverty line and 1997 was followed with an increase in up to 40-45 percent of the population living, at one that seven percent lived under the poverty line, both the periods of economic hardship in 1993 apparatus. and viewed as adefeat of the nationalists, since several such elements were present in FSN’s politics Since many in Secret Police, members of the local police, and the henchmen of all these” (Verdery 1996: 197). primarily bylocal “officials of the [old] Communist Party, one or another fraction of the old/new led were groups these that and coalitions,” “unruly as PRM PUNRand labels Verdery Katherine operational on acertain level in thepenetration or cohabitation ofthese nationalistic movements. which included a high percentage of ‘former’ agents, implying that the secret service was still 14 also predominant in nationalist formations, and nationalist groups such as social difficult preceding that of fundamental change (Datculescu 1992: 130). These groups were economic transition comes 1) from a psychological fear of the unknown, and 2) the perception of rhetorical technocrats and so fourth” (Rothschild & Wingfield 2000: 249). The opposition tothe blue-collar workers in inviolable ‘rust belt’ plants, peasants whose work ethic had been sapped, seams, low-grade working miners also but apparatchiks, and agents, security bureaucrats, only competitive market economy or to political democracy.” Further, this “constituency included not victory, andspring 1990, the interim governmentthey (FSN) used the old communist infrastructure to secure their were “endorsedand market reforms, and the decrease in industrial output also made mining unproductive. In the by those who feared to lose from change – change to a See footnote 11. Seefootnote showed that 16.6 percent of the population, at onetime, lived below it. Numbers The numbers on poverty shows the same shocking results. Estimates from 1989 show The transition had seen the industry implode due to the abandonment of state subsidies state of abandonment to the due implode industry the seen had transition The Vatra and FSN had dual membership, therefore the victory of FSN can not be 14 . Theextreme poverty rate, according to United Nations Development Vatra and PUNR 38 CEU eTD Collection Nations Development Program Development Nations was from those who had lost from the transition and the lay-offs in the industries. The 60 percent of the workers live inpoverty. This indicates that theincrease in theagriculture sector 50to between of –which farming self-sufficient on reliance and sector agriculture inthe growth involvement in economic activities. However, as we will see, the relationship between main- between relationship the see, we will as However, activities. economic in involvement often had more economic resources than main-stream parties, due totheir members’ involved in nationalist organizations. Much of their involvement coincided, and nationalist parties of the underground economyat thesame time enriching of some very few in the underground economies in Romania. Much was staged by state-official, widespread hardship, itdid hardlyasourceof andindustrialoutput,while although reducetrade formerlike they did. The illegal breaches on the UN embargoSecuritate during the Yugoslav wars exacerbated this, agents,corruption and black market under communism. A few gotand rich, while the rest were left to live actors themselves primary with their local community prior to the nation. Romania is both highly rural in demography and has a high number of people who identify neighbourhood and village (Diamandosrous and Larrabee 2000; Ciobanu 2003a). As seen, successful transition since it promotes in-group solidarity confined to family, clan, and modernization to obstacle as aserious interfere societies 130). Peasant 1992: (Datculescu percent of the rural population wished to remain in their village rather than move to town 80 that time first the was 1990 In 69). 1992: (Kideckel survival and self-sufficiency on based economic security on a local level, which resulted in a resemblance of ‘clan’ and family politics The rural population sought first of all to ensure their own necessary social, political and Much of the economic hardship of the transition period was owed to the inherited society. characterised by poverty, exclusion and chained activities, which are not easily absorbed to thebecome wider a source of underdevelopment. It has given birth to highly persistent social and cultural structuresA survival strategy developed in response to the economic crisis, the underground economy may itself ([2001]: 31) continues: 31) ([2001]: United 39 CEU eTD Collection Romania had the worst economic performance of any EU applicant over the past years, and by 1998 fell to its lowest since 1993 (Smith 2001: 136). ByJuly 1998 an EU Commission stated that 1998: 3-4). The year the economic crisis started in 1997, FDI initially improved remarkable but in investment torestructure the economy and granted foreigners the right to buy land (OECD under President Emil Constantinescu committed itself to “Shocktherapy”, sought foreign government new the 1997 early In rebuild. to infrastructural and technological industrial, country show a general positive development numbers 1997-2004 from generally FDI, measuring of ways innumerable are there Although 260). 2001: (Phinnemore markets financial international in unreliable Romania made which administrational uncertainty, and frequent changes and delays in theform of implementation, it offer benefits for the economy. But the transition had been complicated by legal and Romania. controlled similar echocan be heard from Vadim Tudor who insisted that it was really theforeigners who A 206). 1995: (Gallagher interests toforeign country the out selling meant allegedly it since 15 as such organizations nationalist However, 114). 2005: (Gallagher privatized been had control state under been had what of percent twelve privatization in any East-Central European country. By the time Iliescu left office in1996, only consolidation of democracy. During PDSR (former FSN) Romania showed the slowest pace of the safeguard will security and stability and 16), 1998: (Daianu system” neweconomic the of instability. Privatization means the “development of a strong middle class as the social backbone gave theelites both political and economic incentives to use nationalism to enhance power. stream parties and marginal ones were often blurred and over-lapping. The economic hardship, the case of Romania” at Romania” of case the See OECD ”FDI statistics in Romania” at In the process of privatization, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) plays a crucial role since Privatization is crucial in the transition period, and the lack of it promotes continued http://euroest.economia.unitn.it/Eaces/work/Papers/Revisiting%20FDI.pdf www.oecd.org/dataoecd/43/39/36945575.ppt 15 . As FDI allows a country toincrease import, and helps a Vatra opposed foreigners to buy land in Romania, , Voinaor Liviu “Revisiting FDIpattern intransition: . 40 CEU eTD Collection Report #247,Report 2002.Washington: Wilson CenterDirector’s Forum.from Available “Romania’s ReturntoitsWesternIdentity: Internal Reforms and International SecurityContribution”. (Speech Transcript, February 7, Meeting (October) 1993, pp. 12-18. Available at: http:www.nato.int/docu/review/1993/9305-3.htm), or much later PresidentIon Iliescu’s speech institutions the PDSR government began emphasizing stronger ties to Europe and adherence to Western immediate result of the initial first steps of European integration in 1993 main-stream politics and of NATO, still the main prospects of full acceptance into NATO and EU seemed far away and transparency (OECD 1993: 15). Although, in 1998 Romania became an associated member credibility coherence, in insufficient been as judged be can early transition the Overall, upheaval. the transition remained hard, and economic hardship continued. Neither did it quell nationalist Romanian internal politics less than expected. Romania did notstabilize much during these years, Council of Europe. It seems like these wereassociation agreement (Lampe 2005: 274), andin October 1993 she became admittedonly to the small steps in the right direction,trade with Western Europe had reached a certain leveland in November that year,affected EU granted her an When USCongress. the by status trading Nation Favoured Most as status her regained Romania than many other East-Central European countries for European integration. InOctober 1992 taken, some which hurt more than helped in the transition process, Romania seemed more eager 17 the‘weakening’ with economic progress euphoriainRomania. coincided ofnationalist 16 ( worsened it by insisting on tight and high tax policies that as a result depressed economic activity only IMF 2005: 222). (Gallagher year to previous compared percent by 18.6 dropped had FDI GDP had slumped 5.4 percent, additionally the balance in trade was the worst in nine years as the budget constraints. categoryIn (Gallagher1998 2005: 179-180).it only This discouraged allowed investments which would hada madethe enddeficit easeof that year majorat international rating agencies were placing Romania in ahigh-riskof just over two percent in a year the 18 Romania’s MarshallCentraland Antonescu. defends Europeaness ibid. For example For seeForeign Minister Teodor Melescanu “Security in Central Europe: APositive-Sum Game” ( At thetime ofNATO acceptance inMarch 2004, and more recently EUmembership January 2007, the immediate prospects together with Both PUNRand PRM were included in a coalition government with PDSRbetween 1992 and 1996, butafter 1994 when relations to Hungary 223). Although the IMF and the World Bank demanded conflicting economic measures to be 17 , while toning down its cooperation with nationalist parties http://wwww.wilsoncenter.org/ 18 . NATO Review ) where heboth stresses , Vol. 41, No 5 16 . The 41 CEU eTD Collection Romania “it is not surprisingly that Romanian nationalism in defence of the newly acquired consolidating national identity, but since most of Romania’s neighbours held irredentist claims to Romania’s territorial gains after World War Idid not only procreate internal problems of History Contextualizing 2.2.1 differences. extreme nationalists togain power, pertinent dissimilarities contributed to their radical an upsurge in extreme nationalism, while the post-socialist period at best saw an attempt ofthe discourse and discontent to the changes the transition produced. Interwar Romania experienced national personalities and theories, which flowed into the Romanian post-socialist period’s interwar of areawakening 1990ssaw the Also, investment. foreign and; reform/privatization, land- democratization; and to capitalism transition industrialization, re-) or de- unsatisfied rural class; attempted western models of modernization, (to some extent in the1990s both periods had a decline in socio-economic situations; unemployment, poverty and an improved both would pull out of the coalition over disagreement with PDSR on policy matters. policy over on coalition disagreement PDSR pulloutofthe improved with would both the 1990s and 1930s thenationalists voiced the critique tothe to (some extent) consolidate democracy, and experienced problems with modernization; both in a period of rupture and change (although, produced by two different factors), both periods tried parallels; both tended to look back at their history to redefine their group beliefs and memories in socialist era (1990-present). The two main periods before and after communism shared important historical periods are better suited for comparison: the interwar period (1918-1940) and the post- Undoubtedly did the socialist period have huge impact on post-socialist transition, but two 2.2 Socio-Historical ComparativeAnalysis problematique thesystem was facing; 42 CEU eTD Collection the process of nation-building at the same time as that ofstate-building. to have started state-building before nation-building, and East-Central European nations started nation and forced them to create state traditions in a shortthe map after World War I. time.This made it more difficult The for them to establishWest a homogenous state-have often been said Countries of East-Central Europe were a product of disintegrating empires that disappeared off an East-WestAlthough 24). (1996: itself” state the of decades later in demise sometimes and crisis, instability, dichotomyin anumber of cases, the priority given to nation-buildingas in thestate contributed to democratic this canbuilding is a significant one. As Linz and Stepan points out:be “One could historically analyse how, interpreted,before state-building, and for a successful democracy to beestablished, the process of state- it isconsolidation in interwar Romania can bereduced to thefact that theynot began nation-building preferableconformity, the nation required some internal identification. In other words, the problems of to thisidentification ofthepeople who represented them. Since the state was surviving on external discussion.nationalists gained what thestate should have; the resources derived from the psychological weakness of the state, the nationalists had greatsupport in all corners of the society. The of establishing democracy, and turned overwhelmingly into nationalist states. Because of the applicable to what happened with the new states of interwar Europe, who failed in their attempt iswidely This 2). 1996: Ch. Stepan and (Linz consolidation democratic stifling in result can this was thesame. experience nationalism ‘won’, the progress became somehow reversed in the 1990s, although the initial which brought to life extreme nationalism. But while democracy failed in the interwar period and post-socialist era, Romania experienced a period of social rupture, transition and democratization before the state (Fischer 1991:had 141). Inother words, the discourse on the nation became the core of themanaged debate to stabilizeterritories played a major role in the country’s domestic and foreign policies in the interwar years” and, subsequently, democracy failed. Similar to the As mentioned earlier, if the process of nation-building began before that of state-building 43 CEU eTD Collection 50; Pascu 1994). This created a fear in Romania that international law might be changed opening respected since the Versailles Treaty and confirmed by the Helsinki Final Act (see Nikolaos 2001: a similar ethnic strife could explode inside of Romania. immediate threat and pursuing fear from bordering Yugoslavia in dissolution was the aspect that Romania’s andresponse should beit Romania hastreated succeeded, thoughis not easily, toavoid the contamination by the ‘virus of instability’necessary thuslyinsecurity, and heighten[ed] its risk of instability” (Pascu(Tudor 1994: 153). However,to others argue that look 1993: Romania’s “intensify[ed] Romania of situation geo-political as the time same the at atpursued, political65). To reality geographical symbolic this inside understandfor re-identifications a quest Subsequently, Europe. realities the geo-politicalsecurity spheres, that ofCentral-Europe, Eastern-Europe and theBalkans/South-Easternneighbouring issuesdissolution, and shaped their politics thereafter. Romania geographically found herself inrelated three Romania. unstableto Soviet Union in thenorth. They found themselves locked between regions in The between two disintegratedcountry and what security threats this posed. The beginning of 1991 Romaniastates” was a “sandwich (Pascu 1994: 153); war-torn 2003a). 2000;Ciobanu Larrabee Yugoslavia in the southlegacy from the Ottoman Empire and the continued rural state ofRomania (Diamandosrousand and an a largely inRomania, immaturity democratic inherited outthe point some However, legacies. However, democratization theories have often neglected the geopolitical situation and historical since the post-socialist era was taking up from were it had left democratization in the 1930s. precede that of state-building. This can be identified as a historical legacy of the interwar period, again would nation-building of process the like 1990s seemed the of years first the pattern, transform dramatically and aprocess of renewed state-building can berecognized. Inthe same The disintegration of Yugoslavia threatened the violability of international borders Similarly in the1990s, one has to take into account the geographical position of that By the 1990s the state had, in many ways, established itself but it also needed to 44 CEU eTD Collection of western and European institutions, and aspirations towards Euro-Atlantic integration became for decades during the 1970-80s. But as Romania was searching for stability and peace in the eyes identity in 1990 than in the interwar period, a fear that had been imprinted by the communists fear ofterritorial losses and Hungarian irredentism had stronger roots in Romanian national with a manipulated danger ofan allegedly similar threat” (Petrescu 2004). This implies that the was passive in face of a genuine threat in 1940, in 1990 a great proportion was active whenperceived faced threat of loosing Transylvania […], one must conclude that while theethnic majority the territorial losses of Romania in thesummer of 1940 with societal reaction stirred by the upsurge ofviolence in Targu Mures in March, 1990, is comparable to the “societal response to began to be revived” (Gallagher 1995: 80). The historical and political connection, such as the Transylvania, pre-1918 over control Hungarian of aspects oppressive the emphasising of years “stereotypical image ofthearrogant and insensitive Hungarian, which had been reinforced by Romania. At one point this escalated into interethnic violence in March 1990. Inthe1990s the worrying aspect was the internal and escalating conflict with the Hungarian minority inside of were little chances of an escalation into war between Hungary and Romania, and most circles in both countries saw no benefits of doing so. ofdoing inbothcountriessawno benefits most chancesofanand circles and were little Romania, escalation warbetween Hungary into Romania initself could not defend itself properly or was capable fightany to external war(2001: However,46-47). thereisnodoubt that there expect conflict” (2000: 132). However, Nikolaos isarguing that Romania’smilitary was insobad shape, and underequipped,in1990, that 19 ideas of a warThis gave way toastronger fear of an irredentist and revisionist Hungarybetween in Romanian eyes, and Hungarystarting a long debate on granting every person of Hungarian ethnicity Hungarian citizenship. and Hungarians (including those inRomania Romania and other countries) belonged to the Hungarian nation, million all fifteen that declared and policies nationalistic for circulatedpressed (1991-1994) Antall József more minority rights for the Hungarian minority in Romania. Also the president of Hungary, theHungarians by claims secessionist and revisionist, irredentist, demanded territorial autonomy andminority rights, which, inRomanian eyeswereeasily readas after WWI). This fear was reinforced by the escalating demands of the Hungarian minority who acquired Romania partsof other (and forTransylvania plans secessionist any for possibilities the Linden argues that “since Romania enjoys substantial military preponderance over Hungary, parity arguments do not apply and we shouldno and we do notapply Hungary, over argumentsenjoys substantial militarypreponderance parity argues Linden that “sinceRomania 19 . But on most counts, the most . Hungary was also demanding 45 CEU eTD Collection politics. Romania did not belong to this ‘good’ group. In Romania’s case, the relaxation of the main-stream its of core the at was nationalism less prevalent the and, went period transition the (faster) better the and Yugoslavia), (except atitsdissolution had countries socialist conditions disintegrated, andthe high unemployment prevalent through the ‘80s. at the potential forcore profitable export markets. Yugoslavia went through an economic crisis, much felt by of little with industry ‘dirty’ in invested but thislikewise, did Romania techniques. industrial new was nationalism.to accommodate the people demands for consumer goods from the West, without investing in entrenched in theend of the 1970s (Bunce 1999: 34-35). Poland had taken uphuge foreign debts It seems13). Economic like decline compoundsthe the problems of economicwas reform and of democratization (Linz and Stepanprevalent 1996: better in socialistand 1997). Itis a pivotal problem when the state is incompatible tocarry out itseconomic function and countries fromwere a few instances of severe breakdown of existingearly levels ofthe economy in Romania (1993 1960s but becameevery aspect, was heavymore centralized and did not have free institutions.controlled party the Basically As 1999:21-23). seen (Bunce system the of in apex to the thebottom the from 1990s, there which resulted in a socialist in resulted which blurred the difference between independent state institutions with those of party institutions, or in other words, socialist system made a fusion ofthe two; and iii) thefusion of party and state which created constraints in development; ii) it “conjoined economic and political monopoly” – Socialism had promoted: i) themonopoly of market modernization, production and technology 2.2.2 Socialist Heritage and Transitional Issues after Antall’s departure in 1994. increasingly important for each year. This produced better relations to Hungary as well, especially All of these aspects have been analysed by various scholars to determine why socialism party-state that had “dyadic linkages between appointed positions” 46 CEU eTD Collection didn’t exist in other post-socialist societies or other more developed countries. employment can prove todiminish nationalism. However, this is not toimply that nationalism towards consolidating democracy, together with a modernized state and rise in income and better economic terms in the beginning of the transition period, as well as asuccessful process identification” (Swain2007: 4-5). Polish‘farmers’. farmers It thus made financial from not benefit unemployment benefit.Foranother, post-socialist the first government very introduced attractive for benefits social security sense to remain registereddid20 as a peasant,not even if you hardlyengage produced. […] However, the fact thatin the majorityserious of farming did not diminish the rhetorical strength of the word ‘peasant’while Romania saw an increaseas from 28.9 percent in 1991 to 37.3 a percent in 1996 ( basis for politicalresembled Romania, had rather stable numbers fluctuating around 25 percent in thesame period, which both by size of its country and population, and percentage of workers in agriculture transition such as Hungary, or implemented a ‘shock therapy’ such as Czech Republic). Poland, feared better through various forms of transitions (they were either better prepared for the Hungary and Slovakia all experienced a decrease in the rural economy (Swain 2007: 4),and also employment in agriculture in 1991 rise to24.2 percent in 1996, countries such as Czech Republic, East-Central European countries. Although Bulgaria saw a small increase from 19.1 percent of economy in Romania was the only one to increase substantially through the 1990s among the economic crisis, and therefore can be seen as a measure stick to how the transition was. The rural brought with it, predetermined the economic decline seen in the 1980s. rather that the tightening of the regime under Ceau saying that nationalism was notwhat legitimated the regime in the wake ofeconomic rupture, but modernization from above. Thus, the main hypothesis in this study can be turned on its head, the 1960s resembled a period of modernization from the bottom, while the 1970s returned to nationalistic, the economy went in recession throughout the 1980s. Inother words, the period of when the regime was tightened again in the1970s, thus becoming more totalitarian and regime in the 1960’s was conjoined by rise in living standards and economic prosperity, while “The reason why the number of Polish farmers remained constant […] has little to do with farming. For one thing, as in Romania, ‘farmers’ did The rise in theagriculture sector in thebeginning of the 1990s was a result ofthe û escu and the strong nationalist sentiment it ibid. ) 20 . In sum, 47 CEU eTD Collection international standards, may bepreferable to an imperfect, unregulated marketplace” (Snyder and “centralized regulation, especially if it is subject to democratic control or held accountable to required professional norms, the press might propagate ethnic hatred and nationalism. Therefore, When this happens it is too early to decentralize, since institutions become so weak or lack the acquainted “with bloody outbursts of popular nationalism” (Snyder and Ballentine 1997:62). sudden change towards the implementation of democratic reform, that countries often get hand, it is under new-required liberalization ofpress freedom, introduced by revolutionary or together with the prevalence of unstable democracy gave roottoethnic tension. On the other centralization can besaid to have intensified it. Inthecase of Romania, the centralization it made which argument) (1998) Taylor's to (similar liberalization or conflict, ethnic depict other factors as well, such as globalization and modernization which created the easily can One 1990s. the in nationalism of re-articulation or outburst the created modernization than rather centralization that suggests which cases, European East-Central other and Romania Although Newman's cases were limited to that of Quebec and Brussels, it might beapplied to other social policies grows so big and far-reaching that it over-run regional initiatives orpower. 1966:13). (Black state” the of modernization have taken the form ofthe “increasing centralization ofthe administrative organs political that out points Black Edwin Cyril Similarly, conflict. ethnic regional institutionalized Brussels, and points out that centralization created concern in regions, and thus awakened or re- triggered by modernization, but by centralization. His research is based on data from Quebec and in thetransitional period. Paul Newman (1991) argues that ethnic-political conflict is not tension in mixed regions, as we will see below, decentralization can also create the opposite early aftermath ofthe revolution it was even more so. Although decentralization can diminish ethnic immediate the in while 1995), Livezeanu 1992; (Biro elite political Bucharest's by educationally What is meant by centralization is that the state, as in the welfare state, education and education state, welfare asthe in state, the is that bycentralization ismeant What The state in the interwar period Romania was highly centralized both politically and means possible to 48 , CEU eTD Collection ethno-political language, but aquick decentralization, especially in periods of social rupture and extreme nationalist parties in Romania could have achieved. Thus, centralization might enhance main-stream political parties, might have undermined the possible attractiveness that the marginal exploited. In this regard, the internalization ofnationalism in FSN and later PSDR, and other have might forces nationalist effect shock the diminished have might 1990s the during place the nationalist forces in Romania, while the controlled and slow decentralization which took initial centralization and continuation of (ex-) communists in power might have helped to control the term, short the In socialism. of aspects certain preserve to wished nationalists Romanian preserver of socialism and for that turned to nationalism in its defence ( and Czechoslovakia response were rather anti-socialist, while inYugoslavia Serbia became the any more], and Oklobdzija, Mira (1998) Media in Romania. Although all these federal states ended with nationalism at its hearth 98). and 29 1999: (Bunce ( transition regime and federalism national socialism, from inherited prevailed, which can beseen as the effects the homogenization (or ‘systematic uniformity’) Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union, happened when crisis over power and weak regime of nationalism in the constituent republics. Dissolution of states, such as Yugoslavia, which was sought berecentralized by Milosevic in theend of the 1980s that lead tothe increase 21 predominantly centralized and indirectly controlled by the state and the judiciary processes undergone in the transition. This is implying that the media has remained support those in power, thus leaving little roomfor independent thinking and valuable critique of heavily in favour been have media Romanian that shows Research insecurity. in riddled masses the reaching of PDSR andaway from orators the nationalist keep might thus and media, in the discourse forces’ nationalist nationalist parties,Ballentine 1997: 79). This might prevent the outburst of popular nationalism since it regulates the or at times have decided to consequently Seeforexample MonicaMacoveiand Manuela Stefanescu (2001) In the case of Yugoslavia one can rather say that it was due to its decentralized structure, Press NowDossier Romania, Freedom of Expression and Access to Information. . Amsterdam. ibid. 100), the Soviet Union ibid. 21 122). Similarly, 122). . [source notretrievably 49 CEU eTD Collection considered as a prerequisite inmodern societies. At thesame time, Romania’s educational budget istoday school secondary after education who continue students of ratio ahigher 161), and numbers might imply improvements, since the transition increased illiteracy (Gallagher 2005: average in the European Union wasage population enrolled to post-secondaryaround schools, while by 2003 it was 35 percent (the 1990 39 percent) (TOLschool- Romania’s of percent 1990 ten in that show 9 figures UNESCO 2006). June6 September (TOL 2006). However, the last 1990 numbering 193,000 students, but by 2003-2004 the number had grown to 621,000 students movements. Romania had oneof the lowest ratios of university-educated citizens in Europe in nationalist the to contribution significant any gave this that see to is difficult it hand, other years produced similar patterns; it closely tripled university graduates in tenyears, but onthe some extent, gave root to much of the intellectualBender and Cox: 2004). nationalismcan produce, an example to be found not only from Romania, but also Macedonia (see Knaus, at the time.Economic decline can createsimilar patternsofethnizitation ofsociety as ‘shortage economy’ The post-socialist1980s was too little to reverse the antagonizing effects of economic decline and unemployment. throughout the 1970-80s, which short-term and ‘superficial’ economic progress in theend of the national projects in Yugoslavia might besaid tohave been a result of the long economic decline government actually showed economic improvements (Jovic 2001: 102). However, the different from the aspect of the economic argument, without taking into consideration Ante Markovic’s investment can behelpful (see Gligorov 2004). The dissolution of Yugoslavia can notbeexplain and trade to policies fiscal studying from lessons valuable However, 33). 2004: (Mungiu-Pippidi countries and high income countries, neither does inequality necessary createethnic conflict adapted. regime change might have the opposite effect, and a slow and controlled process should be The interwar period had seen a remarkable increase in university graduates, which, to income low of aspect in conflict ethnic between correlation world-wide islittle There 50 CEU eTD Collection predominates the emergence of nationalism. modernization, and thus it seems to belittle tosupport any argument that modernization of problems during attimes grow to seems nationalism nationalism, to linkage anycausal prove experience and preferences. The discrepancy between rural, urban and industrial society does not saw both anti-democratic and authoritarian elements, this can be attributed to historical while progress gave results, nationalism ‘failed’. Although, the transition and the interwar period nationalism, while the post-socialist era initially experienced a ‘reversal of modernization’, but the interwar period saw a ‘failure’ of modernization which was accompanied with a ‘success’ of experienced a break-down in a late stage ofindustrialization. Over-simplified, one might say that on more nationalist sentimental parties and the extreme right. educated tended to vote for the center-right coalitions of Constantinescu and B overproduction ofstudents in the two periods shows different patterns. In fact, the young and the transition had high unemployment, economic rupture and geopolitical insecurity, but the connect this with the increase in unemployed university graduates. Boththe interwar period and did see an increase in nationalist sentiments and marginal nationalist parties, there is little to but only 61 jobs for university graduates (Nine O’clock 16 January 2006). Although thetransition the Employment Agency from Bucharest which offered 263 jobs for the unskilled unemployed, demand for unskilled labour is higher. This can be illustrated by a press release in January 2006 of rigorous exams (TOL 9 June 2006). As the output ofuniversity students have increased, the by more beencounterbalanced has not admission greater that since especially institutions, mass 1.9 (TOL 6 percent September 2006). Consequently, theuniversities have turnedelite from to such as Bulgaria, Hungary and Poland spend around 0.6-0.7, while the European Union averages 0.5 percent of gross domestic product on research and development, other transitional countries only spends Romania 342). 2005: (Gallagher Europe in smallest the one of been years, for has, Interwar Romania was in an early stage of industrialization, while post-socialism while industrialization, of stage early in an was Romania Interwar Ĉ sescu rather than 51 CEU eTD Collection elite. Although the attempt has been to see the congruence of economy and nationalism, social socio-economic disruption becomes legitimated through nationalist sentiment by the political and the oligarchy with the largely peasant households in the society (Gallagher 1995:195). Thus, power which whoever manage totap its emotional strength legitimates the gulf between the ruler order to manage political change on their own terms” and thus nationalism posed a sense of possible that the communist tried to exploit the nationalist conditioning of the population, “in correlated with intensification on nationalist indoctrination by the Ceausescu’s socialist state. It is defined as ‘shortage economy’ which ethnicized the accessibility togoods. The economic decline Economic decline, product scarcity andshortages createdwhat Katherine Verdery (1991) has Romania’s economic instabilitycountries experienced economic decline from as early as 1960-70s, but one can trace back to the mismanagementSocialist itssuccess. of much distorted as have seen be can communism of period last the and oppressive regimeagriculture, but heavy processes of industrializationto and educationalthe measures were undertaken, 1970-80s. predominantly still modernization, of stage early the entered have saidto be can Romania period interwar the in Although, 1993: 11). (OECD period transition forthe prepared” psychological together with the economic hardship of the 1980s, Romania was “neither materially nor socialism asother East-Central European nations had undertaken in the 1970s and 1980s, and O’Mahony 2002). Post-socialist Romania lacked theexperience of partial liberalization of attributed to the responses and experiences to thedifferent paces of modernization (Delanty and situation in thelight oflong-term social transformations, and the varieties of nationalism can be signs of re-modernization. Modernization can be seen as an attempt of analyzing the current shown has Romania few years, last the remarkable more 1990s, and ofthe the end 1980s.In the resembling de-modernization due to the ‘failure’ of it inherited from the socialist era, especially constitute a ‘fake modernization’ (Sztompka 1994). The post-socialist period saw a period During communism modernization was indeed implemented from above and can be said to 2.3 Theoretical Observations 52 CEU eTD Collection neglected. groupings, as we will see, they do constitute a symptom in the society which should notbe neo-Nazism in Germany and Sweden. Although the latter constitutes marginal nationalist not only did one see the emergence of Le Pen in France and Haider in Austria, but also arise of nationalism and populism came increasingly onto the stage also in theWest during this period, countries and Romania did not exceed that of countries in the West during the 1990s. However, countries in thesame period (Payne 1995: 494). Similarly, unemployment in post-socialist not result in Fascism and nationalism as seen in Germany, Italy and other East-Central European groupings. Historically, interwar West-Europe also went through an economic decline, but did progress can be helpful in diminishing extreme nationalism and undermine marginal nationalist modernization. However, economy alone cannot explain therise of nationalism, economic specificities of each countries development. Romanian nationalism was notaproduct of rupture afterlike any other country experienced disrupted modernization with decline in the 1930s,World economic War II and the marginal nationalist movementsrevolution and stronger nationalist sentiment in main-stream politics. and political implications have to be taken into considerationin to understand the emergence of 1989. The diversity of history gives the As we have seen, Romanian development did not follow a linear development, but rather 53 CEU eTD Collection huge bureaucracy also lacked any incentive to make modernization work (Gallagher 2005: 180). (Gallagher work modernization make to incentive any lacked also bureaucracy huge agendas which diluted the decision-making process ( individuals than before, but also where established for different political means, with opposing of government agencies instead of less so. Political institutions did not only employ more the people. by wassought appeal their and itself, established parties nationalist marginal this, wake of the In unpredictability. and instability economic and political create further was to transition The 1997). insecurity accompanied by intolerance towards ethnic groups and extreme nationalism (Inglehart massive produced that changes societal rapid by was followed revolution The separately. reviewed. Politics and economy affects each other, and therefore shouldn’t be analysed primarily be will legacies parties’ marginalnationalist the and groupings tonationalist connections politicians’ atmain-stream look acloser this, analysing By transition. the and modernization by affected strongly were institutions political and social Further, appeal. nationalist to implications nationalisms. However, economic data have to be seen together with social and political 20 the in development –economic socio to in regard modernization of aspects the illuminate to been far has so argument main The During the 1990s the political environment in Romania had created an increasing number The Nationalists Social andPoliticalImplications Chapter III th century incongruence of the emergence of extreme ú erb Ĉ nescu 1999: 584). The creation of a 54 CEU eTD Collection identity is shaped in a congruent and in a multilayer functionality, and functionality, isshaped theformer especiallyontherelation,tonationalism.and amultilayer a identity in in congruent 22 period in the past, it was continued early in the transition period by the FSN and later PSDR: As nationalism had been a source of legitimating ones power and quells social unrest in a difficult 3.1 NationalistLegacies re-emergence ofextreme sub-groups of a neo-Nazi or neo-Fascist character. the and parties populist through sametime the at West the in itself manifested also nationalism common with traditional nationalism (Delanty and O’Mahony 2002: 150; Chirot 1991). However, regimes had left a‘power vacuum’ that was easily absorbed by nationalist who had little in Communist The 1997: 38). (Inglehart grew intolerance ethnic and ultra-nationalism producing Reflex” “Authoritarian 1989, an in fell subsequently system the after nation the swept insecurity a sense of predictability and reassured people that infallible leaders where in charge” and when people, so it can become a strong also a need for someone to play the nationalist narrator to stir up the nationalist honest individuals despair about thefuture of their societies” (Tismaneanu 1998: 68). There is makesmany and ofinsecurity climate the aggravates [which] hatreds enemies and of invention modernization can create (cf. Taylor 1998 on conqueror and the conquered) a “continuous consolidation of national identity coincided with the consolidation of democracy. The process of need of creating an out-group as counter to one’s self, to discover ‘who’ one is group beliefs [which] may shatter groupidentity can members’be seen when change is sudden, as the outcome often is the “reduced confidencereality” in (Bar-Tal 1998: 101).1995: 232). sudden Since societal changesproduceinsecurity andinstability, and theeffectsto This produces a charge of the transition where state assets where privatised under doubtful criteria (Gallagher There was also atradition where the state became a source of economic accumulation by those in Well founded theories onidentity from Wellfounded Anthony Smith(1991)and Salazar Jose Miguel andnational aregoodexamplesonhow identity (1998 movement . As Inglehart points out, communism had “provided sentiment 22 in the in . The 55 CEU eTD Collection (Gallagher 2005: 288). It was “not for Ceau for was “not It 2005: 288). (Gallagher mission was topreserve the nation in time when difficult decisions needed to be made” nation. Consequently figures such as Antonescu orCeau Antonescu as figures such Consequently nation. insecurity felt, nationalist nostalgia to either the communist past or the interwar legacy swept the the to Due 8). 1998: (Tismaneanu for diversity” tolerance and rights, civic sovereignty, popular solutions” which have created “strange alliances whose basis is the shared hostility tomodernity, mainstream politicians have created a state of “flourishing […] mythologies promising immediate with together nationalists The immaturity. political and backwardness history, in is rooted which ‘Authoritarian Reflex’ can beseen as a response to save thenation from insecurity and instability, an ‘Authoritarian Reflex’ producing ultra-nationalism and ethnic intolerance grew. The (Inglehart 1997: 38), when the system subsequently fell in 1989 insecurity swept the nation, and “provided a sense of predictability and reassured people that infallible leaders where in charge” the problems of the old regime and stabilize theeconomy ( 69). In the2000 election, Vadim Tudor promised to introduce a six monthdictatorship to solve opposition in the administration to give up instruments for power and privileges (Gallagher 2005: is the greater the been has there experience authoritarian more The parties. nationalist of success reason for the return ofcommunists (though former) to power (Gilberg 1990: 412)and the and the “basic authoritarianism in much of the working class and the peasantry” was the main authoritarian qualities favoured among Romanians. The lack of democratic tradition in Romania Similar to Iliescu, Vadim Tudor and Funar were that they possessed a certain amount of civic and representative values” (Gallagher 1995: 75 and 95). political and regional ethnic, interestsdifferent between accommodation a genuine byseeking afresh building than rather Romania that might have enabled Romania to statemove towards beingan ethnic restoring for a politypreference a showed Iliescu impact. their shaped tominimise thatcompromises of byarrangement combinedpolitical culture rather than encourage voters to become familiar with the expression to of differences symbols andreturn able the were nationalist Hardline […] rule. to right its denied that groups from tocompetition overt faced it thewhen limelightand valuesnationalism asin order to win popularsoon backing. But the nationalist as character ofthe the NSFEvents onlyfrom became apparentNSFwould also showed reveal thatthe Iliescu a found readiness twoit difficult to abandonpolitical to the long-standingexploit state traditionanti-democratic of using systems elements that in had existed in post-1918 û escu that Romanians [were] expressing their regrets, their expressing [were] Romanians that escu û escu “are seen as heroes because their because as heroes seen “are escu ibid. 254). Communism had 56 CEU eTD Collection one was the Caritas pyramid scandal in Funar’s Cluj in1993-1994, and the other how nationalist economy, in the involved were ideologists nationalist how on examples typical a few give to Just policies fromforeign competition. However, they often hadan economic interest themselves. 1998). 1997; Bar-Tal (Inglehart movements nationalist extreme create might of their societies” (Tismaneanu 1998: 68). This insecurity and reduced confidence in group beliefs aggravates theclimate ofinsecurity and makes many honest individuals despair about thefuture [which] hatreds and “enemies which againcreated Roma, and Hungarians as the such blame, to the decade in awide spectre of political groupings. There was a continuous invention of ‘Others’ prove that an ‘Authoritarian reflex’ was produced by the insecurity, instability and transition of direct heritage from the interwar period, is that of the need for astrong leadership. The findings ‘heroes’ which fought communism. Also, prevalent in most parties, but especially those with interwar periodcommunism tosome extent was ‘tainted’ after its dissolution, and in lack of a‘usable past’was the viewedideologies drawn fromthe interwar period since they wereas fighting the Communists. Since the lastNazi and fascist nationalists, to use their right had supporters Antonescu and Guardist timeIron of attemptcrimes towards Romanians, than regimes during the interwarof period (see Shafir 2001e: 1-2). Thus, democracycommunism took place. andSaying that the communist a (i.e. theresurrection Jews) have perpetrated much greaterinterwar and fascist policy, a discourse onthe Jews’ involvement in the establishment of of of use the justifying to connection In 48). 1998: (Tismaneanu Antonescu” Ion Marshal [and] resurrection ofhistorical phantoms, such as […] Iron Guard ‘Captain’ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu uses of myths and the omnipresent selective memory (and forgetfulness) [which] have led to the problems of the present (Shafir 2003: 177). The 1990s saw the “growing political appeals and 57). 1998: (Tismaneanu everything” but rather for the age of predictability and frozen stability, when the party state took care of The nationalists promoted economic reform, stabilizing processes and protectionist and processes stabilizing reform, economic promoted nationalists The The interwar authoritarian past can be seen as a model for solving the traditional 57 CEU eTD Collection PRM, PUNR and to some extent many of the marginal parties were either established in the wake ofinterethnic conflict (such as sentiment when insecurity replaced ethnic cooperation during the Revolution, and the fact that should beviewed together with that of transition. and sofar, asexplained unrest, of social in situation breeds Nationalism process. long-term Although, this can bedubbed as a short-term ‘reversal of modernization’, modernization is a level, bothaffected the level of political and social modernization as well as the economic one. state to individuals from decline, socio-economic of implication wide-spread The 161). 2005: and in 1998 illiteracy had again become a problem as the rate climbed to six percent (Gallagher as lacka result resources ofthe ofeconomic bythe state, hadstarved thesystem ofitsresources connections and the transition process. political their from gained boyars, like middle-age lived who mayors to collection art dollars on how FSN (and later PDSR) politicians, from Adrian N intelligence larger than main-stream parties in the1990s. Similarly, therearenumerous examples underground business world and (former) secret agent background possessed more funds and 1-2). Itwas quite normal that marginal nationalist parties with their well connectedness in the before the 1996 elections he was again expelled for having embezzled party funds (Shafir 2001a: Party of National Right). As Brahas was a businessman he pumped funds into PDN’s coffers, but was embezzeling fundschairman ofPUNR, Cornel Brahas,from was expelled from the party when it was discovered that he the Bucharestvice Former 38-39). 2005: 33, Gallagher also 1996;but Verdery esp. (see savings people’s branch he headed. He laterbehind it was a good friend of Funar, and PUNR made good revenues that shattered many joined the PDN (Thefunds. Itwas nocoincidence that the pyramid banking-game that took place in Cluj, the man politicians where involved in economic backing of marginal parties and embezzlement ofparty The fact that nationalist parties increased their ethno-political language and nationalist and language ethno-political their increased parties that nationalist fact The seen be again can which system, educational the of defects the Romania post-socialist In Vatra ) orin periods of heightened economic hardship, seems Ĉ stase’s private assets and million 58 CEU eTD Collection ideas gathered strongheavily support from similar in the communism. Infactdiscourses there1990s. is no coincidence that Ceausescu’s nationalist indoctrination drew Although as in the SecuritateMunteanuinterwar periodwas proud to legitimatefour of pillars,the similarities his that power, of unity, as a threatjust to national identity. In other aspects,continuity, MPR drew similar linesas as national-communism’s these independenceheritage as the roots of the true Romanian identity, thus seeing urbanization and modernizationand roots. Even ifamong many prominentMunteanu nationalists during the interwar period, focusing onthe rural agrarian was a formerwas seen language Similar 1). 2001c) (Shafir strategy interwar Legion’s ofthe that to similar aim was a long-term one, to slowly educate the youth and attracting it to its political outlook, its that stated It fundamentalism. religious and values communitarian on based history organic Generation’ similar that to the Legion’s aim in theinterwar period, and was further based on an Sorescu's PDN by nearly two years”became thefirst radical return formation whollyto theLegion's embrace model,preceding (Shafir 2001b: 2). The party‘For the Fatherland Party’ (Shafir 2003: 182). Setset up byMarian Munteanu in late 1991 the “MPR forward to create a ‘NewMovement for Romania (MPR), Party of the National Right (PDN)and the neo Iron-Guardist parties whichpost-socialist bureaucracy orhad been ranking members in main-streamhave political parties. The a directtheir existence to main-stream politicians; others again had been enjoyed top positions in the linkage interwar period, andto others who had a direct linkage to the Communist past. Manythe of them owed interwarThe 1990s period saw an incredible can and 3.2 MarginalLinks toMain-Stream Nationalists Politics bein marginalsaid tonationalist be especially parties, some who the revivedsocio-economic hardship, social immobility, political instability andicons geo-political insecurity. from the like nocoincidence. As such, marginal nationalist parties can beseen as a symptom to increased informer, this did not refrain him for denying MPR had any legacy to national 59 CEU eTD Collection Crainic’s state, and placed “the nation and communitarian values at thecore of its ideological movement was PDN did not manage togather enough signatures toregister for the elections. Another similar picture ofCodreanu, theleaderof interwarIron Guards. However, beforethe1996 election interwar period. The paper promoted the creation of a paramilitary ‘Civic Guards’ next to a paper outright fascist, but also highly anti-European in language. Further, PDN was linked with the economic orientation towards Germany and Japan” (cited in they propagated for the re-enaction ofthe Axis, ‘international order’ and wishes for “military and recognition of theno is there expelled, be legitimacy must Hungarians argumentation, of line this Following 1). 2001a: Shafir of European forums,individualistic and rather whishedand for a state built on“the will of the Romanianwith people” (cited in a direct heritageNichifor from the fascists, Carainic’s ‘ethnocratic Alliance. National state’ electionsand he joined former Intelligence Chief Magureanu and PUNR in the rejectedestablishment of the democracybecoming (and he was even being welcomed as) a member ofPNL. However, by the 2000 on theLater in the 1990s, friendship withground liberals such Vasile and Stoica made him considering that itinterwar was tooperiod (by usingnationalist and legionary values, similar tothe process of the Legion’s democracypolitical success in the indirectly to gain power) was prevalent in their language. (cited in (cited extremism” this consider not should …one authoritarianism with military democracy replacing party uttered that if MPR is considered anrather than anaim inextremist itself" for his party (cited in Shafir 2001b). Although, other ideologist in the movement: "If historic necessitiesdeclared that the party is not against democracy, but that MPR rather see democracy asdemand “a means, between MPR and the Legion, including the anti-democratic sentiments that followed, he did Noua Dreapta The Party of the National Right (PDN), represented in Parliament in 1995, resurrected ibid. ). Although, notconsistent in their leanings, a wish for strong leadership built on Groupul Noua Dreapta Noua Groupul (New Right) which shared the same name as a journal published in the in published as ajournal name thesame shared which Right) (New (Group of the New Right) which also revived the idea of ibid. ). Theparty was not only 60 CEU eTD Collection necessary’ form ofidentity searching ( Campeanu insisted on ignoring “evidence considering Romania’s nationalism a ‘benign’ and record in support of Antonescu’s rehabilitation drive” (Shafir 2001d: 6), and its party chairman secrecy” (Shafirrehabilitation […] would have gone on‘full steam’ rather than, as it actually2001e: happened, in semi- 1). “denied interferenceEven with the judiciary, it was obvious that without his interference, thethe Nationalmembers of his cabinet, which gather broad political support. Even if Emil ConstantinescuLiberal and Marshall the for trial’ a ‘rehabilitation was Partythere 1999, In 1). 2001d: (Shafir Antonescu (PNL) voicedwhile the latter at least on one count participated in the inaugurationa offounding ceremony“long for 195), post-19892003: Shafir in (cited aswell merits” some “had he that saying internationally Antonescu University anti-communist1990 their demonstrations, showing duringthe ofBucharest sympathy message with 7). (Ciobanu2003a: 23 Constantinescu Emil President and Iliescu some extent indirectly supported, accepted or defended bymain streampolitical leaders such as wasto This 2003). Shafir (see him after named were squares and 25streets and Romania, around Party of Christian Democrats (PNTCD), defectors which some had parliamentary representation. supported by former PrimeShafir Minister Radu2001a: Vasile in (cited minorities by posed problems the willsolve and settles” and “rapidly a state such because 3). ten of However,his supporters frombycosmopolitan thought. Similar2000 tothe PDN they believed that the state mustNational be ‘authoritarian’ the party merged into Romanianpredecessor of Codreanu. The party consisted of (returned) survivors from the interwar period. Popularwas formed Party by former (PPDR) Iron radical agrarianistGuardist, of the interwar period. Also, it was strongly anti-Gypsy. The Fatherland Party on direct and traditionalists historical the to order similarities strong had party The 2001d: 2). (Shafir credo” from Horia Sima (still alive in exile), the Constantinescu had beenagoodbargain 1996, in sincewasmember heboth a oftheCommunistformer Party ofthe andhad beenpresident During the 1990s, 6-8 statues of the interwar dictator Marshall Antonescu was put up anti- and anti-communist an 1997, andfollowed in was established (DR) Right Romanian ibid. ). Similar to other nationalist parties, PLN came close came PLN parties, nationalist other to Similar ). 23 (1996-2000). In one case the former defended 61 CEU eTD Collection Corneliu Vadim Tudor (party president from the establishment until today) and its director civilization. Thetwo most prominent figures in the weekly that Transylvania is the “Hearth” (the meaning of the word belief the in especially and fear, this under up build that nationalism Romanian of aspects typical the Hungarians demanded more cultural, educational and linguistically rights. (Deletant 1991: 29). It was easyfuture of the economy; allfor these factors have contributed nationalists to the climate of interethnic tension” to create thisconcern about an erosion of Romanian dominancefear in Transylvania, general uneasein about the the Romanian mindrevisionism Hungarian of fear motives, ofHungarian out[:]Mistrust pointed has whenRadu Ceontea communism, and it was this fear who during fostered fear external prompted this on is based nationalism Romanian rule. Ceausescu’s the creation of of years the usedduring propaganda of language the to similar is used groups nationalist other (Hearth) included many members from all these parties. The language of appeal that Alliance of Romania (APR) Ilescu’s first presidency, Teodor Mele National Unity (PUNR) as coalition partners in 1992. TheForeign Minister of Romania during Romanian Party of and Party) Romania (Greater PRM chose PSDR), later so the more then and (FSN government interim the to connection close in Nationalists successful. not was parties and "successor parties" to the former Communist Party. Come the fall elections, they may well form the next coalition” (Shafir 2000). (Shafir coalition” next the form well may they elections, fall the Come Party. Communist former the to parties" "successor The PDSR, theDemocrats, and APRare the all"descendants" of theNational SalvationFront and,as such, allthree belong to thecategory of 25 74). 1995: Chairman Committee oftheState forWater furtherpushed intoobscurity beforebeing assigned bybeing ajobinstatepublishing” (Gallagher propaganda intheTimiscountyparty and secretary committee thenfirst oftheIàsi countyparty committee.Intheearly 1980s, hebecame dissident from Ceausescu’s increasinglydoctrinairepolicies. After 1971, Iliescu helda series ofminor posts: party secretary of incharge committee incharge ofideology until 1971, when his rapidprogress up theparty hierarchy was abruptlyafter stalled he registered some respectful 24 of Romanian National Unity (PUNR) leader Radu Ciontea” (Shafir 2001b). their ranks in 1998-1999, but as early as in 1995 PNL had also “accepted to its ranks former Party to calling for a short-term dictatorship. As seen, the PNL offered former leader of PRM to join “Third placeinterms ofmayors, local councillors,and countycouncillors wastaken Alliance ofRomania bythe 283(APR), which mayors. has IonIliescu was educated Moscow “in for five years intheearly 1950s,had he beenministerof youth and secretary oftheparty’s central An attempt byPresident IonIliescu 25 in theend of the 90s. As seen, the cultural organization û canu (1992-1996), established his own nationalist party, 24 in 1993 to prohibit interwar nationalist publications nationalist interwar prohibit 1993 to in Vatra Greater Romania Greater ) orthecradle of the Romanian Vatra , “as indeeditspresident, wereeditorin chief Vatra played on the Vatra Vatra and 62 CEU eTD Collection blooming support throughout the beginnings of the 1990’s. particular, Prime Minister Petre Roman 1991. “The party’s emergence owes much to thesupport of the National Salvation Front and, in supporters, and by their success they were encouraged to establish its political wing, PRM, in May (Shafir 1991: 25). Both of them were skilful journalists and therefore managed to achieve many Polytechnical School in Toulouse”Polytechnical Schoolin (Gallagher1995:74). the director of the party’s publishing house,Editura Politica. Roman Spanish in and was fluent French, and heheld a doctoral degreefrom the the sonof Walter Roman, a former Spanish CivilWar veteran who,his until death 1983, in had amember been oftheRCP central committee and 26 under formerdictator Nicolae Ceau Eugen Barbu. The two writers are “renowned for their conspicuous contribution tohagiography “PetreRoman, the forty-three-year-old who lecturer would [Iliescu’s] behis as partner crucial decisionswere taken thenext over twoyears was û escu [and] fortheirlinks with theformersecret police 26 ” (Shafir 1991: 25). PRM and Tudor would achieve would Tudor and PRM 25). 1991: ” (Shafir 63 CEU eTD Collection consolidated, at least reached a level of certain ‘endurance’, as stability and security has begun to begun has security and asstability ‘endurance’, certain a levelof reached least at consolidated, ifnot have, saidto canbe as democracy wishes of these most fulfil didalso millennia new acceptation into NATO and prospects of European Union membership. The period marking the economy together with a positive development in mostspheres. This coincided with the 1997 to 1999 was over in Romania, from approximately 2001 optimism was to beseen in the where theEastshould take West after (Blokker the 2005b). last Afterthe economiccrisis from western modernization, and thus to some degree continuing a linear approach to development Atlantic integration has often meant that the transition has been dictated along a pattern of compete with lower prices for similar goods to sell (Smith 2001: 147). At thesame time, Euro- behalf of the other Central European nations, as Romania became ‘latecomers’ who had to behind in the integration process to EU and NATO, and in many ways, Romania suffered on the European nations developed faster than that ofRomania, she has been considered to be lagging Central Since integration. Euro-Atlantic towards way onlypossible was the democratization and transition economic that realization the made countries, post-socialist for path possible only the The only game in town has become NATO and EU (Rupnik 2000). Thefact that this seemed like Developmentsthe New in Economic Stabilization and Populist Rhetoric andPopulist Economic Stabilization Millennia Chapter IV 64 CEU eTD Collection to compete on the internal market ( far from full fulfilment of the requirements to enter EU, and that the economy were yet too weak track of Euro-Atlantic integration. Constantinescu’s government also realized that Romania were them (Phinnemore 2001: 245),with combating threats from immediate neighbours rather than promoting cooperationthe with government between 1996-2000 firmly putconsolidation). Romania on the spread its wings around Romania (cf. O’Donnel 1996 on democratic endurance vs. (Ciobanu 2003b: 2). Inthe presidential run-off Iliescu gained 67 percent of the vote, while Vadim while PNL, the Democratic Party and UDMR all gained around seven percent votes each. Constantinescu’s PNTCD, failed to pass the threshold to obtain any seats in the 2000 election, Subsequently, 8). 2003a: (Ciobanu institutions democratic for support the in decline dramatic Constantinescu presidency had been a disappointment, and prior tothe 2000 election there was a By 2000, after tenyears of transition and democratic experience, both theIliescu and economic reform (OECD 2002: 7). Constantinescu blamed everyone but himself for the failures. membership in the EU and NATO, which closely supervised effective implementation of (Phinnemore 2001: 245). After 2000 Iliescu continued to put Romania onthe path of among Romanians, and possibly stirred up more nationalist sentiment than otherwise the integration process to EUand NATO, has exacerbated the frustration and disappointment transition and European integration had made some important breakthroughs. Lagging behind in among the first wave of admissionIliescu to his presidency from 2000 to2004. Although, in 1997 Romania was not nominated to NATO, the government’sand quell social unrest was a main factor in the resignation from power in 2000, and the return of program of the sametogether they failed in restraining economic decline,year fighting corruption, smoothing transition on through three governments drawn from the same pool of the Democratic Convention, and Romania’s initial foreign policy after 1989 was perceived as being far more concerned Iliescu strove to portray himself as rational and distanced himself from xenophobic ideas ibid. 259). But Emil Constantinescu’s presidency went 65 CEU eTD Collection up the farmers land would only “prolong the farmers’ agony and fail to solve the situation” ( 2003). The price of the land is so low that it would notbenefit the farmer to sell, and thus buying 3 hectares, and constitutes a self-consuming sector in the economy (Nine O’clock 30 October 28 305). 2005: Romania whereas 48%got 46Iliescu Transylvania Bucharest” inMuntenia butonly22% support 34% and andand Moldovia in in (Gallagher fairlyevenlyacrossmain regionsof wasdistributed attracted support cause.Vadim’s whowerethemost the four from toeighteen his thirteen performed school respectively), andindividuals moststronglyinsmallandmedium-sized terms whoremainedin towns(31% ofeducationitis in of the 18-29 and alsoBy vote. rural the theof 48% and 30-44 over, and contrast,sixty aged age those of votes group;the of 55% the obtained Iliescu 26% PRM’s round ofpresidential first the electoral the In 45-59elderly. the and towns, age support group, isbut spread only 16% fairly of those even 27 aged across sixty all and age over; groups, in terms except of location,the elderly: Vadim in the first presidential round Vadim got 33% 1990 agriculture sector, and the rural and urban division has then stabilized on similar numbers as in By that year, numbers indicated that 32 percent of the population was employed in the 2004. March in achieved was finally membership NATO 309). 2005: 2000 (Gallagher in percent 4.5 percent as an indirect consequence of the drop in internal debt from 13.1 percent to 9.3 In 2001 the economy recovered from the transitional burst, and the economy grew at a rate of Finallyin 4.1 Stability Sight two previous presidencies. the of failures the to a critique was purely 2000election inthe victory nationalist’s the Overall, the votes for the nationalist parties can beinterpreted as a critique tothem (see Gallagher 2005). coalitions in Romania had each in turn failed to bring Romania out of economic hardship, and ingrained nationalist sentiments throughout the society, but rather that the two only viable ruling as interpreted be not should PRM suchas party anationalist of success The Tudor. Vadim other hand, Iliescu safe victory was also asign than many voted for Iliescu in opposition to change, strong power, and they were largely untainted by any previous government. But on the of thevotes for parliament Tudor gained the remaining 33 percent. Overall, Tudor’s PRM gained more than twenty percent See footnote 11. Seefootnote “The2000 demonstrated clearlyelections that the PDSR’s electoral support is concentratedamong therural population, inhabitants of small 28 . But theagriculture sector remains inefficient as the land is divided into small plots of 2 or 27 . Many voted for PRM and Vadim Tudor since they promised radical ibid. 66 ). CEU eTD Collection privatization of big companies and EU funds (Nine O’clock 17 November 2005). Romania has 2005-2007 was anticipatedpredicted due tothe floods that year (Nine O’clock 18 January 2006). The economic growth in to be twice as high 2005 (Nineas O’clock 17 November 2005). the Europeanthe first time since the revolution largeUnion companies with over 500 employees became profitable in average, much due to companies what they owe or the state the undertaken,tax revenues they are entitled to ( 2003). Although the private sector is growing, some due toa the privatization which havegreat been amountexpenses such asthe healthsystem, defence, education orinvestment (Nine O’clock 30 October of theseprivatization speeded up, the state frees money and increases income which can be usedare for other inefficientRomania’s exports and the main source of FDI (Gallagher 2005: 310). When FDI and the companiesdependent on the European Union, which has become the destination of70 percent of thatRomania who initial relied on traditional East-bloc trading partners in the 1990s are now survivesRomania, and both affect the process of modernization anddemocratizationby in positive terms. not paying in values human and social the affect will inturn this dwindles asinsecurity and is enforced companies (Nine O’clock 28 December 2003). If these developments prove to continue, stability for investment, and at the same time eroding the discrimination between Romania and foreign easier it made have lawswhich and codes tax simplifying by years, next the development positive economy has evolved in aslower pace than seen in 2001 and 2002, theeconomy continued a T Mihai Finance of Minister stated FDI, on depends its success and management, of amatter but resources, of 29 1997) toaround positive one percent in percent 22.8 negative 1991 and in percent 18.3 negative of deflation in apeak (from stabilized See footnote 11. Seefootnote The economic growth in 2005 was between 4.2 and 4.5 percent, which was less than Foreign direct investment (FDI) quadrupled between 2000 and 2004, and inflation has inflation and 2004, 2000 and between quadrupled (FDI) investment direct Foreign ĈQĈ sescu in October 2003 (Nine O’clock 20 October 2003). Although the Although 2003). 20October O’clock 2003(Nine October in sescu 29 . However, Romania’s ‘re-industrialization’ is not a matter isnot ‘re-industrialization’ Romania’s . However, ibid. ). However, for ). However, 67 CEU eTD Collection which was to become a miscalculation ontheir behalf. The PSD-PUR National Union gained 37 appeal of marginal parties declined. prosperity and European integration. Nationalism was toned down in most parties, and the sentiments – dressed in the fashion ofEuropean populism in theaspects of general economic nationalist some carrying still as PRMhowever, – such parties 1990s,and the it wasthroughout lesser extremes prevalent today. In turn, nationalism did not seem to be as ethnic and exclusive as first decade of the new millennia has shown progress in all sectors of the economy, and there are Vadim Tudor’s support in 2000 when hepromised a six month dictatorship if he was to win. The and elections, and rather have a strong leader (Ciobanu 2003b: 2-3), numbers which equals showed that almost one third of the population supported the belief in getting rid off parliament Romania a more serious partner of the accession to the EU. Still, a poll conducted in 2001, better relations to social-democratic colleagues in the European Union, and all together made Romania, to PDS is only one of these indicators. At the same time, PM Adrian N PMAdrian time, the same At indicators. ofthese isonlyone PDS to Romania, democratic party (Ciobanu and Shafir 2005: 4). The name change in 2001, dropping the with nationalist and authoritarian touches, and toadjust more towards a European-style social- After the 2000 elections PSDR worked hard to change its image from a post communist party 4.2 Escaping NationalismandEmbracing EuropeanIntegration. 2007). 12February O’clock (Nine decreasing rates have been decreasing Inflation 2007). 12February O’clock (Nine 2005 from percent 17.3 of increase an 51,000, over from 8.7 percent in 2004in regard toa booming trend in constructions.down In 2006, construction authorizations numbered to 4.87 percent incontradictory (Nine 2006,O’clock 1 November 2006). The industrial output has been pickingand up, much is still also taken the action oflistening more toEU advisors than toIMF, which often has been In the2004 election, PSD went in an ‘electoral’ coalition with theHumanist Party (PUR) Ĉ stase grew R for 68 CEU eTD Collection going through iscurrently Romania crisis political the eases what is actually few years last the development (Nine O’clockthe previous administration ofeconomic hardship, but rather the opposite. The economic 24 Januaryfrom the same alliance. However, the current president has not had to deal with the ‘heritage’ of 2007).2000 when The scandals fact came in rowthat after rowthe and new economygovernmentsdecade of nationalist power in the city. were drawnkeeps againFunar lost his hegemonic power in Cluj-Napocaand to the PNL politiciangrowing Emil Boc, againending over a candidate was backed by thegrowing elder, less-educated urban (populist)and ruralclass, population ones. better ( B the promise of eradicating corruption. Thus he gained both Hungarian votes and nationalist educated and younger people, while PSD and their presidential %Ĉ Truth alliance played the populist card, gained both votes from PDS and PRM’s electorate. served as Bucharest’s mayor (Ciobanu and Shafir 2005: 7). 2005: Shafir and (Ciobanu mayor Bucharest’s as served transport thesame ministercontinued underunder Constantinescu, government. From 1996-2000 theFSN andfrom2000-2004 post he he 30 Basescu Trajan while supporters, ultra-nationalist the alienated only Tudor Vadim 2003). 26November O’clock it(Nine to solutions offer and integration Euro-Atlantic Union, from being an ‘anti-European’ party PRM now declares the importance of the process of rid of his ‘extremist’ image. By doing this PRM counteracted on their position on theEuropean PSD attempts of cleansing itself of nationalist rhetoric coincided with Tudor’s attempt ofgetting initial in support of PSD, would support anyone who was ready to support its agenda ( center-right collation (Ciobanu and Shafir 2005). PRM gained 13 percent of the votes. UDMR a for ready wasagain Romania coalition, fromPSD-PUR senators and 149deputies of out However, as no one gained majority, and PUR switched sides on December 29, and abducted 30 percent of the votes, against PNL-PD, the Justice and Truth alliance, which gained 31 percent. Basescu was a former captain of the NAVROM (Romanian Navy) commercial fleet prior to 1989. Between 1991 and 1993 he served as sescu managed to play bothhis national card and onequality between citizens, together with However, the last two years have rather resembled the political environment of 1997- of environment political the resembled rather have years two last the However, Ĉ sescu and the Justice and Truth alliance draw most of the support from a ibid. 30 from the Justice fromthe and 9).Thesame year, ibid. 3). 69 CEU eTD Collection April 2007). April 19 O’clock (Nine corruption against taken measures the and reform justice of development the been good, Romania has still much toimprove, especially in regard to repeating concerns over terms of corruption (Nine O’clock 4 April 2007). Although economic stability and growth has (calculated on purchase45 isranking Romania analyzed, countries fifty Of EU countries. parity) with USD economic8,166 growth remains 6-7 percent in Romania and do not exceed the 2-3 percent in other and 42 Romania 30 percent in 2007 (Nine O’clockyears 23 January 2007). Although the economy is blooming it will take to reachsaw a current account deficit ofnine percent, this is expected to increase to more than ten GDP perpercent, which is higher than first predicted (Nine O’clock 11 Maycapita 2007). However, while 2006 levelit (Nine O’clock 31 January 2007). The forecast of economic growth in 2007 is set toseven of theinto the trap of relaxation, and it is not Europeanthe end of integration, but rather the actual beginning of average, provided that %Ĉ 4.3 andRecent Political Economic Developments and low wages still prevail. the economy are underway, to some extent this has only benefited the few, and social problems becoming more and more prevalent (Nine O’clock 30 October 2003). Although improvements in evolution on paper positive between gap “The 2006). January 16 O’clock (Nine and poverty extreme in live million the stagnating situationunionist put thenumber that at least 50 percent still live under thepoverty rate and of these five in ‘real Romania’ – the one on the streets”to political and democratic maturity, and economic stability (Nine O’clock 7 May 2007).is disregarding political unrest in thewake of President Basescu’s impeachment is both a testimony sescu pointed out that the accession to European Union has not meant that Romania can fall Although official statistics says that 1.5 million Romanians live in extreme poverty, extreme in live Romanians 1.5 million that says statistics official Although nd out of exports per capita and 46 th in terms of GDP per capita th in 70 CEU eTD Collection adjusted. and diversity of a country should betaken broader into account when theories of transition are the starting point in 1989. However, one lesson should bedrawn, and that is that the specificities nevertheless, Romania pulled through it faster than any had predicted orexpected considering and how it often was dictated by Western institutions, had been a long and hard one. But to gain votes in Romania and acceptance by European partners. The road through the transition, identification with extreme nationalism, and rather began touse populist and inclusive language aspect of European integration. At the same time, main-stream parties purged themselves of their in language, Romanian populism rather dealt with how Romania could and should improve in the evaluated their rhetoric towards that of European populism. From at first being anti-Europeanist predominant in theaspect of European integration, marginal nationalist parties lost appeal or re- 2007). program that will attractof national privatethe companies, something the GovernmentRomanian is currently envisioning by making a labour forcemoney coming into Romania by increasing FDI, itback also has a negative impact on the productivity to the country (Ninesomeone working abroad (Nine O’clock 18 NovemberO’clock 2003). Although, this leads to more 7 May number of Romanian people living abroad. In 2003 it was reported that 1 out of ten families has As economic prosperity took roots and democratic consolidation became more high tothe due is inreality it than ishigher Romania in rate employment the However, 71 CEU eTD Collection parties and extreme nationalist sentiments. Although economic factors cannot be explain without language. political problems with development have influenced the rise of marginal nationalist parties and ethno- aspects have been tried to be linked up to a theory of nationalism, tosee how the effects of and However, economy affectsmore than economics, social and political implications have beenthese taken into consideration. spheres indirectly,incorporation ofmostly socio-economic analysis. Since modernization and nationalism is much and they aregiven countrythey have advised. Third,tomeasure andanalyse this, there have been an thus interlinked.they have largely ignoredAll the historical diversity as well as social ofand political implications in the these of ‘Europeanization’ in the aspect of Euro-Atlantic integration. Although successful in the end, western imposed models and ‘westernization’, transition studies have continued a renewed form the short-term process of modernization, but although modernization theories have disregarded as viewed been has transition Second, capitalism. and tofree-market adapted and reconstructed, market as period modernizationearly was imposed from above and became incompatible on the international as thebeen examined1970-80s. as a The researchlong-term has been threefold approach to development theories. First, modernization has After progress modernization and economic developmenttheof in regard to the transition perioddevelopment, and nationalism. revolution of experience Romania’s of analysis comparative socio-historical to been far has so analysis The but as we have inseen 1989the communist the system needed to be Socio-economic progress shows that there is an inclination of undermining marginal Conclusions Theory Reassessed 72 CEU eTD Collection potential in economic cooperation. The economic situation created instability, insecurity and to take away its appeal when people end worrying about their economic situation and realizes the predetermine the rise of extreme nationalism, but economic prosperity does have the possibility mentioned, the economy is only onefactor and cannot be used alone. Economic decline cannot disintegration had onpolitical and social aspects widens the range it had onnationalism. As nationalist movements than elsewhere. The implications and effects socio-economic socio-economic rupture than other places, and therefore possibly also experienced stronger sawastronger Romania is that here, articulated argument The countries. post-socialist other or too turned to nationalism tolegitimate their power in the wake oftransitional problems. and as the ex-communists were over-represented in the new post-socialist regime, and they often of the economic decline in the 1980s. Nationalismhad been a tool to legitimate those in power, been at the core of the society at least from the 1970s and on, only reinforced by the exacerbating ethno-political language, extreme nationalism and xenophobia. As discussed, nationalism had unemployment.economy. This created a restructuring ofindustry, a return to agricultural society, and increase in The insecurityindustrial conditions were resting on a‘fake’ pillow that could not handle the transition to market createdmodernization had been imposed from above, instead through market forces from below, the by the transitionpost-socialist countries in the region, all countries faced problems during the transition. Since wasbenefit from such reforms. Although Romania post-socialistaccompanied conditions were worse than other they did notsee prosperity for themselves, but rather perceived that outside countries could by in increase2001: 23). InRomania, opposition to economic reform was greatest from the nationalist when of competitiveness, and prosperity are defined as positive and important national values” (Greenfeld promoted economic growth within this environment only when economic achievement, “actively Nationalism society. ‘civic’ in factor as apositive development economic towards taking into social and political aspects, nationalism has also taken the form of inclining itself Nationalism does exist everywhere, and it was not an isolated phenomenon in Romania 73 CEU eTD Collection economic terms, but rather in cultural and social ones. certain economic level is reached, it is likely that Romanians will consider human rights not by human rights, coupled with diminishing popularity of marginal nationalist parties. So, when a as the economy is getting better, it is possible that Romania can ‘afford’ to pay more attention to to social and environmental issues as otherEuropeans do (Nine O’clock 8 January 2007). Thus, Romanians human rights refer to the economic situation such as wages orjobs and notso much To well. as language Hungarian this in do to she willafford likely that is hardly it education, willingness, but economy. When Romania is barely capable tosecure Romanians a satisfactory Hungarians cultural and linguistics rights in fields such as education is not only a question of she can afford toimplement a broader aspect of human and minority rights. Granting two independent endurable institutions, a result of the end of the transition. maturity and security seen in botheconomic and political spheres. Inone way, they have become currently seeing economic stability under political duress and problems is a testimony to the to beannounced over. Although far away from the European average, the fact that Romania is countries. Additionally much work is left in thefield of judiciary and corruption for the transition European Union, she is still decades away for reaching the economic average of other European Although the Romanian economy is improving rapidly and has recently been accepted into the for the ‘other’ to blame for ones hardship and misery, instead of changing it from within. unrest and the effects of social rupture. quell social to force ‘stabilizing’ asa(false) wasused asnationalism so), become to wishing those capitalist market economy.who could loose from orfeared change during the Nationalismtransition from socialist planned economy to also legitimatedeconomic elite, as well as main stream politicians, exploited simmering apprehension of those the power of thosesocial unrest which made people prone to nationalistin manipulation. Some governmentof the nationalists and (or When Romania reaches a certain level of economic prosperity it seems more likely that Economy of shortages creates jealousy ofthose who have more, and a tendency to search 74 CEU eTD Collection cross-border cooperationGreeenfeld see 2001. 31 to consolidate themselves. A fact notonly seen from Romania, but also from thebreak-up of tension since it produces economic change, social rupture and political changes which needs time lesson that can be drawn is that transition can produce more extreme nationalism and ethnic other, and there has been aneed to see the convergence between the two (Stepan 1998), one market and industry. As the fields of nationalism and transitology often have neglected each laws, institutions, of fields the in itself re-structure to needs society when transition socialist Thus, Romania can besaid toneed to go through aprocess of re-modernization during the post- as an early stage ofindustrialization, the 1980s was riddled with social and economic problems. modernization orin a period of democratic transition. Although the interwar period was marked and it fails toexplain the upsurge of marginal nationalist groups later in the process of precedes that of state-building, problems are faced with viewing development as a linear process, that nationalism often takes root in theearly stages of industrialization orwhen nation-building cooperation, trade and development protectionist nationalism in prospect of further increased economic development through especially ina more matured and consolidated form, tends to bury old ethnic problems and a ‘healthier’ civic and economic nationalism to emerge in Romania. General economic prosperity, Thus, the last stages of modernization or completion ofthe transition might imply the change to undermined much of the nationalist sentiments which had been prevalent throughout the 1990s. passed over, stability and democratic maturity andendurance strengthened, which in turn economic conditions improved, and the effects of the ‘shock therapy’ introduced in 1997 had As presumed. asnormally as connected necessarily not are and nationalism modernization connection between nationalism andmodernization to broader cases has been to show that Forananalysis France, ofEngland, United Sates and countries other growth of economicnationalism as a way toenhancedevelopment and Although authors such as Gellner (1983) and Linz and Stepan (1996) make a good point is it Although a theoretical to use onecase-study to make theory, the relevance of the 31 . 75 CEU eTD Collection policy adapted forced countries to liberalize their economy, facing penalties for those who could benefit everyone, not taking into account the interest of those countries concerned. The Further, the transition in the 1990s was influenced bythe American belief that free-trade alone this ‘return to Europe’ took in theconditionality of the accession process” (Blokker 2005b: 518). as a ‘return to Europe’ was the only viable form of emancipation, and, on the other, the shape period was characteristic of“imitation of ‘tested’ Western political and economic models as well changes from the Romanian government (see Gallagher 2005; OECD 1993). The transition administrative legal and implement to attempts half-hearted the and IMF and Bank World decade of transition were due toboth the contradicting elements of demands of change from the the wake ofeconomic prosperity and European integration. Much of the problems in the first in itself purging slowly au-turn taken had nationalism Romanian Inadecade, prosperity. future endorsed by nationalist and populist parties to solve the economic crisis and seen as good for tendency which only will become more dominant the next few years. investments, there as been an increase in cross-border cooperation and interethnic cooperation, a appeal.their lost groups nationalist marginal while materializing, to was close integration Euro-Atlantic The lastand PDS tried to rid themselves of (extreme or xenophobic) nationalism when the prospect fewof years,South-East Europe which are not yetmembers of NATO and the European Union. Both PRM legalopposition. This was seen in Romania, and can to some extent be seen in other countries today in and consolidation, foreign investmenteconomic and smoother transition, and in turn fuel the nationalist integration into the Euro-Atlantic sphere can besaid to only exacerbate problems of democratic reformsprogress together with European integration undermines extreme nationalism. The slow have simplifiedanti-Semitism in a homogenous country such as Poland. theCzechoslovakia, the Soviet Union, and more extremely in Yugoslavia, as well as the increasemarket of for When the tide turned in 2001, economic reform and European integration started to be Nationalism can beseen as a short-term cost of the transition. Stability and economic 76 CEU eTD Collection nationalism losses its direct appeal, as it did after 2001. Itdid not do so in the interwar period and breeding ground for extreme nationalists, and third, when the completion ofmodernization ‘failure’ of modernization has created social unrest, insecurity and instability which have been change posed by modernization has resulted in nationalism, secondly that the problems or development to nationalist political actors. A few patterns have emerged: first bythe threat of has followed such an approach, by looking at theconvergence between socio-economic actors should be taken into account (see Jovic 2001: 101; Payne 1995: 494). The narrative here political and social nationalism, extreme of upsurge the explain to failed historically have factors has rather predetermined the rise of extreme nationalism prior and during the transition period. failure economic rule, communist of years first the in was restrained nationalism Although, 1989. happened with breaks in modernization as a consequence of World War IIand the revolution in Hobsbawm 1983; Smith 1999). As we have seen in theRomanian case, a non-linear development focused on more culture orprimordial issues of nationalism (cf. discussion onAnderson 1991; or 2001) 1992; 1983; Greenfeld (Gellner societies economic modern to societies agriculture from strategy development linear a presumed either have theories Nationalist 1). 2003a: (Ciobanu legitimacy democratic and culture political relations, historical political geography, modernization and transition, underestimated the importance of several key elements such as nationalism to a full extent. Theories of democratic consolidation, an important aspect ofboth development theories. supplemented by new theories on transition, consolidation ofdemocracy, globalization and had been revived in the prospect of usefulness in transitional cases to democracy, and were economies in some countries, instead of helping it (Greenfeld 2001: 478). Modernization theories resisted and rewards to those who complied, a project that at times exacerbated the transitional To reduce the causes of nationalism toonefactor misrepresents the picture. Economic Theories on modernization and transition have neglected to incorporate that of 77 CEU eTD Collection and modernization) is that nationalism emerges disregarding any pattern of predetermined linear conflict of those who where going to receive the resources allocated for privatization. countries as thosedeveloped in nationalism’ ‘welfare called can be what to who issimilar This transition. the from fall outside of the gaining societypolitical and economic power and influence, or a voice of critique from those loosing tends of away were to either parties Nationalist turnRomania. in a decade than more a little in undertaken be to nationalism. Thiscapitalist entrepreneurs; a process whichproduced had taken decades or centuries in other countries was to period was marked as a period of change from planned economy to creating a whole new class of the transition in itself reinforced ethnic divisions and ethno-political language. The transitional to create fear orjealousy that the‘other’ ethnic group would receive morethan the other. Thus, interethnic relations in Romania, which could have eased and hastened the transition. political language and extreme nationalism. Inturn, this resulted in problematic cross-border and separated ethnic groups, and antagonizing them, which in turn created an increase in ethno- stronger clan relations, extended family and in-group pattern of economic cooperation. This produced under communism (Sztompka 1994). Economy of shortages seems to have produced that exacerbated the transitional problems in the 1990s, might bea sign of‘fake’ modernity and its incapability toadjust to free-market competitions produced the socio-economic rupture gesellschaft changes which give breeding ground for short-term conflict between the shift from between nationalism and modernization. Problems of modernization can produce demographical linkage direct any toprove is hard it sentiment, nationalist main-stream and parties nationalist increased. sentiments the first decade of transition, when marginal nationalist movements increased and nationalist Although socio-economic decline might prove to affect the upsurge of marginal The implications the findings have on nationalist theories (as well as that of transitology of asthat (aswell theories nationalist on have findings the implications The Areas such as privatization and land-reform (the re-individualization ofland) have proved , especially when forced and pushed from above. As such, modernization from above gemeinschaft to 78 CEU eTD Collection understanding of the given country. from the outside should only beattempted through dialog, cooperation and historical Implementation studies. transitional in system political or judiciary economy, the transform to each specific case should be adopted to understand either the emergence of nationalism or how future research on social change, historical experience, regional understanding and sensitive to and modernization have the power of quelling (or transforming) extreme nationalism. As such, in disintegration has the possibility of fuelling marginal nationalist sentiment, economic prosperity be taken into account. Modernization is as such good for prosperity, and as economic to have specificities, regional to sensitive diversity, historical nationalism extreme of emergence) and democracy has gradually strengthened itself. Thus tounderstand the emergence (or re- prevail in Romania today, their appeal have been in decline as economic stability has improved still sentiments nationalist and parties nationalist marginal Although popularity. and sentiments developed modernized society also, are all elements that can determine an increase in nationalist However, the findings also show that economic instability, transitional problems, the lack of a development, but can be seen in periods of economic deprivation in any ‘stage’ of development. 79 CEU eTD Collection ( March, 1990. Andersen, Christoffer M.2005. http://www.rferl.org/reports/eepreport/archive2003.asp Comparative Perspective (Part 1)”. In RFE/RL in EastofRomania European TheCase Europe: Perspectives, Eastern in Consolidation Democratic of Vol.“Problems 2003a. 5, No. Monica. 16 (August)Ciobanu, (available from: from: Hermann et. al. (ed.), Citrin, Jack & John Sides. 2004. “More than pp.Nationals: 457-499. HowRomania”. Communist Identity in Change “Social 1978. Daniel. Chirot, Choice Matters in the New Europe”, in: R.K. experience in: “Introduction”, ------2004a. 2003/2. Florence: European University Institute, Department of Political and Social sciences.Blokker, Paul. 2003. Harper & Row, Publishers. Black, Cyril. E. 1966. Canovan, Margaret. 1981. Press. University Bunce, Valerie. 1999. Press. Brubaker, Rogers. 1996. Social Theory “Post-Communist Transition------2005b. Modernization, Europe”. Studies,andDiversity in German Law Journal Distinction”. East-West the and Post-nationalism, Anti-Europeanism, Nationalism, “Populist 2005a. ------Biro, Sandor. 1992. 1977, pp. 29-40, 102-124. Berend, Ivan and Gyorgy Ranki. 1977. Studies in Social Identity. Bar-Tal, Daniel. 1998. “Group Beliefs as an Expression of SocialAlter, Peter. 1994. Identity”, in: Th.R. Sarbin-K.E.Bibliography: Scheibe (eds.), http://www.iue.it/Personal/Researchers/pblokker/Index.html experience ------2004b. “Conclusions”, in : http://www.rferl.org/reports/eepreport/archive2003.asp Comparative Perspective (Part 2)”. In RFE/RL in Romania East of Case The European Europe: Eastern Perspectives, in Consolidation Democratic of Vol.“Problems 5, No. 2003b. 17 (August)------(available from: http:old.aac.edu/soubory.php/Andersen_senior_thesis.pdf?id=569 http://www.iue.it/Personal/Researchers/pblokker/Index.html . PhD dissertation. . PhD . PhD dissertation. , Vol. 8 No. 4, pp. 505-525. Nationalisms. . Vol. 06 No. 02, pp. 371-389. The Nationalities Problem in Transylvania 1867-1940. Modernity in Romania: Nineteenth Century Liberalism and its Discontents. Transnational Identities. Becoming European in theEU, in Becoming European Identities. Transnational Subversive Institutions: The Design and the Destruction of Socialism and the State New York: Praeger, pp. 5-30. The The dynamics of Modernization: A study in Comparative History. BA thesis Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the national question inNew-Europe Populism. London: Edward Arnold, pp 1-35. Resurgent Romanian Nationalism, in the Wake of the Interethnic Clashes in Tirgu Mures, Tirgu in Clashes Interethnic ofthe Wake the in Nationalism, Romanian Resurgent New York: Junction Books. Florence, European University Institute (available from: . oent n t aite.Ahsoia scooia aayi o te oain modern Modernity and Romanian its varieties. the A of historical analysis sociological Prague: New Anglo-American College in Prague East Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries Modernity and its varieties. A historical sociological analysis of the Romanianmodern ofthe analysis sociological varieties. Ahistorical andits Modernity Florence, European University Institute (available ). ). ) Social Forces Social ). ) New York, Columbia University Press. pp. 161-185. , Vol. 57 No. 2, Special Issue (December), New York, Evanston, and London: and Evanston, New York, Working Paper SPS No. . Budapest: Akademiai Kiado, . Cambridge: Cambridge . Cambridge: . Cambridge University European Journal of 80 CEU eTD Collection ------2001. Greenfeld, Liah. 1992. N Books/Central European University press, pp. 83-100. Mungiu-Pippidi and Ivan Krastev (eds.) Gligorov, Vladimir. 2004. “The Economics of Disintegration and Reintegration: The Case of Yugoslavia”. In: Alina 412. Gilberg, Trond, 1990. “Romania: Will History Repeat itself?” ------1996. 41-77 Gentile, Emilio. 2003. ------1997. http://www.rferl.org/reports/eepreport/archive2005.asp In Consolidation?” forDemocratic Test A Elections: Romanian “The 2004 2005. Shafir. Michael and Monica Ciobanu, RFE/RL East European Perspectives, Vol. 7, No. 3 (April) (available from: Gellner, Ernest. 1983. Hitchins, Keith. 1992. “Romania”. Helsinki Watch, 1989. “Destroying Ethnic Identity: The Hungarians of Romania.” February Europe. Southeastern in Paths Modernity to Diverse (ed.), Augustinos Gerasimos In: Romania”. in Development and Nationalism, “Politics, 1991. Ellen. Mary Fischer, University press. ------1999. ------1973. Hebrew University. Eisenstadt, Shmuel Noah. 1966. the Balkans. (eds.) Tom Gallagher and Pridham Geoffrey In Trends”. Evolving and Diamondouous, N.P. and F.S. Larrabee. 2000. “Democratization in South-East Europe: Theoretical Considerations ------2005. 243. Gallagher, Tom. 1995. ------1993. Ashgate. 1998. Daniel. Daianu, Delanty, Gerard and Patrick O’Mahony. 2002. Europe Deletant, Dennis. 1990. “The Role ofVatra Romaneasca in Transylvania”, in Radio Free Europe’s Nelson (ed.) Datculescu, Petre. “Social Change and Changing Public Opinion in Romania after the 1990 Election”. In Daniel N. Transition. in , February 1 pp 43-47. Open Society Archives. New York: Routledge, pp. 24-64. Romania after Tyranny The Sacralization of Politics in Fascist Italy The Spirit of Capitalism: Nationalism and Economic Growth Nationalism. Tradition, Change and Modernity. Theft of a Nation: Romania since Communism Romania: An Economic Assessment AnEconomic Romania: Fundamentalism, Sectarianism andRevolution:The ofmodernity.Jacobin dimension Nations andNationalism. The Struggle for Modernity: Nationalism, Futurism, andFascism Nationalism, Futurism, The Struggle forModernity: Romania after Ceausescu: The Politics ofIntolerance. Politics Ceausescu:The Romania after Transformation of as process: perspective. of economy a real aninsider's Transformation ationalism: Five Roads to Modernity. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson Modernization: Protest and Change. . Boulder: Westview Press, pp. 127-148. The American Historical Review, Nationalism after Communism: Lessons Learned. Lessons Communism: after Nationalism New York: Greenwood Press, pp. 135-168 GreenwoodPress, New York: Oxford: Blakcwell. Nationalism and Social Theory. New York: Wiley . OECD: Centre for Co-Operation with the European Economies European withthe Co-Operation for Centre . OECD: . Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, pp. 153-162. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, pp. 1-17. ). . London: Hurst &Company. Hurst . London: Current History Englewood Cliffs, NJ; Jerusalem: Prentice Hall; The Vol. 97, No. 4, pp. 1064-1083. . Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press. Edinburgh University Press, pp. 72-98, 195- Experimenting with Democracy. Regime Change in Change Regime Democracy. with Experimenting London: Sage Publications. Sage London: , December Vol. 89, No. 551, pp 409- . Westport, Conn.: Praeger, pp.1-10, . Westport, Conn.: Praeger, Budapest andNew York: CPS Aldershot, Hants, England: Hants, Aldershot, Cambridge: Cambridge Report on Eastern 81 CEU eTD Collection Bucharest: UNDP. (available at: UNDP.(available Bucharest: 47DF-A532-E080316FBF8D Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina. 2002. “The Public Debate on Regionalism” in Cornell University Press. 1995. Irina. Livezeanu, and Post-Communist Europe Linz, Juan J. & Alfred Stepan. 1996.International Studies Quarterly In: Peace”. of Puzzle the and Hungary, Romania, Best: Sunday onTheir “Putting 2000. H. Ronald Linden, nations. Lampe, John R. and Marvin R. Jackson. 1982. Lampe, John R. 2005. Learned. Lessons Village Ahmeti’s Relations: Interethnic of Economy Political “The 2004. Cox. Marcus and Bender Kristof or Gerald, Knaus, the Macedonian Tyranny Case”. In:Kideckel, Alina David Mungiu-Pippidi A, 1992. Kaplan, Robert.“Peasants 1994. andand Authority Ivan JowittKrastev K. (ed). in1978. Social Changethe in Romania, 1860-1940. NewBerkeley: Institute of (eds.)Romania”.International Studies. In JournalDaniel of Social Theory N. NelsonJovic, Dejan. 2001. “The Disintegration (ed.)of Yugoslavia: A Critical Review of explanatory Approaches”. 313-320. Janos, Andrew. 1982. Sequence. Inglehart, Ronald & Christian Welzel. 2005. Jersey: Princeton University Press, pp. 1-50. Inglehart, Ronald. 1997. University of Oklahoma Press. Huntington, Samuel P.1991. (eds), T. Ranger and Hobsbawm E. in Traditions”, “Inventing 1983. Eric. Hobsbawm, Rumania 1866-1947.Oxford:Clarendorf Press ------1994. Hitchins, Keith. 1992. “Romania”. in Eastern Europe Backwardness Gunst, Peter.and Southeast Europe, 1900-1940. 1989.1880-1939,” in Marius Turda and J. PaulWeindling (eds.), “AgrarianGriffin, Roger. 2007. “Tunnel Visions and Mysterious Trees: Modernist Projects of National and Racial regeneration,Systems of Central and Eastern Europe.” In: Daniel Chirot (ed.) Hosking, Geoffrey & George Schopflin (eds.). 1997. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. University Indiana Bloomington: . Boulder: Westview Press, pp. 67-82. New York: Cambridge University Press. Budapest and New York: CPS Books/Central European University press, pp. 101-146. , Vol.4 No. !,pp. 101-120. The Politics of Backwardness in Hungary, 1825-1945. Balkan Ghosts: A Journey through History. Balkans into Southeastern Europe: A Century of War and Transition Cultural politics in Greater Romania: regionalism, nation building, & ethnic struggle, 1918-1930 . Baltimore & London: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Modernization and Postmodernization: cultural, economic, and political changes in 43societies. in changes andpolitical economic, cultural, and Postmodernization: Modernization , Vol. 44, No. 1 (March), pp. 121-145. JSTOR. . Berkeley - Los Angeles - London: University of California Press, pp. 53-91. ). Budapest: CEU Press, pp. 417-456. The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century. The American Historical Review, http://www.ceeol.com/aspx/getdocument.aspx?logid=5&id=588112D8-CC40- Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, Balkan EconomicHistory, 1550-1950: imperial borderlands developing From to Modernization, Cultural Change, andDemocracy: The HumanDevelopment Mythsand Nationhood. Blood andHomeland. Eugenics andRacial Nationalism inCentral London: Papermac. Vol. 97, No. 4, pp. 1064-1083. Early Warning Report, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, pp. Hurst & Company, London, pp 1-71. London, &Company, Hurst . London: Palgrave Macmillan. Nationalism after Communism: after Nationalism The Invention of Tradition no. 1, 2002, pp. 30 - 37, Norman and London: and Norman The Origins of Origins The Romania after European . Ithaca: New 82 . CEU eTD Collection ------1998. ------1998. “Assessment and Recommendations”. ( in Newman, Saul. 1991. “Does Modernization Breed Ethnic Political conflict?” In: (October), pp. 12-18. (Available at: http:www.nato.int/docu/review/1993/9305-3.htm) 121. (available at ------2000. "Will the 'Bucharest surprise' matter this fall?" RFE/RL Newsline, End Note. 22 June, Vol. 14 No. pp 25-30. Open Society Archives. Shafir, Michael. 1991. “The greater Romanian Party” in Radio Free Europe’s transition in Romania: past, present and future Nine O’clock News. 2003-2007. ( 99451-478. OECD. 1993. ú Seton-Watson, Hugh. 1945. ( Mele New York: CPS Books/Central European University press, pp. 13-42. Schöpflin (eds.). 1997. George & Hosking :Geoffrey in myths”, of taxonomy a and myths of functions “The 1997. George. Schöpflin, Deschamps (eds.), Salazar, Jose129. Miguel.Rupnik, Jacques. 2000. “Eastern Europe: The1998. International Vontext”. “SocialSince World War II IdentityRothschild, Joseph & Nancy Meriwether Wingfield, 2000. and National Identity”, in: S. Worchel, J.F. Morales, 2)” (Part D. Paez,Petrescu, Dragos, 2004. “Historical Myths, Legitimating Discourses andJ.C. Identity Politics in Ceausescu’s Romania “Elements of a Retrodictive Theory of Fascism”, pp. 487-495. Payne, Stanley G. 1995. Consolidation'”. about “Illusions 1996. Guillermo. O'Donnell, 2001) Vol. 2, No. 1, pp. 46-58. Nikolaos,Tzifakis. 2001. “The Yugoslavs Wars’ Implication on Romania Security”. Theory”. In: Alina Mungiu-Pippidi and Ivan Krastev (eds.) ------2004. “Sense of Prejudice in the Study of Ethnic Conflict: Beyond Systems Paradigms in Research and Ricketts Mac Linscott. 1988. Mircea York: Palgrave Publishers Ltd. (2001), pp. 245-269. (eds.) Phinnemore David and Light Duncan In: Frustration?” of Decade a 1989: since Integration Euro-Atlantic and “Romania 2001. David. Phinnemore, Pascu, Ioan. 1994. “Romania and the Yugoslav Conflict”. the and Yugoslav “Romania 1994. Ioan. Pascu, ------2002. “Assessment and Recommendations”. ( http://www.rferl.org/reports/eepreport/2004/04/8-140404.asp erb Ĉ û nescu , Illie. 1999. “Can the Vicious Circle be Broken?”. In: Daniel Daianu and Christof Rûhl (eds.) canu, Teodor. 1993. “Security in Central Europe: A Positive-Sum Game”. East European Perspectives East European Romania http://www.rferl.org/newsline/2000/06/5-NOT/not-220600.asp#archive . New York: Oxford University Press. Social Identity. Transition: Myths and Nationhood. A History of Fascism, 1914-1945 Fascism, of History A Eastern Europe between the Wars, 1918-1941. London: SAGE Publications, pp.93-113. SAGE Publications, London: www.nineoclock.ro An Economic Assessment Economic An Eliade: the Romanian roots, 1907-1945 . Bucharest : World Bank. , RFE/RL Analytical Reports, 14 April, Vol. 6, No. 8 Hurst & Company, London, pp 19-35. London, &Company, Hurst Post-Communist Romania: Coming to Terms with Transition. with Terms to Coming Romania: Post-Communist ). . Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press, chapter 15: http://www.oecd.org http://www.oecd.org European Security . Centre for Co-Operation with the European Economies European the with Co-Operation for . Centre Nationalism after Communism: Lessons Learned. Communism: Lessons after Nationalism Return to Diversity: A Political History of East Central Europe Journal of Democracy. ). Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. . Journal of Democracy Boulder, CO: East European Monographs. European CO:East Boulder, , Vol. 3, No. 1 (spring), pp. 151-161. Report onEastern Europe ), pp. 1-16. ), pp. 7-11. World Politics World Vol 2, No. 7, pp. 34-51. NATO Review NATO Southeast European Politics , Vol. 11 No. 2, pp. , Vol.11No.2, 115- ). , Vol. 43, No. 3 (April), , Vol. 41, No 5 , November 15, November , Budapest and UK and New Economic , (May 83 CEU eTD Collection University Press, pp. 403-455. Karen Dawishaand BruceParrot(eds.), in post-Ceau and pluralism “Romanianexceptionalism? Democracy, uncertain ------1999. Princton University Press. Tismaneanu, Vladimir. 1998. Nationalism, Taylor, Charles.Sztompka, Piotr. 1994. 1998. Czechoslovakia”.“NationalismSwain, Nigel. 2007. “Decollectivization politics and rural change in Bulgaria, Poland and the former and pp. 219-239. Modernity”. Nationalism, of Theory and the Gellner Ernest Nation: Stepan, Alfred. 1998. “Modern MultinationalIn: Democracies: transcending a Gellnerian oxymoron”. In: http://www.rferl.org/reports/eepreport/archive2001.asp from: (available (January) No.1 3, Vol. Perspectives, European East ------2001a. “Radical Politics in East Central Europe Part IX: The Romanian Radical Return (A)”. In RFE/RL Stavrianos, L.S. 1958 [2000]. Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict Snyder, Jack and Karen Ballentine. 1997. “Nationalism in the Market Place for ideas”. In: Michael E. Brown (ed), ------1999. ------1998. Myths and Nationhood. ------1997. “The ‘Golden Age’ and national renewal”, in : GeoffreyD. 1991. Anthony Smith, Hosking & George Schöpflin (eds.). 1997. York: Palgrave Publishers Ltd. (2001), pp. 127-149. (eds.) Phinnemore David and Light Duncan In: ofExports”. Competivness the and inRomanian Economy Market toa Transition “The 2001. Alan. Smith, The Quarterly Journal of Economics Comment”. Product: National Gross Capita andPer Nationalism Betweeen Relationship “The 1967. Morris. Silver, European University. Discourse”. In: Jewish Studies at the Central EuropeanPolitical and University. Motivations Europe: No. Central East 3, 2002-2003, Post-Communist in Antisemitism of pp. 175-210.“Varieties 2003. Budapest:------Central http://www.rferl.org/reports/eepreport/archive2001.asp Politics’------2001e. “Radical Politics inhttp://www.rferl.org/reports/eepreport/archive2001.asp East Central EuropePolitics’ Part X: The Romanian ------Radical Return2001d. “Radical And(B)”. Politics ‘Mainstream in East Central Europe Part X: http://www.rferl.org/reports/eepreport/archive2001.aspThe Romanian Radical Return And ‘MainstreamEast European Perspectives, Vol. 3, No. 3(February) (available from: ------In 2001c. “Radical Politics in East(A)”. Central Europe Part IX: The Romanian Radical Returnhttp://www.rferl.org/reports/eepreport/archive2001.asp (C)”. In RFE/RL RFE/RLfrom: (available (January) No.2 3, Vol. Perspectives, European East ------2001b. “Radical Politics in East CentralIn Europe Part IX: The Romanian Radical Return (B)”. In RFE/RL RFE/RLEast EuropeanEast European Perspectives, Perspectives, Vol. Vol.3, No.3, No.7 (April) 6 (March) (available (available from: from: John A. Hall (ed.). United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press, pp. 191-218. Myths and Memories of the Nation. Nationalism and Modernism: a critical survey of recent theories of nations and nationalism Social History Hurst & Company, London, pp 36-59. The Sociology of Change. National identity . Cambridge, Mass. and London: MIT Press, pp. 61-96. The Balkans since The Balkans Fantasiessalvation: of democracy, nationalism, and mythinpost-communist Europe , Vol. 32 No. 1 February, pp. 2-26). , Vol. 81 No. 1 (February), pp. 155-157. . Penguin Books, London, Ch 1. p. 1-18, Ch. 4. p. 71-98. Politics, power, and the struggle for democracy in South-East Europe Oxford: Blackwell. 1453 Post-Communist Romania: Coming to Terms with Transition. with Terms to Coming Romania: Post-Communist Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press. John A.(ed.).UnitedKingdom: Hall Cambridge University Press, . London: C. Hurst & Co. Ltd. ). ). ). ). ). The State of the Nation: Ernest Gellner and the Theory of Theory and the ErnestGellner Nation: of the State The . London: Routledge. û escu Romania,” in Romania,”escu UK and New The State of the . New Jersey: . Cambridge 84 CEU eTD Collection No. 26 (Winter), pp. 191-229. of aDiscourse”. Economu Political Contemporality: and “Nationalism (1993-1194). Alok. Yadav, ( 2006. Online). (Transition TOL ------1996. and Los Angeles: University of California Press. http://www.undp.ro/ from: (available Romania” in Poverty in Romania: “UNDP [2001]. Program. Development Nations United (September), pp. 63-73. Verdery, Katherine. 1991. Tudor, Ioan. 1993. “Balkan Security Problems and Perspectives: A Romanian View”. What was Socialism, and What comes Next? ) National Ideology Under Socialism: Identityand Cultural Politics inCeausescu’s Romania http://www.tol.cz ) New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Balkan Forum Cultural Critique , Vol. 1 No. 4 . Berkeley 85 ,